............. ~.... R ~.......a... Z fit: :_..„___ • 'OM - ',....,•_. ... _ - ..--Almorgr 'NI lit-- - -,- -, - - - - - - --=_- -- ; — .: -- = 7 ="--=---=.-- - -----,---=-- - =-= -z__-- - 1 M 0 R i k BY GEORGE BERGNER. PRESIDENT'S MESSAGUI. tionaud for Four Hundred Thousand Men nod Four Hundred Millions of Dollars. litleiv-Cilizene of the Senate And of the Souse of Eepresentatives. Having been convened on an extraordinary occasion, authorized by the constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject a legislation. At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four mouths ago, the functions of the federal government were found to be generally suspended within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louis haw., and Florida, excepting those only of the Postuffice Department. Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dock yards, custom houses, and the like, inelud mg the moveable and stationary property in and about them, had been seized and held in open hostility to this government; excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor and Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumpter, Charleston harbor, South Carolina. The forts thus seized had been put in ha proved condition, new ones had been built, and armed forces had been organized, and were organizing, all avowedly with the same hostile purpose. The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal government in and near these States were either besieged or men aced by warlike preparations ; and especially ['art Sumter was nearly surrounded by well protected hostile batteries, wily guns equal in qu .lily to the best of its own, and outnumber lag the latter, perhaps two to one. A disproportionate share of the Federal mus kets and rides had somehow found their way into these States, and had been seized to be used against the government. Accumulations of the public revenue lying within them had been seized fur the same object. The navy was s.attereil in distant seas, leaving but a small portion of it within the reach of the govern ment. Officers of the Federal army and navy ILA resigned in great numbers, and of those icsiguing a large proportion had taken up arms against the government. simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance with this purpose an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, declaring these States respec tively to be separated from the National Union. A formula fur instituting a combined govern ment of these States had been promulgated, ~ad their illegal organization in the character o t Confederate States was already invoking re eoguition; aid and intervention from foreign powers. Finding this condition of things, and believ ing it to be the imperative duty upon the in towing Executive to prevent, if possible, the consummation of such an attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of means to that end became indispensably. This choice was made and declared in the Inaugural address. The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all peaceable measures be fore a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only to hold the pulls planes and property not already arrested from the government, and to collect the revenues, relying on the rest for lime, discussion and the ballot-box. it promised at 'continuance of the mails at government expense to the very people who were resisting the government, and it gave re peated pledges against any disturbance to any the people or any of their rights—of all that a President might constitutionally and justifia bly do in such a case. Everything was for la o ne without which it was deemed possible to Let p the government on foot. oil the nth of March, the present incumbent's let full day in office, a letter from Major An z son, commanding at Fort Sumter, written 011 the 2Stli of February, and received at the Bepartment on the 4th of Match, was by •,,11 Department placed in his hands. This '..:ter proffered the professional opinion of the I.ter that reinforcements could not be thrown t,, that fort within the time for his release la lered necessary by the limited supply of I •visions, and with a view of holding s . .L.ai of the same with a force of less than 20,-1 la goo d and well-disciplined men. This' oimion was concurred in by all the officers of command, and their memorandums on the set were made enclosures of Major Ander c,,li 3 letter. Tile whole was immediately laid before Lieut. Scutt, who at once concurred with Gen. Ai.lerson in opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time, consulting with officers both of the army and navy, and at the end of four days c ane reluctantly but decidedly to the sane opinion as before. He also stated at the some time that no such sufficient force was then at the control of the government, or could be raised and brought to the ground within the tint° in which the provisions in the fort would lie exhausted. In a purely military point of view this redu the duty of the administration in the case t lie mere matter of getting the garrison safe 1, out of the fort. It was believed, however, kat to so abandon that position under the ch.. m..-tAnces would be utterly ruinous; that the ~,ssity under which It was done could not luny understood ; that by many it would be ..n,alered as a part of a voluntary policy ; that at none it would disorganize the friends of the I Mon, embolden its adversaries, and go far to I,,ure to the latter a recognition abroad. That iu tact it would be our national destruction con- wauiloated. This could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon thegarrison, and ere it would be reached Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last would be a clear indication of poli cy, and would better enable the country to ac- I pt the evacuation of Fort Sumter as a mill tat y necessity. An order was at once directed to be sent for the landing of the troops from tile Brooklyn Into Fort Pickens. Tkis order vould not go by land, but must take the longer told slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was re , eked just ono week before the fall of Fort 'flouter. The news itself was that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been transferred from the Brooklyn, iteting upon some quasi -armistice of the late ad ministration, and of the existence of which the pre,ent administration, up to the time at which the order was dispatched, had only too vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention, had re tu:ed to land the troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis could be reached at Fort bunter waa impossible, rendered so by the near exhaustion of provisions In the latter nam ed fort. In precaution against such a conjunctures the government had a few days before com menced preparing an expedition as' well adopt ede as mig,ht be to relieve Fort Sumpter, which pd wa intended to be ultimately use d or not, according to circumstances. The strong est anticipated case for using it was now pre sented, and it was resolved to send it forward. As had been intended in this contingency, it wr- ,faS also resolved to inform the Governor of South Carolina that he might expect an at tempt would be made to provision the fort, and that if the attempt should not be resisted, there would be no effort. to throw in men, arms or ammunition without further notice, or in case, of an attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given, whereupon the fort was at tacked and bombarded to its fall, without even awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expe dition. It is thus seen that the assault-and reduction of Fort Sumpter was in no sense a matter of self defense on the part of the assailants.— They weirkne ,Ifißtedergentli Aho fort, could by no thin litWM . % =don upon them, They „knew they were expressly notified that the givinof bread to the few brave and hungry men of the garrison was all that would on that ocesekena he attempted, unless them selves by resisting so much should provoke more. They new that.-this government desired to keep the garrison in the fort, pot to assail them, but merely to maintain visible,posseasion ' and thus to preserve the Union from actual and immediate dissolution, trusting, as heretofore stated, to time, discuseson and the ballot-box for final adjustment ; and they assailed and re duced the fort for precisely the reverse object —to drive out the visible authority of the Fed eral Union, and_thus force, it to immediate dis solution. That this: was :their object the , Mx ecutive well understood:, - And having said tletnlio an ~lasmg.44„ dress "you canluive,ne ainfliat withoutAteing yourselves the aggressor,'! he t,oek isms tnot only to keep their fleclarsti. bpi I to keep the case ito'free frdra thefovrer of Vii- ginians sophristy, as thatthe warld shoaid not be able to undeistandit. • .:J33:: theaffairtit 'Fort Sumter, with the suttdtmditig • eircitinstsh* that point was reachna, ; Then and theiehitha netadlants oft gov ernment began the ainflict:of 'arms, without a gun in sight or in jexpeetancir,,t2.,',teturn, ;their, fire, save only thelw eln.:the fort; sent to, that harbor years before for their-oern proteotibii,, and still ready to give that protectfods rn Wh ever was lawful. ,ln „ this act, demandinglse, they have forced upon the country the , distract , leSaf,—, immediete dissobition oi:blodd. *1 Ails issue embraces more' than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a constitutional republic ot.detnocraey;-. a, government 'of the people by the same penile can or cannot main tain its terittorial integrity against their own domestic foes. It presents the 'question whether discontented individuals, too few in numbers to control the administration according to, orga- nic law in any case, can alwayit - uppn the pre tences nine in its cage, gr on other pretences, or arbitmily without any pretence, break up their government , and thus practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It forcei Us to ask : Is there in all republics this inherent and fatal weakness ? Must a gov ernment of mxtessity be too strong for the li berties of its own pecfge, or too weak to:main tain its own sads4psnee ?So viersing issue no cboice i w ti Var call ,thy' , empUse • -••••L orce loyed for its destiuction by force for its preservation. This call was made, and the response of the country was most gratifying, surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expec tations. Yet none of the States commonly called slave States, except Delaware, gave a regiment through regular State organization. A few regiments have been organized within some others of these States by individual enter prise and received into the government ser vice. Of course the seceded blates, so called, and to which Texas had been Joined about the time of the inauguratienome no troops to the cause of the Union. The Border States, so called, were not nni• form in their action—some of them being al ' most for the Union, while in others, as Vir ginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkan sas. the Union sentiment was very nearly re pressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most remarkable, perhaps the most important. A convention elected by the people of that State to consider this very question of disrupting the Federal Union, was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell To this body the people had chosen a large majority of profeatOil Union men, and almost immediately after the .'fall of Fort Sumter, many members of that majority went over to the original minority, and with them adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Union. Whether this change was wrought by their great approval of the assault on Fort Sumter, or their great resentment at the government's resistance to that assault, is not definitely known. Although they submitted the ordinance for ratification to a vote of the people to be taken on a day then somewhat more than a month distant, the convention and the Legislature which was also in session at the same time and place, with leading men of the State not mem bers of either, immediately commenced acting as if the State were already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations vigorous ly forward all over the State ; they seised the United States armory at Harper's Ferry and the navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk ; they re ceived, perhaps invited into their State, large bodies of troops, with their malice appoint ments, from the so-called seceded States. They formally entered into a treaty of tem porary alliance and co-operation with the so called Confederate States, and sent members to their Congress at Monegomery ; 'and finally they permitted the insurrectionary government to be transferred to their capitol at Richmond. The people of Virginia have thus allowed this great insurrection to make its nest within her borders, and this government has no choice but to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret, as the loyal citi zens have, in due form claimed its protection. These loyal citizens th is government is bound to recognize and protect as being Virginia. In the Border States, so called—in fact, the Middle States—there are those who favor a policy which they call armed neutrality, that is, the arming of those States to prevent the Union forces Feeling one way, or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion completed. Figu ratively speaking, it would be the building of an impassable wall along the line of separation; snd yet not q u ite an imputable one, for wider the guise of neutrality, it would tie the hands of the Won men and freely pass supplies from among them to the insurrectionists which,l-11 could not do as an open enemy. At a &Sig it* would Ulm ell the trouble oX the lauds of err HARRISBURG, PA., SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 6, 1861. cession except only what proceeds from the ex ternal blockade. It would do for the dbuinionists that which of all things they moat desire—feed them well and give them disunion without a AMMO) of their own. It recognizes no fidelity to the con stitution—no obligation to maintain the "Orden, and while Very many who have favored it are doubtless loyal citizens, it is neverthelese very injurious in effect. Recurring to the action of the goilenurient, it May be stated that at first a call was made for 76,000 militia, arid rapidly following , this a proclanittien was issued for closing the ports of the insarectionary digtriota by proceedings in the nature of a blockade. 8o far all was be- IleVed to beetrAidtly legal. At this poinimilie insurrectionists their 12 enter upon. the : of pri- O ata" Th lier calla were made for volunteers toliterve years,thiveunless swig 4lischamed,and AsoTM' ` large . TM' Urge ulditton to the milder arOX64sild These measures, Whether strictly legator ,not, were"ventured upon under what appeared to be a popular demand and a public nacessitYi trusting, as now, that •Congress would readily ratify them. It is iAtty_ed that, nothing •has been done beyond t i e cortitituttwid competency of Mingles": . • :„ 86On after . t.**firlit call for, militia, .it. was considered a duty, fo authorise the , commanding generia,, in proper =eases, according•tii his :dbl tietfon;lo sonierikthe t privilege of the writ of bibeiliircor Eli; or, tnotherworl3, tAarrestand tit i, e"" ut rPs o Lrt td.•thP ordinal 7 moles forms of law, ,suchindividuals as he might deem dangerous to the public safety. This au ihOritk.has PurP o 49lY.•hiten. sPgsiPecthut J "Nevertheless, thetlegaltt and pw *tat Ins `teen done. under it,aro Augstiamd, and the attention nithe count , has heerkcalic4 to the Preposition that one who. IS li'Mtit.9444o care that the laws be *ideally Awaited; should not 'lima - elf violate thlg, ` :Of course some consideratio n wasg Lyen to the question of power ,and prqpiclets. ,before this nutter t was acted Upon. Sho t _Vaolnof i thalaws Which were required to- be,faittifully_esmated; Wefe':Ml* resisted, onil.4illjng of execution In nearly one-third of thO pitatea r must they boa, kiWed to finally fail qtexecution, even, had it 'been perfectly clear that by the .of the mesas tiee43!lag, to their execution , SOinegiiiNae 1114; nude in such (Came, ,tpdarnete ot the trasen's liberty that. praetj*.y.. it , relieves more iirthe guilty than ofthe gmocvit, should to a very limited ez-: * . No state theqUielion more dirpoty are all the laws;butg One to go„unexecute cit e the government h olt& to . Please lest te be violated ? Even in such a casp, it:not - the official oilith be broken if thqtint should .be overtinown, when it wait . ?'-% pet P le d ltki; the, single law ;void tend to j ialquirv. itT 'Butit'was not belinad i that this question . q• _ .uspension or tut ‘,....., ..—__ thorized to be made. Now it is insisted that Congress and not the Execirtive is vested with the power. But the constitution itself is antra as to which or who is to exercise the power, and as the provision was plainly made for a danger ous emergency, it cannot be believed , the fra mers of the instrument intended that in every case the danger should run its course until Congress could be called together, the very as sembling of which might be prevented, - as wail intended in this case by the rebellion. No. more extended argument is now offered as an • opin ion of some length will probably be presented by the Attorney-General. Whether therishall be any legislation upon the subject, and if any, i what, s submitted entirely to the better judg ment of Congress. The forbearance of this government, had been so extraordinary and so long continued as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as if they sUpposed the early destruction of our national Union was probable. While this one discovery gave the Executive some concern, he is now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United Stated are now every where practically respected by for eign pcffein, and a general sympathy,with the country is matifeitted throughout the world. The reports of the Secretaries of the,Treasu ry, War and Navy, will give the ixtformation i hi detail dreamed necessary and•convenient for your' deliberation and action ; while the Execu tive and all the departments will stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate new facts considered importeait for trou to know. • - It is now recommended that you give.-the lellalneens for making, hii contest a short and a decisive one; that you place at the control of goverhmerit for the,work, at least 400,000 men and $400,000,000. That number of men is one-tenth of those of proper ages within the regions where, apparently, all .are willing to engage ; and the gum is , less than the twenty third part of the money value owned. by the men who seem ready to devote_the whole. A debt of six hundred milliOns of dollars now is a less sum per head : than was the debt of our revolution when we came -out of that struggle ' and the money value in the country now _beans even, a greater proportion to what it was then than does the popelation. Surely each man has as strong a motive now to pre serve our liberties - as each had then to establish them: ' . .. , A right result at, this..time will be worth more;to'the,world_than ten times the, men an ten times the . The evidence money ' - . that us from the country : leaves no doubt; the material for the workis abundant, and that it needs only the hand . of legbdation. to give it legal sanction, and the hand of the Executive to give it practical shave and efficiency.. -:One of the greatest perplexttles of the government' is to avoid receiving troops faster thin it can provide for them. In a word, the people will serve their government, if the, government it- i self will do its part only indifferently well.. 1 It might seem at first thought to be of little difference, whether the preeent movement at the South be called secestdonor rebellion. The movers, hOwever, well understand the differ, once. At the beginning. they knew they could never raise their tams= to any respectable magnitude by the name vilkichireplied violation of law. Th.f1.1.-64ertti* Pimple powas much m. sense, NO, ee tau* ef 41evotioni to law andV". - 44-I. l s lAilehillgitinol (12, erm°,...S6 "' ' '4. ,agt t 11-pumiuon .. witty, as any o er ca.rer... - e no biotic people. They knew they could nisk adyanconent directly in the teeth cif no and noble sentiment, accordingly they com menced by an insidious debauching of the pub lic mind. They invented an injurious sophism, which, if conceded, was followed by perfectly logical steps through all the incidents to the complete destruction of the Union. The soph ism itself is that any State of the Union may consistently with the national Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peacefully Withdraw from the Union without the consent of the Union or of any other, State.. . - Thelittle disguise that the supposed right is to be exercised only for -just cause, themselves to be the sole judge,of its justice, is too - thin to merit any notice with rebellion. Thus sugar coated; they have been dragging the public mind of their sectirat for more than thhly years, and until at length they have brought many good .mein to a willingness to take up arms _against the government the day after some assembly of. men have enacted the farci cal pretence of taking their State out of the Union, Who could „ have been brought to no such thing the day before. • The sophism derives 'Much, perhapsthe whole of its , currency, from the assumption that there is some Omnipotent and Sacred.Supremacrper-' tabling to a State, to each State of our Federal Union. Our States 'Ave, neither more nor less poWer than that reserved to them in the Union ,by the Constitution, no one of.them ever having been a, State out of. the Union. The original on _passed into the Union even before they cast Off thew British. Colonial dependence; and the new ones each came into the Union directly from &condition of dependence excepting Texas, and even Texas in its temporary independence was never designated a State. The new ones only took the designation of States on coming *ito the Union, while that name was first adopted for_the old ones in and by the declare trot/ of , independence. ` Therein the limited United Colonies were de *ad to be free and independent States, but age* then, the. object plainly was not to declare [Viehrinitepridence of one another, or of the Union, ittuldrectly the contrary, as their mutual edger and theivmutual action, before, at the ' eluld•aillarrVards, .abundantly show. The ress.plighting of faith by each and all of 1 . raid tbitteenfill the articles of confed -1:ero, otwo,galirs later, that the Union shall 'la . ~.- . is-sonat conausive.. • :.: . .:ergrtitheen States either in substance or: • i i . - : laide of the Union, whence this magical oranipoteuce of. State rights, asserting aaialga..of power to lawfully destroy the Union ).491f4...fiburli is said about the sovereignty of States, but the word, even, is not in the nldO constitutior4 mar; as believed, in any 40 , e•Eitate :constitutions. ' What is a sover the political , sense of the term would it be fiormig, to define it a political community without apolitical superior, tested by this, no carol our suites except Texas ever was a soy atit; and. Texas gave up the character on eonsinifnto the Union, by which act she ac -I=--- the ramaktution of the United • laws mai-treaties of the United pursuance to the constitution, ,ne supreme law of the land. have their stars; in the Union, 110 other legislature. If they " they.pm,anly do so against ignoVmagrihrk-Ilnioa..ancLa g prcicurentifeir leperi 3irlibertry ; by conquest* or mfr." don gave each of them whatever .. and liberty it had. The:Union is older than ;any of the States, id in fact it created them as States. Origin ly some dependent Colonies made the Union, id in turn the Union threw off their old . de indence for them and made them States, such ; they, are. Not one of them ever had a State institution independent of the Union. Of course, it is not forgotten that all the new ;ates framed ;their, constitutions before they Ltered > the Union, nevertheless dependent on,, and .preparatory to, coming into the nion. Unquestionably the States have the powers d rights reserved to them in and by the Na onal Constitution ;- but among these surely e not included.all • conceivable powers, how- . ver mischievous or destructive. But at most, such only as were known in the orld at the time as governmental pomp, and : • . y a power to destroy the• government i, • elf ) had never been known as a governmental r a merely. administrative power. This rola ! ve mattetnational power and State rights] as Principler,.is no. other than the principle of 'merality and locality, . . .• .. Whatexer concern& the whole should be CCM ded to the _whole .the general government ; bile whatever oonmms'only the :ti tale should : left .exclusivgay to.the State, • trhii is all . ere is of original principal abontit. Wheth ,..1,.., • - , i. "Hi 1 't;s , IT I . pp zd l i entgg gc ti ti rinciple withexact accuracy r is not to be quee ned. We are all boUnd by that tdefinitely,- 1 thorit question. What is now combatted is - positiowthat seoession, is consistent--with constitution is lawful and peaoeful. t is not that there is any express ,„ for it, and-nothing should ever be implied Y 1 aw which leads.to unjust or absurd come: , .e . nationpurchased with" moneythe conn- L - • out of which several ofthese States were 7 ,' ',. ed. Is it jest that they shall go off with : leave and without refunding I The nation a very laagesmns, in the aggregate, I be ll , e, nearly, one handred millions, to relieve Flo /" of theaboriginal tribes. ' 1 : it just that she shall now be off without 6 . -. t, or 'without •making any Tatum? The PI ~ on is now , in-debt for money: applied to - the 4, efit of these.: so-called seceding States, in .. on with the rest. Is it just that creditors ~,T go unpaid, or • the remaining States pay T whole? .11.-part of the present national lt, was contracted. to pay the old debts of .4 l, it, just that she shall leave and pay' past of this herself ? " - ' .: • . , if one State may secede, so may thee.., and when ill shall have seceded none left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to !1 1 . 1 . tors ? Did we notify them of this sage 1 of ours when we- borrowed their money ? we now recognize this doctrine .by allowing Zeaxlers to go in peace, it is difficult to see • twe can. do if others choose to go, or to , .4 terms upon will& they will promise to seesders'insist that. our Constitution ad- of Secession ; • others have assumed to e a national Constitution of their own, in hich necessity they' have either= diniarded or :tallied the, ight of secession, as they insist it : (sin oura., If -they have diseased it, they ereby admit that on principle it ought not to If tberhare betelnbeldt by -theftt"Tevn — i "con . a s have ,:theyLnhow - dint tobeoctelsbito; t s , ; they must secede from one OtbBk-wbeie , iifweef i 101 71 r debte, or effecting any other selfish or tiilcus• ;mew: The principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no government can possibly endure. If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out of the Union, it is preiumed the whole class of seceded politicians would at once deny the power and denounce the act, as the greatest outrage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being called driving the one out, should be called the seceding. of the others from that, one, it would be -exactly what the seceders, claim to do, unless indeed they make .thepoint that the one, because-it is isminority,- may rightfully do what the others, because they area majority, may not rightfully do. These politicians are settled and profound on the rights of minorities. They are not partial to that power which made the constitution, and speaks from the preamble, calling itself "We, the people." It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the legally qualified voters of any State, except perhaps South Carolina, in favor of disunion. There is much reason to be- Bove that the Union men are the majority in Many, if notin everyother one of thesocalled se ceded States. The contrary has not been demon strated in any one of them. It is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and• Tennessee, for the result of an election held in military camps, where the bayonets are all on one side of the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demonstrating popular sentiments at such an election ; all that large class who are at once for the Union and against coercion would be coerced to vote against the Union. It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free in stitutions we enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our whole peo ple beyond any example in the world, having a striking and impressive illustration. So large an army as the government has now on foot was never before known without a sol dier in it but who had taken hi s place there of his own free choice. But more than this, there are many single regiments, whose members posseis full practical knowledge. of all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, wheth er useful or elegant, is known in the world. And there is scarcely one from which could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps a Court, abundantly competent to administer e government itself. Nor do I say this is not true of the army of our late friends, now adversaries, in this con test. But if it is, so much better the reason why the government which has conferred such benefits on both them and us, should not be broken up. Whoever, in any section, proposes to abandon such a • government, would do well to consider in deference to what principle it is that he does it; what better he is likely to get in its stead. Whether the substitute will give, or be in tended to give, somuch of good to the people. There are some forshadowings on this subject. Our adversaries have adopted some declara tions of Independence in which, unlike the good old one penned by Jefferson, they omit the words, "All men are created equal." Why ? They have adopted a temporary National Con stitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one signed lly Washington, they omit "We the people, " and substitute, "We the ,NEWlAL_ALti...qoassAyim-aad..--ipi• • • o States." Why ? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of men and the autlori ty of the people. This is essentially a people's contest. On,the side of the Union it is a struggle for maintining in the world that form and sub stance of government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men, to lift artifi cial weights from all shoulders, to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all. To afford all an unfettered start and a fair chance in the race of *life. Yielding to partial and temporary de partures, from necessity, that is the leading ob ject of the government for whose existence we contend. lam most happy to believe that the plain people understand and appreciate this. It is worthy of note that, while in this, the govern ment's hour of trial, large numbers of those in the army and navy who have been favored with the offices have resigned and proved false to the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier or common sailor is nown to have deserted his flag. Great honor is due to those officers who re mained true despite the example of their trai torous associatiates. But the greatest honor and the most important fact of all lathe nasal minis firmness of the common soldiers and com mon sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they have successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose commandi but an hour before they obeyed as absolute law. 'This is the patxietic instinct of plain people. They under stand, without an argument, that destroying the government which was made by Washing ton means no good to them. Our popular government has often been call ed an experiment. Two points"in it our people have settled. The successful establishing and the successful administering of it. One still remains`: its successful maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it, It is now for them to demonstrate to the world that these who can fairly carry an election can also suppress a rebellion. The ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of bullets, and that when ballots are fairly and constitutional ly decided; there can be no successful appeal back to ballots: That there can be no success ful appeal, except to ballots themselves at sue -coedits elections. Such will be a great lessen of peace, teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can they take it by war ; towthing all the folly of being the . *sla ttern of the war. • Lest -there be some uneasiness on the minds of candid men as to what is to be the course of the govemmsnt toward the Southern States after the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the Executive deems it proper to say, it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Ceuta tution and the laws; and that he probably dell have 'no different understanding of the powers and duties of the Federal government relative-, ly to the rights of the States and the peope under the Constitution, than that expressed in the inaugural address. He desires to preserve the government that it may be administeied for all as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens everywhere have the right to claim this of their government, and the govern ment has no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived that in giving it 'there is any coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation, in any just sense of those terms. 'Ate constitution provides, that all the States have accepted 'the provision, that the United . States shall guarantee to every State in this -13,M0n "a republican for of government." . - Itutitti, State in this Union rua l lawfklygi 'out of e~nion, 4,oife .4 iva dimwit Ilk Zi•ablican' forin'Of 'government, so that to prevent its going out is an indispensa ble means to the end of maintaining the gags PRICE ONE .CENT antee mentioned ; and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the indispensable means to it are also lawful and obligatory, . It was with the deepest regret *that - the Ex ecutive found the duty of employing - the ' War power in defence of the goventmebb:gblied upon him. He could but perform this 414, or surrender the existence of the government": No compromise by public sentiment cot 3 in this case be a cause. Not that oomprortlises are not often proper, but that no popular Aspy =merit cpn long survive a marked precedent that those who carry an election can only save the government from immediate destruction by giving up.the main point upon which the peo ple gave the election. The people themselves, and not their stir mints, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. As a private citizen, the Executive could not have consented that these institutions shall perish. Much less could he, in betrayal,. of So vast and so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own life in what - might follow. In full view of his great responkibility - hblini so far done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to your own judgment, per form yours. 'He sincerely . hopes that your views and your action may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citizens who have been disturbed in their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to them under the .cc•nstitutiesx.asid the lams And having thus chosen our course without guile and with pure rurpose, let us renevrOur trust in God, and go forward without fear anti with manly hearts. - a July 4, 1861 lIIVIIth Congress—lxtra Session. SENATE.-Mr. HALE (N. H.) called up his res olution offered yesterday to proceed to tha elec tion of Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate. On the first ballot 41 votes were cast, as fol= lows: George F. Brown D. R. McNeir... George Brown .. R. Beale • Mr. George F. Brown was declared elected.- He appeared and took the usual oath.. Mr. Mr. HALE offered a resolution that the sabuy of Mr. McNeir be paid till December. Lad over. Mr. SAULSBURY (Del.) asked the Senator from-- New Hampshire if Mr. McNair was a worthy officer why he had been removed at all, . Mr. Hats said if the Senator world tell him why the State of Delaware removed Mr.'Come ld answer. ) sent him (Saulsb ury) here, aps perhaps he Mr. CHANDLER., (Michigan) gave notice that he should, to-morrow, introduce a bill . to con fiscate the property of all the Governors of the' States, the members of the.Legislaturesjudow of the Courts, and all the military officeraliboy., the rank of lieutenant, who shall take up asras against the Government of the United Mutest or aid or abet. treason: against thefilca= t all pooh persona betrays's. from holding any office of lioner...esnolumenCy or trust in the Government ; suchprolierty .to be applied to restore to the Union men in .the , : States, any losses they may have sneered: - A message was received from the. Home thiP that body had appointed a Committee to *IAN upon the President and inform him that, tins, House was ready to receive any Onninunication, from him, and Messm. Hale (N. H.) and Browning (111.) were appointed a similar Committee, on the part of the Senate. The Senate then took a recess till half-past one o'clock. After the reading of the message, it was or dered' to be printed with the accompanying documents. Mr. Hale, (N. H.) gave notice that he should introduce a bill for the temporary increase'ot. the Navy and the Senate then adjourned. ,- Num.—The resignation intim Serlate, pester- ; day, was that of the clerk, Mr. 'Minh Nichol:: son, instead of the Secretary, Mr:Diciferili: •- • nousa OP RIMISENTAITVES. The House met at noon, and on . rnotiallor___ Mr. Lovejoy, (Ill.,) proceeded to the eleetaciiilbfug Sergeant-at-Arms. - bsf. Wm; Mears. Mudgett, Edward, Ball, (Ohio) Gloss brenner, Seabrook and Flood, vigrnamfidsteir for Sergeant-at-Arms. Ex-Congseisam i o4ll, 4o i was elected. Mr. Carrnamzsb, (Ky.) appearid'aitdital iho"' 1; usual oath to support • the Oonstitutim.4l/410,- - United v States ' , • : • J.:Att....0 aafi; aux. onssos, Ara.) presente d, from Mr . Kline, Contesting thq slat of Mr. Vern ree, of Pennsylvania.. ReferfeattoilieNniio tee on. Elections. . Mr. Elows.lins (N. H.) offered st.resolutie,n postpone the election of doorkeeper till the first of the regular session of Congress. Ifti that Mr. Marston had sustained a wilvere'affiklwat tiOn in the death of his wife. In conseqntuien 1.41 of this he had only arrived here last night, and therefore had had no opportunity to cosol - his friends. Resolution tabled:- The Nebraska election case was diseissedVc4 and an ineffectual effort made to takbetllotgair t -, '- Morton for Mr. Daley. Finally the latter wsje,„ sworn in. Mr. Sravass, (Pa.,)- gave notitecor airfare- - ' duction of a bill to repeal all.tifelasnl misting ports of entry in the rebellious 'States i• Also,* bill to provide for holding'a Vilited States , Court in Wheeling. • • * • Csiessu,, (Pa.,) presented a resolution, which was adopt's', allowing members the amount heretofore pad for Sta tioner y and nerfots-:-4 papers. • 4 Mr. VA'a: Wvoir-asked leave to introduce' a 4.4 bill providlng for the transmission of the letterer of officers and soldiers free of postage. ; , -_-gig Mr. BURNETT, (Ky. 7) beipg opposed, 19 the franking privilege. Objected: Adjonr r' 'l° FROM HAGERSTO-ntatt UNFOUNDED RUMoliiitittie: _--•~--- .. ILL opiarowa, l 4:slT- , bfbiab A number of unfounded rumors have been Jaw in circulation here during the.-we..twenty-fonr hours, and last night a, guard. as egg logn m of the apprehension that an aitesaf4.t„,walittur made to blow up the town. o,liPt: .'vtivitilo took precantionary-measure*. and'alr during the.ht, though enforced. • • private Benrf tY of 'Of • - osw rising seditious language, and ••••••-- speciful to the ladies, by saying that they were I pressed into the hospital service. He was se,. verely reprimanded by Capt. Eddy. ABRAHAM Luaus WASIIINOTON, July 5 . 29 MEI P4l mmulecia
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