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M 0 R
i k
BY GEORGE BERGNER.
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGUI.
tionaud for Four Hundred Thousand Men
nod Four Hundred Millions of Dollars.
litleiv-Cilizene of the Senate
And of the Souse of Eepresentatives.
Having been convened on an extraordinary
occasion, authorized by the constitution, your
attention is not called to any ordinary subject
a legislation.
At the beginning of the present Presidential
term, four mouths ago, the functions of the
federal government were found to be generally
suspended within the several States of South
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louis
haw., and Florida, excepting those only of the
Postuffice Department.
Within these States all the forts, arsenals,
dock yards, custom houses, and the like, inelud
mg the moveable and stationary property in
and about them, had been seized and held in
open hostility to this government; excepting
only Forts Pickens, Taylor and Jefferson, on
and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumpter,
Charleston harbor, South Carolina.
The forts thus seized had been put in ha
proved condition, new ones had been built,
and armed forces had been organized, and
were organizing, all avowedly with the same
hostile purpose. The forts remaining in the
possession of the Federal government in and
near these States were either besieged or men
aced by warlike preparations ; and especially
['art Sumter was nearly surrounded by well
protected hostile batteries, wily guns equal in
qu .lily to the best of its own, and outnumber
lag the latter, perhaps two to one.
A disproportionate share of the Federal mus
kets and rides had somehow found their way
into these States, and had been seized to be
used against the government. Accumulations
of the public revenue lying within them had
been seized fur the same object. The navy was
s.attereil in distant seas, leaving but a small
portion of it within the reach of the govern
ment. Officers of the Federal army and navy
ILA resigned in great numbers, and of those
icsiguing a large proportion had taken up arms
against the government.
simultaneously, and in connection with all
this, the purpose to sever the Federal Union
was openly avowed. In accordance with this
purpose an ordinance had been adopted in each
of these States, declaring these States respec
tively to be separated from the National Union.
A formula fur instituting a combined govern
ment of these States had been promulgated,
~ad their illegal organization in the character
o t Confederate States was already invoking re
eoguition; aid and intervention from foreign
powers.
Finding this condition of things, and believ
ing it to be the imperative duty upon the in
towing Executive to prevent, if possible, the
consummation of such an attempt to destroy
the Federal Union, a choice of means to that
end became indispensably.
This choice was made and declared in the
Inaugural address. The policy chosen looked
to the exhaustion of all peaceable measures be
fore a resort to any stronger ones. It sought
only to hold the pulls planes and property not
already arrested from the government, and to
collect the revenues, relying on the rest for
lime, discussion and the ballot-box.
it promised at 'continuance of the mails at
government expense to the very people who
were resisting the government, and it gave re
peated pledges against any disturbance to any
the people or any of their rights—of all that
a President might constitutionally and justifia
bly do in such a case. Everything was for
la o ne without which it was deemed possible to
Let p the government on foot.
oil the nth of March, the present incumbent's
let full day in office, a letter from Major An
z son, commanding at Fort Sumter, written
011 the 2Stli of February, and received at the
Bepartment on the 4th of Match, was by
•,,11 Department placed in his hands. This
'..:ter proffered the professional opinion of the
I.ter that reinforcements could not be thrown
t,, that fort within the time for his release
la lered necessary by the limited supply of
I •visions, and with a view of holding s .
.L.ai of the same with a force of less than 20,-1
la goo d and well-disciplined men. This'
oimion was concurred in by all the officers of
command, and their memorandums on the
set were made enclosures of Major Ander
c,,li 3 letter.
Tile whole was immediately laid before Lieut.
Scutt, who at once concurred with Gen.
Ai.lerson in opinion. On reflection, however,
he took full time, consulting with officers both
of the army and navy, and at the end of four
days c ane reluctantly but decidedly to the
sane opinion as before. He also stated at the
some time that no such sufficient force was then
at the control of the government, or could be
raised and brought to the ground within the
tint° in which the provisions in the fort would
lie exhausted.
In a purely military point of view this redu
the duty of the administration in the case
t lie mere matter of getting the garrison safe
1, out of the fort. It was believed, however,
kat to so abandon that position under the ch..
m..-tAnces would be utterly ruinous; that the
~,ssity under which It was done could not
luny understood ; that by many it would be
..n,alered as a part of a voluntary policy ; that
at none it would disorganize the friends of the
I Mon, embolden its adversaries, and go far to
I,,ure to the latter a recognition abroad. That
iu tact it would be our national destruction con-
wauiloated. This could not be allowed.
Starvation was not yet upon thegarrison, and
ere it would be reached Fort Pickens might be
reinforced.
This last would be a clear indication of poli
cy, and would better enable the country to ac-
I
pt the evacuation of Fort Sumter as a mill
tat y necessity. An order was at once directed
to be sent for the landing of the troops from
tile Brooklyn Into Fort Pickens. Tkis order
vould not go by land, but must take the longer
told slower route by sea.
The first return news from the order was re
, eked just ono week before the fall of Fort
'flouter. The news itself was that the officer
commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the
troops had been transferred from the Brooklyn,
iteting upon some quasi -armistice of the late ad
ministration, and of the existence of which the
pre,ent administration, up to the time at which
the order was dispatched, had only too vague
and uncertain rumors to fix attention, had re
tu:ed to land the troops. To now reinforce
Fort Pickens before a crisis could be reached at
Fort bunter waa impossible, rendered so by the
near exhaustion of provisions In the latter nam
ed fort.
In precaution against such a conjunctures
the government had a few days before com
menced preparing an expedition as' well adopt
ede as mig,ht be to relieve Fort Sumpter, which
pd wa intended to be ultimately use d
or not, according to circumstances. The strong
est anticipated case for using it was now pre
sented, and it was resolved to send it forward.
As had been intended in this contingency, it
wr-
,faS also resolved to inform the Governor of
South Carolina that he might expect an at
tempt would be made to provision the fort, and
that if the attempt should not be resisted, there
would be no effort. to throw in men, arms or
ammunition without further notice, or in case,
of an attack upon the fort. This notice was
accordingly given, whereupon the fort was at
tacked and bombarded to its fall, without even
awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expe
dition.
It is thus seen that the assault-and reduction
of Fort Sumpter was in no sense a matter of
self defense on the part of the assailants.—
They weirkne ,Ifißtedergentli Aho fort,
could by no thin litWM . % =don upon
them, They „knew they were expressly notified
that the givinof bread to the few brave and
hungry men of the garrison was all that would
on that ocesekena he attempted, unless them
selves by resisting so much should provoke
more.
They new that.-this government desired to
keep the garrison in the fort, pot to assail them,
but merely to maintain visible,posseasion ' and
thus to preserve the Union from actual and
immediate dissolution, trusting, as heretofore
stated, to time, discuseson and the ballot-box
for final adjustment ; and they assailed and re
duced the fort for precisely the reverse object
—to drive out the visible authority of the Fed
eral Union, and_thus force, it to immediate dis
solution. That this: was :their object the , Mx
ecutive well understood:, -
And having said tletnlio an ~lasmg.44„
dress "you canluive,ne ainfliat withoutAteing
yourselves the aggressor,'! he t,oek isms tnot
only to keep their fleclarsti. bpi I to
keep the case ito'free frdra thefovrer of Vii-
ginians sophristy, as thatthe warld shoaid not
be able to undeistandit. •
.:J33:: theaffairtit 'Fort
Sumter, with the suttdtmditig • eircitinstsh*
that point was reachna, ;
Then and theiehitha netadlants oft gov
ernment began the ainflict:of 'arms, without a
gun in sight or in jexpeetancir,,t2.,',teturn, ;their,
fire, save only thelw
eln.:the fort; sent to, that
harbor years before for their-oern proteotibii,,
and still ready to give that protectfods rn Wh
ever was lawful. ,ln „
this act, demandinglse, they have
forced upon the country the , distract , leSaf,—,
immediete dissobition oi:blodd. *1 Ails
issue embraces more' than the fate of these
United States. It presents to the whole family
of man the question whether a constitutional
republic ot.detnocraey;-. a, government 'of the
people by the same penile can or cannot main
tain its terittorial integrity against their own
domestic foes. It presents the 'question whether
discontented individuals, too few in numbers to
control the administration according to, orga-
nic law in any case, can alwayit - uppn the pre
tences nine in its cage, gr on other pretences,
or arbitmily without any pretence, break up
their government , and thus practically put an
end to free government upon the earth.
It forcei Us to ask : Is there in all republics
this inherent and fatal weakness ? Must a gov
ernment of mxtessity be too strong for the li
berties of its own pecfge, or too weak to:main
tain its own sads4psnee ?So viersing issue
no cboice i w ti Var call ,thy' ,
empUse • -••••L orce
loyed for its destiuction by force for its
preservation.
This call was made, and the response of the
country was most gratifying, surpassing in
unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expec
tations. Yet none of the States commonly
called slave States, except Delaware, gave a
regiment through regular State organization.
A few regiments have been organized within
some others of these States by individual enter
prise and received into the government ser
vice. Of course the seceded blates, so called,
and to which Texas had been Joined about the
time of the inauguratienome no troops to the
cause of the Union.
The Border States, so called, were not nni•
form in their action—some of them being al
' most for the Union, while in others, as Vir
ginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkan
sas. the Union sentiment was very nearly re
pressed and silenced.
The course taken in Virginia was the most
remarkable, perhaps the most important. A
convention elected by the people of that State
to consider this very question of disrupting the
Federal Union, was in session at the capital of
Virginia when Fort Sumter fell
To this body the people had chosen a large
majority of profeatOil Union men, and almost
immediately after the .'fall of Fort Sumter,
many members of that majority went over to
the original minority, and with them adopted
an ordinance for withdrawing the State from
the Union.
Whether this change was wrought by their
great approval of the assault on Fort Sumter,
or their great resentment at the government's
resistance to that assault, is not definitely
known.
Although they submitted the ordinance for
ratification to a vote of the people to be taken
on a day then somewhat more than a month
distant, the convention and the Legislature
which was also in session at the same time and
place, with leading men of the State not mem
bers of either,
immediately commenced acting
as if the State were already out of the Union.
They pushed military preparations vigorous
ly forward all over the State ; they seised the
United States armory at Harper's Ferry and the
navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk ; they re
ceived, perhaps invited into their State, large
bodies of troops, with their malice appoint
ments, from the so-called seceded States.
They formally entered into a treaty of tem
porary alliance and co-operation with the so
called Confederate States, and sent members to
their Congress at Monegomery ; 'and finally
they permitted the insurrectionary government
to be transferred to their capitol at Richmond.
The people of Virginia have thus allowed
this great insurrection to make its nest within
her borders, and this government has no choice
but to deal with it where it finds it.
And it has the less regret, as the loyal citi
zens have, in due form claimed its protection.
These loyal citizens th is government is bound
to recognize and protect as being Virginia.
In the Border States, so called—in fact, the
Middle States—there are those who favor a
policy which they call armed neutrality, that
is, the arming of those States to prevent the
Union forces Feeling one way, or the disunion
the other, over their soil.
This would be disunion completed. Figu
ratively speaking, it would be the building of
an impassable wall along the line of separation;
snd yet not q u ite an imputable one, for wider
the guise of neutrality, it would tie the hands
of the Won men and freely pass supplies from
among them to the insurrectionists which,l-11
could not do as an open enemy. At a &Sig it*
would Ulm ell the trouble oX the lauds of err
HARRISBURG, PA., SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 6, 1861.
cession except only what proceeds from the ex
ternal blockade.
It would do for the dbuinionists that which
of all things they moat desire—feed them well
and give them disunion without a AMMO) of
their own. It recognizes no fidelity to the con
stitution—no obligation to maintain the "Orden,
and while Very many who have favored it are
doubtless loyal citizens, it is neverthelese very
injurious in effect.
Recurring to the action of the goilenurient, it
May be stated that at first a call was made for
76,000 militia, arid rapidly following , this a
proclanittien was issued for closing the ports of
the insarectionary digtriota by proceedings in
the nature of a blockade. 8o far all was be-
IleVed to beetrAidtly legal.
At this poinimilie insurrectionists
their 12 enter upon. the : of pri-
O
ata" Th lier calla were made for volunteers toliterve
years,thiveunless swig 4lischamed,and AsoTM' ` large .
TM' Urge ulditton to the milder arOX64sild
These measures, Whether strictly legator ,not,
were"ventured upon under what appeared to
be a popular demand and a public nacessitYi
trusting, as now, that •Congress would readily
ratify them. It is iAtty_ed that, nothing •has
been done beyond t i e cortitituttwid competency
of Mingles": . • :„
86On after . t.**firlit call for, militia, .it. was
considered a duty, fo authorise the , commanding
generia,, in proper =eases, according•tii his :dbl
tietfon;lo sonierikthe t privilege of the writ of
bibeiliircor Eli; or, tnotherworl3, tAarrestand
tit i, e"" ut rPs o Lrt td.•thP ordinal 7 moles
forms of law,
,suchindividuals as he might
deem dangerous to the public safety. This au
ihOritk.has PurP o 49lY.•hiten. sPgsiPecthut
J
"Nevertheless, thetlegaltt and pw
*tat Ins `teen done. under it,aro Augstiamd,
and the attention nithe count , has heerkcalic4
to the Preposition that one who. IS li'Mtit.9444o
care that the laws be *ideally Awaited; should
not 'lima - elf violate thlg,
` :Of course some consideratio n wasg Lyen to the
question of power ,and prqpiclets. ,before this
nutter t was acted Upon. Sho t _Vaolnof i thalaws
Which were required to- be,faittifully_esmated;
Wefe':Ml* resisted, onil.4illjng of execution In
nearly one-third of thO pitatea r must they boa,
kiWed to finally fail qtexecution, even, had it
'been perfectly clear that by the .of the
mesas tiee43!lag, to their execution , SOinegiiiNae
1114; nude in such (Came, ,tpdarnete ot the
trasen's liberty that. praetj*.y.. it , relieves
more iirthe guilty than ofthe gmocvit, should
to a very limited ez-: * . No state
theqUielion more dirpoty are all the laws;butg
One to go„unexecute cit e the government h
olt& to . Please lest te be violated ?
Even in such a casp, it:not - the official
oilith be broken if thqtint should .be
overtinown, when it wait . ?'-% pet
P le d ltki; the, single law ;void tend to j ialquirv.
itT 'Butit'was not belinad i that this question
.
q• _ .uspension or tut ‘,....., ..—__
thorized to be made. Now it is insisted that
Congress and not the Execirtive is vested with
the power.
But the constitution itself is antra as to
which or who is to exercise the power, and as
the provision was plainly made for a danger
ous emergency, it cannot be believed , the fra
mers of the instrument intended that in every
case the danger should run its course until
Congress could be called together, the very as
sembling of which might be prevented, - as wail
intended in this case by the rebellion. No. more
extended argument is now offered as an • opin
ion of some length will probably be presented
by the Attorney-General. Whether therishall
be any legislation upon the subject, and if any,
i
what, s submitted entirely to the better judg
ment of Congress.
The forbearance of this government, had been
so extraordinary and so long continued as to
lead some foreign nations to shape their action
as if they sUpposed the early destruction of our
national Union was probable.
While this one discovery gave the Executive
some concern, he is now happy to say that the
sovereignty and rights of the United Stated are
now every where practically respected by for
eign pcffein, and a general sympathy,with the
country is matifeitted throughout the world.
The reports of the Secretaries of the,Treasu
ry, War and Navy, will give the ixtformation i
hi detail dreamed necessary and•convenient for
your' deliberation and action ; while the Execu
tive and all the departments will stand ready to
supply omissions, or to communicate new facts
considered importeait for trou to know. • -
It is now recommended that you give.-the
lellalneens for making, hii contest a short and
a decisive one; that you place at the control of
goverhmerit for the,work, at least 400,000 men
and $400,000,000. That number of men is
one-tenth of those of proper ages within the
regions where, apparently, all .are willing to
engage ; and the gum is , less than the twenty
third part of the money value owned. by
the men who seem ready to devote_the whole.
A debt of six hundred milliOns of dollars
now is a less sum per head : than was the debt
of our revolution when we came -out of that
struggle ' and the money value in the country
now _beans even, a greater proportion to what it
was then than does the popelation. Surely
each man has as strong a motive now to pre
serve our liberties - as each had then to establish
them: ' . .. ,
A right result at, this..time will be worth
more;to'the,world_than ten times the, men an
ten times the . The evidence
money '
- . that
us from the country : leaves no doubt; the
material for the workis abundant, and that it
needs only the hand . of legbdation. to give it
legal sanction, and the hand of the Executive
to give it practical shave and efficiency.. -:One
of the greatest perplexttles of the government'
is to avoid receiving troops faster thin it can
provide for them. In a word, the people will
serve their government, if the, government it- i
self will do its part only indifferently well.. 1
It might seem at first thought to be of little
difference, whether the preeent movement at
the South be called secestdonor rebellion. The
movers, hOwever, well understand the differ,
once. At the beginning. they knew they could
never raise their tams= to any respectable
magnitude by the name vilkichireplied violation
of law. Th.f1.1.-64ertti* Pimple powas
much m. sense, NO, ee tau* ef 41evotioni to
law andV". - 44-I. l s lAilehillgitinol
(12,
erm°,...S6 "' ' '4. ,agt t
11-pumiuon .. witty, as any o er ca.rer... -
e no
biotic people. They knew they could nisk
adyanconent directly in the teeth cif no
and noble sentiment, accordingly they com
menced by an insidious debauching of the pub
lic mind. They invented an injurious sophism,
which, if conceded, was followed by perfectly
logical steps through all the incidents to the
complete destruction of the Union. The soph
ism itself is that any State of the Union may
consistently with the national Constitution, and
therefore lawfully and peacefully Withdraw from
the Union without the consent of the Union or
of any other, State.. . -
Thelittle disguise that the supposed right is
to be exercised only for -just cause, themselves
to be the sole judge,of its justice, is too - thin to
merit any notice with rebellion. Thus sugar
coated; they have been dragging the public
mind of their sectirat for more than thhly
years, and until at length they have brought
many good .mein to a willingness to take up
arms _against the government the day after
some assembly of. men have enacted the farci
cal pretence of taking their State out of the
Union, Who could „ have been brought to no
such thing the day before. •
The sophism derives 'Much, perhapsthe whole
of its , currency, from the assumption that there
is some Omnipotent and Sacred.Supremacrper-'
tabling to a State, to each State of our Federal
Union. Our States 'Ave, neither more nor less
poWer than that reserved to them in the Union
,by the Constitution, no one of.them ever having
been a, State out of. the Union. The original
on _passed into the Union even before they
cast Off thew British. Colonial dependence; and
the new ones each came into the Union directly
from &condition of dependence excepting Texas,
and even Texas in its temporary independence
was never designated a State. The new ones
only took the designation of States on coming
*ito the Union, while that name was first
adopted for_the old ones in and by the declare
trot/ of , independence.
` Therein the limited United Colonies were de
*ad to be free and independent States, but
age* then, the. object plainly was not to declare
[Viehrinitepridence of one another, or of the Union,
ittuldrectly the contrary, as their mutual
edger and theivmutual action, before, at the
' eluld•aillarrVards, .abundantly show. The
ress.plighting of faith by each and all of
1 . raid tbitteenfill the articles of confed
-1:ero, otwo,galirs later, that the Union shall
'la . ~.- . is-sonat conausive..
• :.: . .:ergrtitheen States either in substance
or: • i i . - : laide of the Union, whence this
magical oranipoteuce of. State rights, asserting
aaialga..of power to lawfully destroy the Union
).491f4...fiburli is said about the sovereignty of
States, but the word, even, is not in the
nldO
constitutior4 mar; as believed, in any
40 ,
e•Eitate :constitutions. ' What is a sover
the political , sense of the term would it be
fiormig, to define it a political community
without apolitical superior, tested by this, no
carol our suites except Texas ever was a soy
atit; and. Texas gave up the character on
eonsinifnto the Union, by which act she ac
-I=--- the ramaktution of the United
• laws mai-treaties of the United
pursuance to the constitution,
,ne supreme law of the land.
have their stars; in the Union,
110 other legislature. If they
" they.pm,anly do so against
ignoVmagrihrk-Ilnioa..ancLa
g prcicurentifeir leperi
3irlibertry ; by conquest* or mfr."
don gave each of them whatever
.. and liberty it had.
The:Union is older than ;any of the States,
id in fact it created them as States. Origin
ly some dependent Colonies made the Union,
id in turn the Union threw off their old . de
indence for them and made them States, such
; they, are. Not one of them ever had a State
institution independent of the Union.
Of course, it is not forgotten that all the new
;ates framed ;their, constitutions before they
Ltered > the Union, nevertheless dependent
on,, and .preparatory to, coming into the
nion.
Unquestionably the States have the powers
d rights reserved to them in and by the Na
onal Constitution ;- but among these surely
e not included.all • conceivable powers, how- .
ver mischievous or destructive.
But at most, such only as were known in the
orld at the time as governmental pomp, and
: • . y a power to destroy the• government
i, • elf ) had never been known as a governmental
r a merely. administrative power. This rola
! ve mattetnational power and State rights] as
Principler,.is no. other than the principle of
'merality and locality, . . .• ..
Whatexer concern& the whole should be CCM
ded to the _whole .the general government ;
bile whatever oonmms'only the :ti tale should
: left .exclusivgay to.the State, • trhii is all
. ere is of original principal abontit. Wheth
,..1,.., • - ,
i.
"Hi 1 't;s
, IT I . pp zd l i entgg gc
ti ti
rinciple withexact accuracy r is not to be quee
ned. We are all boUnd by that tdefinitely,-
1
thorit question.
What is now combatted is
- positiowthat seoession, is consistent--with
constitution is lawful and peaoeful.
t is not that there is any express
,„
for it, and-nothing should ever be implied
Y 1 aw which leads.to unjust or absurd come:
, .e . nationpurchased with" moneythe conn-
L - • out of which several ofthese States were
7 ,' ',. ed. Is it jest that they shall go off with
: leave and without refunding I The nation
a very laagesmns, in the aggregate, I be
ll , e, nearly, one handred millions, to relieve Flo
/" of theaboriginal tribes. '
1 : it just that she shall now be off without
6 . -. t, or 'without •making any Tatum? The
PI ~ on is now , in-debt for money: applied to - the
4, efit of these.: so-called seceding States, in
.. on with the rest. Is it just that creditors
~,T go unpaid, or • the remaining States pay
T whole? .11.-part of the present national
lt, was contracted. to pay the old debts of
.4 l, it, just that she shall leave and pay'
past of this herself ? " - '
.: • . , if one State may secede, so may
thee.., and when ill shall have seceded none
left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to
!1 1 . 1 . tors ? Did we notify them of this sage
1 of ours when we- borrowed their money ?
we now recognize this doctrine .by allowing
Zeaxlers to go in peace, it is difficult to see
• twe can. do if others choose to go, or to
, .4 terms upon will& they will promise to
seesders'insist that. our Constitution ad-
of Secession ; • others have assumed to
e a national Constitution of their own, in
hich necessity they' have either= diniarded or
:tallied the, ight of secession, as they insist it
: (sin oura., If -they have diseased it, they
ereby admit that on principle it ought not to
If tberhare betelnbeldt by -theftt"Tevn — i "con
. a s have
,:theyLnhow - dint tobeoctelsbito;
t s , ; they must secede from one OtbBk-wbeie ,
iifweef i
101 71 r debte, or effecting any other selfish
or tiilcus•
;mew:
The principle itself is one of disintegration,
and upon which no government can possibly
endure.
If all the States save one should assert the
power to drive that one out of the Union, it is
preiumed the whole class of seceded politicians
would at once deny the power and denounce
the act, as the greatest outrage upon State
rights. But suppose that precisely the same
act, instead of being called driving the one out,
should be called the seceding. of the others
from that, one, it would be -exactly what the
seceders, claim to do, unless indeed they make
.thepoint that the one, because-it is isminority,-
may rightfully do what the others, because
they area majority, may not rightfully do.
These politicians are settled and profound on
the rights of minorities. They are not partial
to that power which made the constitution, and
speaks from the preamble, calling itself "We,
the people."
It may well be questioned whether there is
to-day a majority of the legally qualified voters
of any State, except perhaps South Carolina, in
favor of disunion. There is much reason to be-
Bove that the Union men are the majority in
Many, if notin everyother one of thesocalled se
ceded States. The contrary has not been demon
strated in any one of them. It is ventured to
affirm this even of Virginia and• Tennessee, for
the result of an election held in military camps,
where the bayonets are all on one side of the
question voted upon, can scarcely be considered
as demonstrating popular sentiments at such an
election ; all that large class who are at once
for the Union and against coercion would be
coerced to vote against the Union. It may be
affirmed without extravagance that the free in
stitutions we enjoy have developed the powers
and improved the condition of our whole peo
ple beyond any example in the world, having a
striking and impressive illustration.
So large an army as the government has now
on foot was never before known without a sol
dier in it but who had taken hi s place there of
his own free choice. But more than this, there
are many single regiments, whose members
posseis full practical knowledge. of all the arts,
sciences, professions, and whatever else, wheth
er useful or elegant, is known in the world.
And there is scarcely one from which could not
be selected a President, a Cabinet, a Congress,
and perhaps a Court, abundantly competent to
administer e government itself.
Nor do I say this is not true of the army of
our late friends, now adversaries, in this con
test. But if it is, so much better the reason
why the government which has conferred such
benefits on both them and us, should not be
broken up. Whoever, in any section, proposes
to abandon such a • government, would do well
to consider in deference to what principle it is
that he does it; what better he is likely to get
in its stead.
Whether the substitute will give, or be in
tended to give, somuch of good to the people.
There are some forshadowings on this subject.
Our adversaries have adopted some declara
tions of Independence in which, unlike the
good old one penned by Jefferson, they omit
the words, "All men are created equal." Why ?
They have adopted a temporary National Con
stitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our
good old one signed lly Washington, they omit
"We the people, " and substitute, "We the
,NEWlAL_ALti...qoassAyim-aad..--ipi• • • o
States." Why ? Why this deliberate pressing
out of view the rights of men and the autlori
ty of the people. This is essentially a people's
contest.
On,the side of the Union it is a struggle for
maintining in the world that form and sub
stance of government whose leading object is
to elevate the condition of men, to lift artifi
cial weights from all shoulders, to clear the
paths of laudable pursuit for all. To afford all
an unfettered start and a fair chance in the race
of *life. Yielding to partial and temporary de
partures, from necessity, that is the leading ob
ject of the government for whose existence we
contend.
lam most happy to believe that the plain
people understand and appreciate this. It is
worthy of note that, while in this, the govern
ment's hour of trial, large numbers of those
in the army and navy who have been favored
with the offices have resigned and proved false
to the hand which had pampered them, not one
common soldier or common sailor is nown to
have deserted his flag.
Great honor is due to those officers who re
mained true despite the example of their trai
torous associatiates. But the greatest honor
and the most important fact of all lathe nasal
minis firmness of the common soldiers and com
mon sailors. To the last man, so far as known,
they have successfully resisted the traitorous
efforts of those whose commandi but an hour
before they obeyed as absolute law. 'This is the
patxietic instinct of plain people. They under
stand, without an argument, that destroying
the government which was made by Washing
ton means no good to them.
Our popular government has often been call
ed an experiment. Two points"in it our people
have settled. The successful establishing and
the successful administering of it. One still
remains`: its successful maintenance against a
formidable internal attempt to overthrow it,
It is now for them to demonstrate to the world
that these who can fairly carry an election can
also suppress a rebellion. The ballots are the
rightful and peaceful successors of bullets, and
that when ballots are fairly and constitutional
ly decided; there can be no successful appeal
back to ballots: That there can be no success
ful appeal, except to ballots themselves at sue
-coedits elections. Such will be a great lessen
of peace, teaching men that what they cannot
take by an election, neither can they take it by
war ; towthing all the folly of being the . *sla
ttern of the war. •
Lest -there be some uneasiness on the minds
of candid men as to what is to be the course of
the govemmsnt toward the Southern States
after the rebellion shall have been suppressed,
the Executive deems it proper to say, it will be
his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Ceuta
tution and the laws; and that he probably dell
have 'no different understanding of the powers
and duties of the Federal government relative-,
ly to the rights of the States and the peope
under the Constitution, than that expressed in
the inaugural address. He desires to preserve
the government that it may be administeied
for all as it was administered by the men who
made it.
Loyal citizens everywhere have the right to
claim this of their government, and the govern
ment has no right to withhold or neglect it. It
is not perceived that in giving it 'there is any
coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation, in
any just sense of those terms.
'Ate constitution provides, that all the States
have accepted 'the provision, that the United .
States shall guarantee to every State in this
-13,M0n "a republican for of government." .
- Itutitti, State in this Union rua l lawfklygi
'out of e~nion, 4,oife .4 iva
dimwit Ilk Zi•ablican' forin'Of 'government, so
that to prevent its going out is an indispensa
ble means to the end of maintaining the gags
PRICE ONE .CENT
antee mentioned ; and when an end is lawful
and obligatory, the indispensable means to it
are also lawful and obligatory, .
It was with the deepest regret *that - the Ex
ecutive found the duty of employing - the ' War
power in defence of the goventmebb:gblied
upon him. He could but perform this 414, or
surrender the existence of the government":
No compromise by public sentiment cot 3 in
this case be a cause. Not that oomprortlises
are not often proper, but that no popular Aspy
=merit cpn long survive a marked precedent
that those who carry an election can only save
the government from immediate destruction by
giving up.the main point upon which the peo
ple gave the election.
The people themselves, and not their stir
mints, can safely reverse their own deliberate
decisions.
As a private citizen, the Executive could not
have consented that these institutions shall
perish. Much less could he, in betrayal,. of So
vast and so sacred a trust as these free people
had confided to him. He felt that he had no
moral right to shrink, nor even to count the
chances of his own life in what - might follow.
In full view of his great responkibility - hblini
so far done what he has deemed his duty. You
will now, according to your own judgment, per
form yours. 'He sincerely
. hopes that your
views and your action may so accord with his
as to assure all faithful citizens who have been
disturbed in their rights of a certain and speedy
restoration to them under the
.cc•nstitutiesx.asid
the lams
And having thus chosen our course without
guile and with pure rurpose, let us renevrOur
trust in God, and go forward without fear anti
with manly hearts. - a
July 4, 1861
lIIVIIth Congress—lxtra Session.
SENATE.-Mr. HALE (N. H.) called up his res
olution offered yesterday to proceed to tha elec
tion of Sergeant-at-Arms of the Senate.
On the first ballot 41 votes were cast, as fol=
lows:
George F. Brown
D. R. McNeir...
George Brown ..
R. Beale
• Mr. George F. Brown was declared elected.-
He appeared and took the usual oath..
Mr.
Mr. HALE offered a resolution that the sabuy
of Mr. McNeir be paid till December. Lad
over.
Mr. SAULSBURY (Del.) asked the Senator from--
New Hampshire if Mr. McNair was a worthy
officer why he had been removed at all, .
Mr. Hats said if the Senator world tell him
why the State of Delaware removed Mr.'Come
ld answer. ) sent him (Saulsb
ury) here, aps perhaps he
Mr. CHANDLER., (Michigan) gave notice that
he should, to-morrow, introduce a bill . to con
fiscate the property of all the Governors of the'
States, the members of the.Legislaturesjudow
of the Courts, and all the military officeraliboy.,
the rank of lieutenant, who shall take up asras
against the Government of the United Mutest
or aid or abet. treason: against thefilca=
t all pooh persona betrays's.
from holding any office of lioner...esnolumenCy
or trust in the Government ; suchprolierty .to
be applied to restore to the Union men in .the
, : States, any losses they may have sneered: -
A message was received from the. Home thiP
that body had appointed a Committee to *IAN
upon the President and inform him that, tins,
House was ready to receive any Onninunication,
from him, and
Messm. Hale (N. H.) and Browning (111.) were
appointed a similar Committee, on the part of
the Senate.
The Senate then took a recess till half-past
one o'clock.
After the reading of the message, it was or
dered' to be printed with the accompanying
documents.
Mr. Hale, (N. H.) gave notice that he should
introduce a bill for the temporary increase'ot.
the Navy and the Senate then adjourned. ,-
Num.—The resignation intim Serlate, pester- ;
day, was that of the clerk, Mr. 'Minh Nichol::
son, instead of the Secretary, Mr:Diciferili:
•-
•
nousa OP RIMISENTAITVES.
The House met at noon, and on . rnotiallor___
Mr. Lovejoy, (Ill.,) proceeded to the eleetaciiilbfug
Sergeant-at-Arms. - bsf. Wm;
Mears. Mudgett, Edward, Ball, (Ohio) Gloss
brenner, Seabrook and Flood, vigrnamfidsteir
for Sergeant-at-Arms. Ex-Congseisam i o4ll, 4o i
was elected.
Mr. Carrnamzsb, (Ky.) appearid'aitdital iho"' 1;
usual oath to support • the Oonstitutim.4l/410,- -
United v States ' , • : • J.:Att....0 aafi;
aux. onssos, Ara.) presente d, from Mr . Kline, Contesting thq slat of Mr. Vern
ree, of Pennsylvania.. ReferfeattoilieNniio
tee on. Elections.
.
Mr. Elows.lins (N. H.) offered st.resolutie,n
postpone the election of doorkeeper till the first
of the regular session of Congress. Ifti
that Mr. Marston had sustained a wilvere'affiklwat
tiOn in the death of his wife. In conseqntuien 1.41
of this he had only arrived here last night, and
therefore had had no opportunity to cosol
- his friends. Resolution tabled:-
The Nebraska election case was diseissedVc4
and an ineffectual effort made to takbetllotgair t -, '-
Morton for Mr. Daley. Finally the latter wsje,„
sworn in.
Mr. Sravass, (Pa.,)- gave notitecor airfare- - '
duction of a bill to repeal all.tifelasnl misting
ports of entry in the rebellious 'States i• Also,*
bill to provide for holding'a Vilited States ,
Court in Wheeling. • • *
•
Csiessu,, (Pa.,) presented a resolution,
which was adopt's', allowing members the
amount heretofore pad for Sta tioner y and nerfots-:-4
papers. • 4
Mr. VA'a: Wvoir-asked leave to introduce' a 4.4
bill providlng for the transmission of the letterer
of officers and soldiers free of postage. ; , -_-gig
Mr. BURNETT, (Ky. 7) beipg opposed, 19 the
franking privilege. Objected: Adjonr r'
'l°
FROM HAGERSTO-ntatt
UNFOUNDED RUMoliiitittie:
_--•~---
.. ILL opiarowa, l 4:slT- , bfbiab
A number of unfounded rumors have been Jaw
in circulation here during the.-we..twenty-fonr
hours, and last night a, guard. as egg logn m of
the apprehension that an aitesaf4.t„,walittur
made to blow up the town. o,liPt: .'vtivitilo
took precantionary-measure*. and'alr
during the.ht, though
enforced. •
•
private Benrf tY
of
'Of • -
osw rising seditious language, and ••••••--
speciful to the ladies, by saying that they were
I pressed into the hospital service. He was se,.
verely reprimanded by Capt. Eddy.
ABRAHAM Luaus
WASIIINOTON, July 5
. 29
MEI
P4l mmulecia