\ A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEPK ESDAY S AN*]> SATURDAYS BY JOHN F F.N NO, No. 69, HIGH-STRZF.PHILADELPHIA* [No. 25. of Vol. IV.] FROM THE AMERICAN MUSEUM. REFLECTIONS on the STATE of the UNION. Concerning the laws, which intrench vfen the rigijs oj property. IT is not remembered that the atts of the na- have been deemed by any ot tlie poflelTors of any defer iption of pro'nertv, Unfavorable to their right?, cxccpt the pro ceedings in regard to the public debt. It hno less curious than true, that a part of t'.e com-! munity affirm that the government have iniu red the country by too much liberalitv, while another part charge the legiflati-.re with im pairing the contract. In taking a view of this Ajbjeft, it should be I remembered, that the state of things when it was taken up, was in every refpeft critical and uncertain. It was difficult to fay what the country could perform, and more so to tell what they would comply with. It was perceived on the one hand, that as such a ftatc of public credit as preceded the year 1789, would ruin a government more energetic than that of the United States, so its immediate melioration was a matter of the mcft imperious neccflity. On the other hand, the non-exiflence of one imgiccjftcient funding fyftem,yielding a full/be cie inhrej} y in any one State, and a number of painful facts in the financial operations of some o tne legislatures, created a conviction, that there was either an inability or disinclination in all to render a specie payment in the full ex tent of the explicit contra<sh. Some of the eon tracts were found not to be explicit, containing piomi.es of large sums under the name of spe cie, which it could not have been the expecta tion of the government at their date to dis charge, or of the creditor to receive, in coin ; because they promi/ed to pay as specie, what was notoriouily much less valuable than con ti adli previouflv liquidated at forty nomina c»ollars for one in coin. The peculiar claims of the original creditors also were flrongly re pre fen ted, while the conduct of every State ir t ie union, in its particular finances, bad dif countenanced a difcriminat'on in their favor ; and the eflablifhed Jaws of property were urgec agaipft a reduction of the owners principal quclHons were also raised about the original in tiinfic value of the money and property receiv ed by the United States, leading to the f depreciation. By infufing in to the proportions for a fettleme.nt of the debt 0 r reduSion of the interejl and a tem P or "\" r 'd:emabiht\of the principal, which liavs colt the debtor nothing, and the creditor ver > "y Vigorous and well devised efforts t! recover credit at home and abroad, an arrange ment was formed, and executed, which ha given better payment to the creditor tha: could reasonably have been hoped. It is plaii to every observer, that, but for the indii'cre tions of some of the public creditors, who fu pel-added to the trials and fluChi.-.tion&of a con valefcent Hate of credit, the late unparalltlei difficulties of the holders of the flock, the tlire. species of t:;e public paper, taken at a medu;ni would have been worth the nomina! value in th 111 ark et. Hitherto it never has b*en. There yet remain, however, i n the United States forae law; which affect the rights of pro perty. The operation of inftalinent and valua tion laws is not terminated in two or three of tie State - .. In two or three others, paper mo ney is a tender in all or in particular cases. In some quarters, real estate is protected from ex ecution for debt; and in others, the judgments ot the courts are suspended, if the income of theejlate bears a certain proportion to the ere tlitoi ,s demands. In some of the Stages pre ferences are given to the claims of citizens, be fore those ol citizens of the other States, or of foreignersand a variety of ill exists in many quarters, in the form of infolventi laws. The federal constitution, and those oi several of the State', have barred the introduction of tbele evils in regard to new tranfaftions; and the States which are not chargeable with them, in regard to past affairs, have reaped, in the last three years, an ample reward for their wis dom and virtue. Property may almost be called the palladium of communities Tiieir moral fafety at least is always at hazard, when that is un warrantably invaded. In every cafe wherein culties to obtain his own are interpoied in the way of the honest and industrious citizen, nis loft is not all the public injury. A fellow citizen—perhaps a member of a legislature (and through him a legislature itfelf) is corrupted in nis principles. . tie pullic Mtt. when it is remembered, that the term? up on which the debts of the State? were affumcd .?S r are Hot more favorable than ihdfe en *indi the federal debt was funded, and when it is called to mind, that the unaflumed debts <tt au the States are left valuable in the market toau thole which were affbmed, it will appear, that the public creditors of the union have little reafpn to complain. When the advantages of the temporary imedeemabilitv, and of the op portunity of investment in the bank are recol j6 reafon > if ai >y ccift.ed, appears to be dtifipatcd. Oa the other hand, when it is remembered, that long after the promulgation ot the funding fvftem and of the bank, the pof- Jeilors of specie might have procured certifi- T*** " I C.'ites upon ver» ;;-r C >i-: United States draw a filch of the profits of* the bank without fyrniJUirig any of the capital, tliat tfce grant of irfedeemubittty is temporary, and To perfectly nominal, that we now have a right to pay ofl more than we have money to d li tharge ; when it is aifo borne in mind, that the terms given by Congress to the public creditors, | were exceeded (by law at leaf!) in ft vc vat of the | States, and that two of them have added to the benefits of their citizens front the funding fy>- tem, without di 11 imipating. in favor of the o riginal creditor, or agairift'the present holder, the a, t of the general government ap pears to be confident with the publio intereib and with the wijilem ojthe State It'ijlaturcs. If the funding system ofCongrels has been thus equal ly j uiUnd beneficial with those of the. States, it has beep accompanied with many advantages which cannot be questioned. Public, credit*is restored—in consequence of that, the contracts tor all public supplies are made for caih on the deliveries or performance— the money, thus early promised, is paid by anticipation on the proffer of indubitable security by the various contra&ors; apd interelt in favor of the Uni ted States has been allowed for the promptitude of her trcafury—half a million of dollars of fpe-' cie claims have been lifcharged ; and purchases) of the public debt, which bring tlieextingnifhed lum to about 2,400,000 dollars have been made, or provided jor—a series of payments f.uce the month of September (required by the most dif tlllguiflied ally ot the United States, in the late war) 1. ve been made to serve the occaflons ct their unhappy colcnift*. Loans upon five per cent, upon four and a half per cent, and upon tour per cent, interest, have been effected in two opulent lcenes in Europe, solely by mean s ot our restored credit, to repay, in the hour of need, to that ally, the monies lent to the United States in a like leafon. All that is due hr.,been paid, part of that which is not yet due has been anticipated. Monies anxiouiiy desired bv France, have been discharged by means of loans at a lower intereil. Both nations are benefited and pleased ; but our country is honored bv the tranfaiHon. To have reglefted our public credit, would have been to lose thcle advar,- tajes, son THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITE!) STATES IT IS very proper for a private man to nly on his known purity of enmiuft and principles, and to fit in tecuiiiy and lilcuce, while the little scandals invented by tfie base, lurmfh amiifement to the crcdulous. It would not suit the 'clearili nefs and dignity of virtue to discompose itfelf by lagging >he fqualtd imps ot calumny from thd cells whete tjiey retire to htcw their poisons and to limn the hatrful .lay-light The individual ner sons concerut d in the government of the United States, cannot suppose themfelvrs injured, n"r • veti ft) much as aimed at. by the authors of the impudent fmirilny which has be. n poured out since the Ueg'nning of the prcfent year. It hjs been a.flcrttd, that a plan of the influential men in the government to introduce monarchy and a despotism. anil an atiftocracy, is not only formed but almost effected—and that the conipiraiors arc corrupt speculators, and breakers ol public trust. Congress, as well as "the executive pan of the go vernment, under the name of the court and the court party, (land charged with this crime as mean, as qtrocioiis. The acrufers iUvme no small merit to ihpmfclvcs for Ijaving founded the alarm. They call tnemfe.ves by a number of praise-wor thy titles—watchmcn'fOr llie people—friends of liberty—old republicans, See. But is there a me rit in fallhood, is there virtue in indwlgip" the mofl malignant paflions ? Yet this, in truth, is the praise to which the writers lay claim. It is not easy to conceive of any men out of Bedlam having lormcd schemes so inconfiflent with each other as they have pretended to divulge. A funding fyflcm and a monied influence, suppose flable laws, and a firm and inviolable protcftion •o property. Yet such men as those who draw their income from the source of the public faith, a-e reprcfcntcd as wilhing to change the ftatc of tbings, and to be a: work to throw every thing into eonfufion, and to put their all at rifle : for what ?—for a despotism, fav the sagacious writers againll government. A despotism to the public debt. A wife plot truly. Those who arc fafe under equal and facrcd laws, are plotting to be falerundera despotism, which would tramole on all laws. The writers aliuded to mnfl enter tain vafl refpefl for the fcnCe of a people, to whom their mode of finding fault is fuppofrd to be ac ceptable. And the ariflocrats too ar*- said to he in a box with thr monarchy men. Many a party, writer has hurt hiscanfe by taking mankind for greater fools than they really are. To many friends of good order, [he inconsist ency of the charges a».rinft government has ap. peared fufficirnt to prevent their mifchief. They hare fsid, the decerning will fee the fallacy their arguments ; and of the nnthinkino, one half will be lhocked by the maligniiv'and violence o! thcfc writer; and the oi.her half will not read their pieces. Theyargnea free government ii ot conference pure. Such arc its pi inciples. it will purify iifelf—ftir wrong, done or intend ed to be done, would deltrojr the confidence a! the people in those who administer the great ofli ces,?nd that would produce "the ot officers. Such a government, it would Perm', might dcfp'fe llif C»ndet» of ill enemies. For the people, nn- Saturday, August i 8, 1792. term- (to be continued.) 89 thp' lets extremely ignorant of ih<-'r po"—v<e, will not be cxcited to infurr&Hon and oppok'.ion to the law* by incendiaries, who insult the people, by reilmg tlwni that the government which they have made and uphold, and which rhrv arV frequently deputing their molt able and approved men to admmilter, is a tyranny—that the people are crufhed by an iron yoke —the few are lording it over the many—and many other aflertions, which! are affronting to the pride of an American, con-j fciotis of freedom. It well becomes the dignity and purity of a re publican government to rely on these grounds.of security. Put tho' a good citizen mipht scorn to noticc many llanders which afteft himfelf merely. it becomes him to consider whether the calumnies on the government do not threatenthe public tran quility—wheiher the constitution, which Europe considers as their model and our glory, which is the purchase of this age and we hope tfie inheritance of the next, may not be brought into danger by the arts of its enemies. Some ptrfo/is. (they are were made angry by its adoption—they are enraged by us success. While the friends of the Union fit famfied wish the operations of the go vernment, and the people thrive under its proiec- j or. the implacable toes of the coailitution, arid f all order,""are Imfy—they meet no bp bo Qr ion xcept from ftupbor n fa£ts—while they tell the ation we .-re r'.ined .md enfUved, and plundered 'V lo'ds and maite'?, the general liberty and prof ■erity confound them. The friends of govern, ncnt pay no regard to their viru'ent attack . Thi orbe?rance has been carried too The "writer gainst governmentdeferVe no very great regan or the candor or force of th:it accufatioiii ; fin'giv hey might be defpjfed. But wh<n they gatne nto a rabble—when thevjoin discipline to ia re i-hen we fee them in phalanx, evidently gtudci y one leader, and, h. v.cver they may vary thci uovement.% agree ; ng to knock down all that i rested, and to raft- the works of the new govern nent to the foundation, and even to tel is that that is nri found, and nt only to support ottcn monarchy—when we fee so much fvftew nduftry and pcrfeverauce in traducing govern nent, fyrely it is lime to look about us. and to tak are that the commonwealth sustain no The league against la w and order seems to hav aro\ided ltfelf with every weapon of offence. / Jtefs is set up and supported, no matter by wha ncans, for the manifelk pur pose of add retting th paflions of the people, and exciting abhorrenc, 'gainst the laws of the land. The approving man icr jik which the insult to an excise wfficcr is no iced, dilalofes the designs of the junto—of whicl ndfrd they have furnifbed many other proofs. vVnen the people know the manner in whicl hefe men vilify their free government and eqna aws, they will be on their guard against rhH ifpcrfions. All that can be done is to give warn ng of the meditated mifchief. You cannot rea [on against rage. They tell of bad defwns and o utnre dangers. You can n r her lay open th. uman heart nor fu'urity. Surely the people wil "ot, knowingly; concur in the projtdls of m, i who dare to tell them they aie (laves—that ih. government is not in their hands—that they ar :he property of lords and mn!l< rs. We natural!* :riump!i in the revolution of France- —nut that ho its enemies and opprtfers within and without th kingdom. Do the F r ench esteem those the be 1 friends of liberty who vilify the:r constitution who foment hatred and contempt of the Nation? Alfembty, apd opoofuion to the laws. Yet rh writers against our free government a fire & io b friends of liberty, law and order. They hav t he audacity to cant about rcpohliranilm— whi! they recommend combinations and com mtte;- to rc Git the iaws enacted by the people thrcu iheir reprefentative^. So prosperous is the country, thai the attrmnt to vmdicaie the admini(lratidi), and to unniafk the cnnfpiiators againfl law and liberty, freiris ftrangr to many, and fupetfltjous to oiheis. 1 hey do not generally know that in the silence and repose of our affair#, the enemies of liberty, under a pre tence of zeal for it, are scattering ihe feeds of mif rluef—they are undermining the temple ot free dom— tliry arc appealing to the passions todcUioy the work of our tober reason. People of America, I lie freed and the tnoft wor tuv to on the face of <*he earth— tht moll iofu'rctl too by those who d,ire to despise your conllituiinn, which has given you a name, and an exalted one among the nations—beware of falfc friends, who cry liberty, but mean to oppose 'the .law*, and to put liberty at rilk. Be ftcady and c-ilm, nnd remember that when these men have ■raifrd yoilr'palfions as they wifti to do, you will be in a condition to be chcated our of your privi- IC(JCS. FRQM THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE. T THINK it my duty to inform the community, that early in the en siling session ofAflembly, 1 lhall make a motion to recommend to the citi zens of this Commonwealth, thara convention be called, for the purpos es of eftabliihing a fvrtem of govern ment more congenial to republican principles than that by which we are now governed. A "long many objects which ought to lie contemplated, this nieafure is Principally ditflated by the opinion, that equality and liberal/i'ity of re pi'ffematioir, are the fundamental pillars <,f iiijerty—t;,at i lie right to be re pre (cured, is t lie natural and un alienable privilege of every citizen who duly contributes to the fupporc of government—and that the conllj 1111ion of this Hate, if we have one at all, is very repugnant to both. Two objections will be advanced firft, the expence of the coi.»«nt!on— secondly, the danger of relaxing the sinews of government : To which I obfervp, that the expeitee will bear no comparison to the inestimable ad vantages of a free and equally repre sented government ; and that no mail of common underflanding, or know ledge of the tempers and wishes of our citizens, can be seriously appne henfive, that they from whom the government springs, by whom it is supported, and to whom it belongs, will, in the necefliry exercise of the natural and imptefcriptable privileg es, fedii ioufly attempt to do any thing, the evil of which will ultimately de volve on themselves. No government can long be free except one by reprefenratioii, and e very Itep which a government falls fbort of equality, it recedes from H- f >e, rry-—Neither this, nor the present inequality of leprefeiitation, can be denied. it will be said, that the necefilty of : this change, does not now exilt, be cause Congrcfs liave muter their con ' troul, rs 11 the great objects of legisla tion. To this it may be anfweved, that Congress have eltabiiflied an ex cife,odious even in monarchical coun tries— they have imposed duties too enormous for a free people to bear they have ertablifhed an army, when there is not the profpe<st of an enemv againfl whom the army is to operate —they have reftricied the free circu lation of newspapers, by a measure unprecedented, and extremely obnox ious—and if we are to conclude, in future, from the pad, 1 fear that we shall be led on to experience theJa vorit: and dia6olical maxim, that the exigencies of government fliouid be always equal to her resources. If so, and this principle shall be the basis of federal lepflation, we may expec'i that armies and navits will incieafe upon ns, as fall as we have the ability to pay their expences—rior will it be material whether we pay iol. per an num, by purchasing rum at jf6 in- Itead of 4/"6 per gallon—nails at 12s instead of ios per JVI. or pay the mo ney directly to the colletSor or cx • cifeman. Taxes throughout the world beget ■ a - ri ".'s? —an'd armies re-produce taxes. Armies,wharevertlie pretext for raid ing them, have either been thediretft oppressors, or tools of oppreflive jyoW;. er, in every age and clime : And al though I do not fear that the present American army, for many of tfhotnl have a high personal refpedl, can be thus used, because of their own fetr tiinents, I fear for future times : I dislike the principle—l dislike the ex pence 1 know that a regular army is not calculated for an Indian war that we have not another ofFenfive e nemy if we feck one—and that one fourth, or less than a fourth, of the present military expence, would keep peace with our savage neighbours. Such sentiments, under such cir cumltances, induce me tb'thiiik thar we ought not to delay the internal regulations of our government. A George-Town. A Numberof LO 1S in everv firuation which i. may he rVfirecl in City of Washington will be offered lor fair bv the Commissioners, on Monday the gih day of Oflober next. One fourth part of ihe money to be paid down, the residue in three equal annual payments, with yearly interest on the whole princioal unpaid. June 2, 179? [Whole No. 545.] HKNRY BANKS, JOH\ T M'GANTT, Clerk to she Commilßoners. [ep'Q
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