\
A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEPK ESDAY S AN*]> SATURDAYS BY JOHN F F.N NO, No. 69, HIGH-STRZF.PHILADELPHIA*
[No. 25. of Vol. IV.]
FROM THE AMERICAN MUSEUM.
REFLECTIONS on the STATE of the UNION.
Concerning the laws, which intrench vfen the rigijs
oj property.
IT is not remembered that the atts of the na-
have been deemed by any
ot tlie poflelTors of any defer iption of pro'nertv,
Unfavorable to their right?, cxccpt the pro
ceedings in regard to the public debt. It hno
less curious than true, that a part of t'.e com-!
munity affirm that the government have iniu
red the country by too much liberalitv, while
another part charge the legiflati-.re with im
pairing the contract.
In taking a view of this Ajbjeft, it should be I
remembered, that the state of things when it
was taken up, was in every refpeft critical and
uncertain. It was difficult to fay what the
country could perform, and more so to tell what
they would comply with. It was perceived
on the one hand, that as such a ftatc of public
credit as preceded the year 1789, would ruin a
government more energetic than that of the
United States, so its immediate melioration
was a matter of the mcft imperious neccflity.
On the other hand, the non-exiflence of one
imgiccjftcient funding fyftem,yielding a full/be
cie inhrej} y in any one State, and a number of
painful facts in the financial operations of some
o tne legislatures, created a conviction, that
there was either an inability or disinclination
in all to render a specie payment in the full ex
tent of the explicit contra<sh. Some of the eon
tracts were found not to be explicit, containing
piomi.es of large sums under the name of spe
cie, which it could not have been the expecta
tion of the government at their date to dis
charge, or of the creditor to receive, in coin ;
because they promi/ed to pay as specie, what
was notoriouily much less valuable than con
ti adli previouflv liquidated at forty nomina
c»ollars for one in coin. The peculiar claims
of the original creditors also were flrongly re
pre fen ted, while the conduct of every State ir
t ie union, in its particular finances, bad dif
countenanced a difcriminat'on in their favor ;
and the eflablifhed Jaws of property were urgec
agaipft a reduction of the owners principal
quclHons were also raised about the original in
tiinfic value of the money and property receiv
ed by the United States, leading to the
f depreciation. By infufing in
to the proportions for a fettleme.nt of the debt
0 r reduSion of the interejl and a tem
P or "\" r 'd:emabiht\of the principal, which liavs
colt the debtor nothing, and the creditor ver
> "y Vigorous and well devised efforts t!
recover credit at home and abroad, an arrange
ment was formed, and executed, which ha
given better payment to the creditor tha:
could reasonably have been hoped. It is plaii
to every observer, that, but for the indii'cre
tions of some of the public creditors, who fu
pel-added to the trials and fluChi.-.tion&of a con
valefcent Hate of credit, the late unparalltlei
difficulties of the holders of the flock, the tlire.
species of t:;e public paper, taken at a medu;ni
would have been worth the nomina! value in th
111 ark et. Hitherto it never has b*en.
There yet remain, however, i n the United
States forae law; which affect the rights of pro
perty. The operation of inftalinent and valua
tion laws is not terminated in two or three of
tie State - .. In two or three others, paper mo
ney is a tender in all or in particular cases. In
some quarters, real estate is protected from ex
ecution for debt; and in others, the judgments
ot the courts are suspended, if the income of
theejlate bears a certain proportion to the ere
tlitoi ,s demands. In some of the Stages pre
ferences are given to the claims of citizens, be
fore those ol citizens of the other States, or of
foreignersand a variety of ill exists in many
quarters, in the form of infolventi laws. The
federal constitution, and those oi several of
the State', have barred the introduction of tbele
evils in regard to new tranfaftions; and the
States which are not chargeable with them, in
regard to past affairs, have reaped, in the last
three years, an ample reward for their wis
dom and virtue. Property may almost be called
the palladium of communities Tiieir moral fafety
at least is always at hazard, when that is un
warrantably invaded. In every cafe wherein
culties to obtain his own are interpoied in
the way of the honest and industrious citizen,
nis loft is not all the public injury. A fellow
citizen—perhaps a member of a legislature (and
through him a legislature itfelf) is corrupted in
nis principles.
. tie pullic Mtt.
when it is remembered, that the term? up
on which the debts of the State? were affumcd
.?S r are Hot more favorable than ihdfe
en *indi the federal debt was funded, and when
it is called to mind, that the unaflumed debts
<tt au the States are left valuable in the market
toau thole which were affbmed, it will appear,
that the public creditors of the union have little
reafpn to complain. When the advantages of
the temporary imedeemabilitv, and of the op
portunity of investment in the bank are recol
j6 reafon > if ai >y ccift.ed, appears
to be dtifipatcd. Oa the other hand, when it is
remembered, that long after the promulgation
ot the funding fvftem and of the bank, the pof-
Jeilors of specie might have procured certifi-
T*** "
I C.'ites upon ver» ;;-r C >i-:
United States draw a filch of the profits of* the
bank without fyrniJUirig any of the capital, tliat
tfce grant of irfedeemubittty is temporary, and
To perfectly nominal, that we now have a right
to pay ofl more than we have money to d li
tharge ; when it is aifo borne in mind, that the
terms given by Congress to the public creditors,
| were exceeded (by law at leaf!) in ft vc vat of the
| States, and that two of them have added to the
benefits of their citizens front the funding fy>-
tem, without di 11 imipating. in favor of the o
riginal creditor, or agairift'the present holder,
the a, t of the general government ap
pears to be confident with the publio intereib
and with the wijilem ojthe State It'ijlaturcs. If the
funding system ofCongrels has been thus equal
ly j uiUnd beneficial with those of the. States, it
has beep accompanied with many advantages
which cannot be questioned. Public, credit*is
restored—in consequence of that, the contracts
tor all public supplies are made for caih on the
deliveries or performance— the money, thus
early promised, is paid by anticipation on the
proffer of indubitable security by the various
contra&ors; apd interelt in favor of the Uni
ted States has been allowed for the promptitude
of her trcafury—half a million of dollars of fpe-'
cie claims have been lifcharged ; and purchases)
of the public debt, which bring tlieextingnifhed
lum to about 2,400,000 dollars have been made,
or provided jor—a series of payments f.uce the
month of September (required by the most dif
tlllguiflied ally ot the United States, in the late
war) 1. ve been made to serve the occaflons ct
their unhappy colcnift*. Loans upon five per
cent, upon four and a half per cent, and upon
tour per cent, interest, have been effected in
two opulent lcenes in Europe, solely by mean s
ot our restored credit, to repay, in the hour of
need, to that ally, the monies lent to the United
States in a like leafon. All that is due hr.,been
paid, part of that which is not yet due has been
anticipated. Monies anxiouiiy desired bv
France, have been discharged by means of loans
at a lower intereil. Both nations are benefited
and pleased ; but our country is honored bv the
tranfaiHon. To have reglefted our public
credit, would have been to lose thcle advar,-
tajes,
son THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITE!) STATES
IT IS very proper for a private man to nly on
his known purity of enmiuft and principles,
and to fit in tecuiiiy and lilcuce, while the little
scandals invented by tfie base, lurmfh amiifement
to the crcdulous. It would not suit the 'clearili
nefs and dignity of virtue to discompose itfelf by
lagging >he fqualtd imps ot calumny from thd
cells whete tjiey retire to htcw their poisons and
to limn the hatrful .lay-light The individual
ner sons concerut d in the government of the United
States, cannot suppose themfelvrs injured, n"r
• veti ft) much as aimed at. by the authors of the
impudent fmirilny which has be. n poured out
since the Ueg'nning of the prcfent year. It hjs
been a.flcrttd, that a plan of the influential men in
the government to introduce monarchy and a
despotism. anil an atiftocracy, is not only formed
but almost effected—and that the conipiraiors arc
corrupt speculators, and breakers ol public trust.
Congress, as well as "the executive pan of the go
vernment, under the name of the court and the
court party, (land charged with this crime as
mean, as qtrocioiis. The acrufers iUvme no small
merit to ihpmfclvcs for Ijaving founded the alarm.
They call tnemfe.ves by a number of praise-wor
thy titles—watchmcn'fOr llie people—friends of
liberty—old republicans, See. But is there a me
rit in fallhood, is there virtue in indwlgip" the
mofl malignant paflions ? Yet this, in truth, is the
praise to which the writers lay claim.
It is not easy to conceive of any men out of
Bedlam having lormcd schemes so inconfiflent
with each other as they have pretended to divulge.
A funding fyflcm and a monied influence, suppose
flable laws, and a firm and inviolable protcftion
•o property. Yet such men as those who draw
their income from the source of the public faith,
a-e reprcfcntcd as wilhing to change the ftatc of
tbings, and to be a: work to throw every thing
into eonfufion, and to put their all at rifle : for
what ?—for a despotism, fav the sagacious writers
againll government. A despotism to the
public debt. A wife plot truly. Those who arc
fafe under equal and facrcd laws, are plotting to
be falerundera despotism, which would tramole
on all laws. The writers aliuded to mnfl enter
tain vafl refpefl for the fcnCe of a people, to whom
their mode of finding fault is fuppofrd to be ac
ceptable. And the ariflocrats too ar*- said to he
in a box with thr monarchy men. Many a party,
writer has hurt hiscanfe by taking mankind for
greater fools than they really are.
To many friends of good order, [he inconsist
ency of the charges a».rinft government has ap.
peared fufficirnt to prevent their mifchief. They
hare fsid, the decerning will fee the fallacy
their arguments ; and of the nnthinkino, one half
will be lhocked by the maligniiv'and violence o!
thcfc writer; and the oi.her half will not read
their pieces. Theyargnea free government ii ot
conference pure. Such arc its pi inciples. it will
purify iifelf—ftir wrong, done or intend
ed to be done, would deltrojr the confidence a!
the people in those who administer the great ofli
ces,?nd that would produce "the ot officers.
Such a government, it would Perm', might dcfp'fe
llif C»ndet» of ill enemies. For the people, nn-
Saturday, August i 8, 1792.
term-
(to be continued.)
89
thp'
lets extremely ignorant of ih<-'r po"—v<e, will not
be cxcited to infurr&Hon and oppok'.ion to the
law* by incendiaries, who insult the people, by
reilmg tlwni that the government which they have
made and uphold, and which rhrv arV frequently
deputing their molt able and approved men to
admmilter, is a tyranny—that the people are
crufhed by an iron yoke —the few are lording it
over the many—and many other aflertions, which!
are affronting to the pride of an American, con-j
fciotis of freedom.
It well becomes the dignity and purity of a re
publican government to rely on these grounds.of
security. Put tho' a good citizen mipht scorn to
noticc many llanders which afteft himfelf merely.
it becomes him to consider whether the calumnies
on the government do not threatenthe public tran
quility—wheiher the constitution, which Europe
considers as their model and our glory, which is the
purchase of this age and we hope tfie inheritance
of the next, may not be brought into danger by
the arts of its enemies. Some ptrfo/is. (they are
were made angry by its adoption—they are
enraged by us success. While the friends of the
Union fit famfied wish the operations of the go
vernment, and the people thrive under its proiec- j
or. the implacable toes of the coailitution, arid
f all order,""are Imfy—they meet no bp bo Qr ion
xcept from ftupbor n fa£ts—while they tell the
ation we .-re r'.ined .md enfUved, and plundered
'V lo'ds and maite'?, the general liberty and prof
■erity confound them. The friends of govern,
ncnt pay no regard to their viru'ent attack . Thi
orbe?rance has been carried too The "writer
gainst governmentdeferVe no very great regan
or the candor or force of th:it accufatioiii ; fin'giv
hey might be defpjfed. But wh<n they gatne
nto a rabble—when thevjoin discipline to ia re
i-hen we fee them in phalanx, evidently gtudci
y one leader, and, h. v.cver they may vary thci
uovement.% agree ; ng to knock down all that i
rested, and to raft- the works of the new govern
nent to the foundation, and even to tel
is that that is nri found, and nt only to support
ottcn monarchy—when we fee so much fvftew
nduftry and pcrfeverauce in traducing govern
nent, fyrely it is lime to look about us. and to tak
are that the commonwealth sustain no
The league against la w and order seems to hav
aro\ided ltfelf with every weapon of offence. /
Jtefs is set up and supported, no matter by wha
ncans, for the manifelk pur pose of add retting th
paflions of the people, and exciting abhorrenc,
'gainst the laws of the land. The approving man
icr jik which the insult to an excise wfficcr is no
iced, dilalofes the designs of the junto—of whicl
ndfrd they have furnifbed many other proofs.
vVnen the people know the manner in whicl
hefe men vilify their free government and eqna
aws, they will be on their guard against rhH
ifpcrfions. All that can be done is to give warn
ng of the meditated mifchief. You cannot rea
[on against rage. They tell of bad defwns and o
utnre dangers. You can n r her lay open th.
uman heart nor fu'urity. Surely the people wil
"ot, knowingly; concur in the projtdls of m, i
who dare to tell them they aie (laves—that ih.
government is not in their hands—that they ar
:he property of lords and mn!l< rs. We natural!*
:riump!i in the revolution of France- —nut that ho
its enemies and opprtfers within and without th
kingdom. Do the F r ench esteem those the be 1
friends of liberty who vilify the:r constitution
who foment hatred and contempt of the Nation?
Alfembty, apd opoofuion to the laws. Yet rh
writers against our free government a fire & io b
friends of liberty, law and order. They hav
t he audacity to cant about rcpohliranilm— whi!
they recommend combinations and com mtte;-
to rc Git the iaws enacted by the people thrcu
iheir reprefentative^.
So prosperous is the country, thai the attrmnt
to vmdicaie the admini(lratidi), and to unniafk the
cnnfpiiators againfl law and liberty, freiris ftrangr
to many, and fupetfltjous to oiheis. 1 hey do not
generally know that in the silence and repose of
our affair#, the enemies of liberty, under a pre
tence of zeal for it, are scattering ihe feeds of mif
rluef—they are undermining the temple ot free
dom— tliry arc appealing to the passions todcUioy
the work of our tober reason.
People of America, I lie freed and the tnoft wor
tuv to on the face of <*he earth— tht moll
iofu'rctl too by those who d,ire to despise your
conllituiinn, which has given you a name, and an
exalted one among the nations—beware of falfc
friends, who cry liberty, but mean to oppose 'the
.law*, and to put liberty at rilk. Be ftcady and
c-ilm, nnd remember that when these men have
■raifrd yoilr'palfions as they wifti to do, you will
be in a condition to be chcated our of your privi-
IC(JCS.
FRQM THE VIRGINIA GAZETTE.
T THINK it my duty to inform the
community, that early in the en
siling session ofAflembly, 1 lhall make
a motion to recommend to the citi
zens of this Commonwealth, thara
convention be called, for the purpos
es of eftabliihing a fvrtem of govern
ment more congenial to republican
principles than that by which we are
now governed.
A "long many objects which ought
to lie contemplated, this nieafure is
Principally ditflated by the opinion,
that equality and liberal/i'ity of re
pi'ffematioir, are the fundamental
pillars <,f iiijerty—t;,at i lie right to
be re pre (cured, is t lie natural and un
alienable privilege of every citizen
who duly contributes to the fupporc
of government—and that the conllj
1111ion of this Hate, if we have one at
all, is very repugnant to both.
Two objections will be advanced
firft, the expence of the coi.»«nt!on—
secondly, the danger of relaxing the
sinews of government : To which I
obfervp, that the expeitee will bear
no comparison to the inestimable ad
vantages of a free and equally repre
sented government ; and that no mail
of common underflanding, or know
ledge of the tempers and wishes of
our citizens, can be seriously appne
henfive, that they from whom the
government springs, by whom it is
supported, and to whom it belongs,
will, in the necefliry exercise of the
natural and imptefcriptable privileg
es, fedii ioufly attempt to do any thing,
the evil of which will ultimately de
volve on themselves.
No government can long be free
except one by reprefenratioii, and e
very Itep which a government falls
fbort of equality, it recedes from H-
f >e, rry-—Neither this, nor the present
inequality of leprefeiitation, can be
denied.
it will be said, that the necefilty of
: this change, does not now exilt, be
cause Congrcfs liave muter their con
' troul, rs 11 the great objects of legisla
tion. To this it may be anfweved,
that Congress have eltabiiflied an ex
cife,odious even in monarchical coun
tries— they have imposed duties too
enormous for a free people to bear
they have ertablifhed an army, when
there is not the profpe<st of an enemv
againfl whom the army is to operate
—they have reftricied the free circu
lation of newspapers, by a measure
unprecedented, and extremely obnox
ious—and if we are to conclude, in
future, from the pad, 1 fear that we
shall be led on to experience theJa
vorit: and dia6olical maxim, that the
exigencies of government fliouid be
always equal to her resources. If so,
and this principle shall be the basis
of federal lepflation, we may expec'i
that armies and navits will incieafe
upon ns, as fall as we have the ability
to pay their expences—rior will it be
material whether we pay iol. per an
num, by purchasing rum at jf6 in-
Itead of 4/"6 per gallon—nails at 12s
instead of ios per JVI. or pay the mo
ney directly to the colletSor or cx
• cifeman.
Taxes throughout the world beget
■ a - ri ".'s? —an'd armies re-produce taxes.
Armies,wharevertlie pretext for raid
ing them, have either been thediretft
oppressors, or tools of oppreflive jyoW;.
er, in every age and clime : And al
though I do not fear that the present
American army, for many of tfhotnl
have a high personal refpedl, can be
thus used, because of their own fetr
tiinents, I fear for future times : I
dislike the principle—l dislike the ex
pence 1 know that a regular army
is not calculated for an Indian war
that we have not another ofFenfive e
nemy if we feck one—and that one
fourth, or less than a fourth, of the
present military expence, would keep
peace with our savage neighbours.
Such sentiments, under such cir
cumltances, induce me tb'thiiik thar
we ought not to delay the internal
regulations of our government.
A
George-Town.
A Numberof LO 1S in everv firuation which
i. may he rVfirecl in City of Washington
will be offered lor fair bv the Commissioners, on
Monday the gih day of Oflober next. One fourth
part of ihe money to be paid down, the residue in
three equal annual payments, with yearly interest
on the whole princioal unpaid.
June 2, 179?
[Whole No. 545.]
HKNRY BANKS,
JOH\ T M'GANTT, Clerk
to she Commilßoners.
[ep'Q