off PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENXO, No. 41. BROAD-STREET, NEA. [No. 25, (/VOl. ll.j DISCOURSES ON DAVILA. No. XII. Think We, like Come weak. Prince, th' eternal cause Prone, ior his favV.tes, to revei fe his laws ? EMULATION, which is imitation and some thing more—a desire not only to equal or resemble, but to excel ; is so natural a move ment of the human heart, that wherever men are to be found, find in whatever manner allbciated or connected, we fee its effedts. They are not more affected by it, as individuals, than they are in communities. There are rivalries between every little society in the fame city—between fa milies and all the connexions by consanguinity and affinity—between trades, faculties, and pro fedions—between congregations, pariflies and churches—between schools, colleges, and univer sities—between districts, villages, cities, provin ces and nations. National rivalries are more frequeutly tlie cause of wars than the ambition of ministers, or the pride of kings.—As long as there is patriot!l\n, there will be national emulation.vanity and pride. It is national pride which commonly stimulates kings and ministers.—National fear, apprehen iionof danger, and the neceflity of felf defence, is added to such rivalries for wealth, considera tion and power. The fafety, independence, and evidence of a nation, depends uporvkeeping up, an high sense of its own honor, dignity and pow er in the hearts of its individuals, and a lively jealousy of the growing power and aspiring am bition of a neighboring State.—This is well il lustrated in the Political Geography, publilhed in our Hewfpapers from London, within a few weeks. " The jealouiies and enmities, the al liances and friendfhips, or rather the combina tions of different States and Princes, mightalmolt be learned from a map, without attention to what has parted, or is now palling in the world. Next neighbors are political ewuiw • State' l*e -.veen which a common neighbor, and tlierelore common enemy intervenes, are good friends, in this refpecl Europe may !>e compared to a chefs board, marked with the black, and with the •white spots of political discord and concord.— Before the union between England and Scotland, a frietidlhip and alliance fubiilted for between the latter ofthefe kingdoms and France, because they was both inimical to England. For a like reason, before a Prince of Bourbon, in the beginning of the prefant celitury, was raised to , the Spanilh throne, a good underltanding fubfilt- j ed for the mod part, between England and Spain, ■ and before the late alliance, there was peace and kindnels, with little interruption, for the space of centuries, between England and the Emperor. An alliance has long fubfiited betweed the French and the Turks, 011 account of the intervening do minion ofthe Auftrians. The Swedes were long the friends of France, on account of the inter vention of Holland and Denmark—and because Sweden the friend of France, wasfituatedin the neighborhood of the Ruilian territories, a friend ship and commercial intercourse was eftabliihed, from the very firft time that Muscovy appears on the political theatre of Europe, between England and Ruflia. It is fuperfluous to multiply inltan aes of this kind. All past hiitory and present observation will confirm the truth of our poiition —which, though very fiinple, is like all other simple truths, of very great importance—for, however, the accidental caprices and paiiions of individual Princes, or their mini Iters, may alter the relative dispositions and interests of nations for a time, there is a natural tendency to revert to the alteration already described. We have been led into these reflections by the treaty of fenfive and defenfive, that has been formed be tween Sweden, Pruflia, and the Sublime Porte —between Pruflia and Holland— ; and the report ■which is verp probable, Hiat a treaty ofFenfive »nd defenfive is 011 the point of being concluded be tween Turkey and Poland. In this chain of al liances we find the order of the chefs-board ad hered to, in some inftences, but palled over in others- It is observed there should. be an alli ance between RuiJia and Sweden—and also that there should be an alliance between Poland and Turkey, because Rufiia intervenes between Tur ky and Sweden, and Hungary between Turkey and Poland—but that there fliould be an alliance between Poland and Prussia is owing to particu lar and accidental circumrtances. The two for mer alliances may therefore be expected to be laftmg—the latter to be only temporary and pre WEDNESDAY, JULY 7, 1790 carious. In general the chain of alliance, that is formed or forming, among the Swedes, Prus sians, Poles, Dutch, Turks, and we may fay the English, is amoft linking proof, of the real or supposed flrength and influence of the two im perial courts of Rulßa and C'ermany." The writer of this par* ■ . • might have added the alliance between Engi.uH'. and Portugal, and that between the United Sta. <s of America and Krance. The principle of all these examples is as natural as emulation, and as infallible as the lincerity of interelt. On it, turns the whole fyf tem of human affairs. The of 1 776 were fully aware of it. With no ftnall .degree of ve hemence, was it urged, as a,n argument for the declaration of Independence . With confidence and firmnefs was it foretold, that Krance could not avoid accepting the propositions that should be made to lier; that the Court of Versailles could not answer it, to her own fubjetls, and that all Europe would pronounce her blind, 1011, and un done, if Ihe rejected so fair ar opportunity of dif embarrafling herfelf, from the danger of so pow erful and hostile a rival, wiitfe naval fuperiori ity held all her foreign dominions, her maritime power, and commercial interelt, at mercy. But why all this of Emulation and Rivalry ?— Because, as the whole history of the civil wars of France, given us by Davi/a, is no more, than a relation of rivalries, fuccejdlng each other in a rapid series, the reflec r tions we have made will aflift us, both to utiderftand that noble hiftjrian, and to form a l ight judgment of the state of af fairs in France at the prefl?fit moment. They will fugged also to Jw'ri am. efpeciallyto those who have been unfriendly, an<l may be vtovv luke warm to their national Constitution, some ufeful enquiries, such as these for exam pies. Whether there are not emulations, of a serious complex ion among ourselves ? betwe 11 cities and univer fi:ie= ? between North nad \*'uch ? The middle and the North ? The middle and the South ? between one State and another? between the go vernments of States and the National govern ment ? and between individual patriots and he roes in all these What is the natural remedy against the inconveniencies and dangers of these rivalries ? Whether a well-balanced Conftitu tion —such as that of our Union purports to be, ought not to be cordially supported, till its de feats, if it has any, can be corrected, by every good citizen as our only hope of peace, and our ark of fafety ? — But it lhall be left to the contem plations of our State Physicians to discover the causes and the remedy of that "fiver, -whereof cur poio?r is sick." One question only shall be refpetitfully insinuated : Whether equal laws, the result only of a balanced government, can ever be obtained and preserved without some signs or other and degree ? We are told that our friends, the National As fembly of France, have abolished all diilintflions. But be not deceived my dear countrymen. Im portibilities cannot be performed. Have they le velled all fortunes, and equally divided aJI pro perty ? Have they made all men and women e qually wife, elegant, and beautiful ? Have they annihilated the names of Bourbon and Montmo rency, Rochefaucalt and Noailles, la Fayette and la Moignon. Neckar and de Calonne, Mirabeau and Bailey ? Have tliey committed to the flames all the records,annals,and histories of the nation ? All the copies of Mezerai, Daniel, de Thou, Veilly, and a thousand others i Fa\e they burned all their pidlures, and broken all their statues ? Have they blotted out of all memories, the names, places of abode, and illustrious a<slionsof all their ancellors ? Have they not still Princes of the firft and second order, Nobles and Knights ? Have they 110 rccord nor memory who are the men, who compose the present National Aflembly ?— Do they wish to have that diftintflion forgotton ? Have the French officers who served in America melted their Eagles, and torn their ribbons i TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. ADDRESS of the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY to the PEOPLE of FRANCE. February nth, 1790. (CONTINUED.) SUCH, people of France, is the profpedt of happinefsand glory which is opened before you ! Some steps yet remain to be taken, and it is here where the detra&ors of the revolution OK<pe& to surprize you. Be on your guard against 513 THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK an impetuous vivacity ; oppose all violence, for every difordor may be fatal to liberty. You cherish this liberty, you are in poflcflion of it at this moment : fiiew yourselves worthy of pre fervingit ; be faithful to the spirit, to ihe letter of the decrees of your representatives, ac cepted or finftioned by the King ; distinguish carefully between the duties tha: are abolish ed beyond redemption, -and the redeemable duties yet existing. That the former be no longer exadtcd,but that the latter be not refufed. Think on the three sacred words which guaran ty these decrees : The Natiau,t\\e Laui, the King. The Nation is yourselves, the Law is still your selves, it is your will : The Km* is the guardian of the L avj. Whatever falfhoods may be propa gated, rely on this union, They have formerly deceived the King, they would now wi(h to de ceive you. The King's goodnels is afilirted at it : he wiflies to prefcrve his people from flatter ers whom he has removed from his throne ; he will defend the cradle of his son against tliem ; for, in the niidft of youy t he has declared that he will make the heir of the crown the guardian of the constitution. Let them speak no longer to you about; two parties. There is but one ; we have all (worn it; it is that of liberty. Its victory is sure, at tested by the conquelts which daily multiply. Let obscure blasphemers circulate reproaches and calumnies againit us ; but, only reflect that if they praised us, France would be undone. On ly take care not to revive their hopes by mifcon dueft, by disorders, or bv forgetting the laws. Observe, how they triumph at l'ome delays in tbe collection of the duties. Do not prepare a cruel joy for them ! llefletft that this debt—No ! It is no longer a debt ; it is a sacred tribute, and it is the country that now receives it for you and jour children ; who will no longer leave it at the niercy of depredator? vvho would have drain ed the public trcafury, but have it 110 longer in' their power. They wished for calamities which the magnanimous bounty of the King has ren dered iinpofiible. People of France, second your King by a firm and immoveable xefpedt for the laws, defend his liappinefs, his virtues and his true glory ; (how him that he never had any other enemies than those who were enemies 10 liberty—fl-.ow him that for liberty and for him, your constancy will equal your courage ; that you will never be weary, and will be ever inde fatigable in support of that liberty, of which lie is the guardian. Your relaxation was the lalt hope of the enemies of the revolution ; they have lolt that hope : groans; and deplore, without hating, this last weaknels, this wretchedness of humanity. Let us find out, let us plead some excuses in their favor. Consider the numberless caufcs that might prolong, sup port, and almolt perpetuate their illusion. What ! is not some time requisite to obliterate from their memory, the phantoms of a long dream, the dreams of a long life ? Who can tri umph in an instant over the habits of the mind, the opinions inculcated in infancy, supported by the exterior forms of society, a long time fa vored by the public servitude, whicli wa3 thought eternal, dear to a kind of pride which was im posed as a duty, in ftjort, placed under the pro tection of personal interest, which was flattered in foinany ways. To lose all at once these illu sions, these hopes, these dearly cherished ideas, a part of their fortune ; is it in the power of ma ny men to be able to do it, without some regrets, without efforts, without resistance, at firft natu ral, and which a falfe honor afterwards imposes. If among this class, heretofore so favored, some fliould be found, who cannot submit to so many lodes all at once, be generous ; recolletft that in this very class there are men, who have dared to elevate themselves to the dignity of citizen, intrepid defenders of your rights, and in the bo fotn ot their families, opposing to theirtendereft sentiments, the noblest enthufiafmof liberty. Lament, people of France, the blind vj&ims of fa many deplorable prejudices ; but under the empire of laws, let the word vengeance be no more pronounced. Courage, perseverance, ge nerosity, the virtues of liberty , we expeift them from you in the name of this sacred liberty, the only conquest worthy of man, worthy Of you, by the facrifices you have made for it, by the vir tues which are intermixed with the ineonveni cnces inseparable from a great revolution : Do not delay, do not dishonor the faireltwork,which to ' [Whole No. 129-]
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