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PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENXO, No. 41. BROAD-STREET, NEA.
[No. 25, (/VOl. ll.j
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA. No. XII.
Think We, like Come weak. Prince, th' eternal cause
Prone, ior his favV.tes, to revei fe his laws ?
EMULATION, which is imitation and some
thing more—a desire not only to equal or
resemble, but to excel ; is so natural a move
ment of the human heart, that wherever men are
to be found, find in whatever manner allbciated
or connected, we fee its effedts. They are not
more affected by it, as individuals, than they are
in communities. There are rivalries between
every little society in the fame city—between fa
milies and all the connexions by consanguinity
and affinity—between trades, faculties, and pro
fedions—between congregations, pariflies and
churches—between schools, colleges, and univer
sities—between districts, villages, cities, provin
ces and nations.
National rivalries are more frequeutly tlie cause
of wars than the ambition of ministers, or the
pride of kings.—As long as there is patriot!l\n,
there will be national emulation.vanity and pride.
It is national pride which commonly stimulates
kings and ministers.—National fear, apprehen
iionof danger, and the neceflity of felf defence,
is added to such rivalries for wealth, considera
tion and power. The fafety, independence, and
evidence of a nation, depends uporvkeeping up,
an high sense of its own honor, dignity and pow
er in the hearts of its individuals, and a lively
jealousy of the growing power and aspiring am
bition of a neighboring State.—This is well il
lustrated in the Political Geography, publilhed
in our Hewfpapers from London, within a few
weeks. " The jealouiies and enmities, the al
liances and friendfhips, or rather the combina
tions of different States and Princes, mightalmolt
be learned from a map, without attention to
what has parted, or is now palling in the world.
Next neighbors are political ewuiw • State' l*e
-.veen which a common neighbor, and tlierelore
common enemy intervenes, are good friends,
in this refpecl Europe may !>e compared to a
chefs board, marked with the black, and with the
•white spots of political discord and concord.—
Before the union between England and Scotland,
a frietidlhip and alliance fubiilted for
between the latter ofthefe kingdoms and France,
because they was both inimical to England. For
a like reason, before a Prince of Bourbon, in the
beginning of the prefant celitury, was raised to ,
the Spanilh throne, a good underltanding fubfilt- j
ed for the mod part, between England and Spain, ■
and before the late alliance, there was peace and
kindnels, with little interruption, for the space
of centuries, between England and the Emperor.
An alliance has long fubfiited betweed the French
and the Turks, 011 account of the intervening do
minion ofthe Auftrians. The Swedes were long
the friends of France, on account of the inter
vention of Holland and Denmark—and because
Sweden the friend of France, wasfituatedin the
neighborhood of the Ruilian territories, a friend
ship and commercial intercourse was eftabliihed,
from the very firft time that Muscovy appears on
the political theatre of Europe, between England
and Ruflia. It is fuperfluous to multiply inltan
aes of this kind. All past hiitory and present
observation will confirm the truth of our poiition
—which, though very fiinple, is like all other
simple truths, of very great importance—for,
however, the accidental caprices and paiiions of
individual Princes, or their mini Iters, may alter
the relative dispositions and interests of nations
for a time, there is a natural tendency to revert
to the alteration already described. We have
been led into these reflections by the treaty of
fenfive and defenfive, that has been formed be
tween Sweden, Pruflia, and the Sublime Porte
—between Pruflia and Holland— ; and the report
■which is verp probable, Hiat a treaty ofFenfive »nd
defenfive is 011 the point of being concluded be
tween Turkey and Poland. In this chain of al
liances we find the order of the chefs-board ad
hered to, in some inftences, but palled over in
others- It is observed there should. be an alli
ance between RuiJia and Sweden—and also that
there should be an alliance between Poland and
Turkey, because Rufiia intervenes between Tur
ky and Sweden, and Hungary between Turkey
and Poland—but that there fliould be an alliance
between Poland and Prussia is owing to particu
lar and accidental circumrtances. The two for
mer alliances may therefore be expected to be
laftmg—the latter to be only temporary and pre
WEDNESDAY, JULY 7, 1790
carious. In general the chain of alliance, that
is formed or forming, among the Swedes, Prus
sians, Poles, Dutch, Turks, and we may fay the
English, is amoft linking proof, of the real or
supposed flrength and influence of the two im
perial courts of Rulßa and C'ermany."
The writer of this par* ■ . • might have added
the alliance between Engi.uH'. and Portugal, and
that between the United Sta. <s of America and
Krance. The principle of all these examples is
as natural as emulation, and as infallible as the
lincerity of interelt. On it, turns the whole fyf
tem of human affairs. The of 1 776 were
fully aware of it. With no ftnall .degree of ve
hemence, was it urged, as a,n argument for the
declaration of Independence . With confidence
and firmnefs was it foretold, that Krance could not
avoid accepting the propositions that should be
made to lier; that the Court of Versailles could
not answer it, to her own fubjetls, and that all
Europe would pronounce her blind, 1011, and un
done, if Ihe rejected so fair ar opportunity of dif
embarrafling herfelf, from the danger of so pow
erful and hostile a rival, wiitfe naval fuperiori
ity held all her foreign dominions, her maritime
power, and commercial interelt, at mercy.
But why all this of Emulation and Rivalry ?—
Because, as the whole history of the civil wars of
France, given us by Davi/a, is no more, than a
relation of rivalries, fuccejdlng each other in a
rapid series, the reflec r tions we have made will
aflift us, both to utiderftand that noble hiftjrian,
and to form a l ight judgment of the state of af
fairs in France at the prefl?fit moment. They
will fugged also to Jw'ri am. efpeciallyto those
who have been unfriendly, an<l may be vtovv luke
warm to their national Constitution, some ufeful
enquiries, such as these for exam pies. Whether
there are not emulations, of a serious complex
ion among ourselves ? betwe 11 cities and univer
fi:ie= ? between North nad \*'uch ? The middle
and the North ? The middle and the South ?
between one State and another? between the go
vernments of States and the National govern
ment ? and between individual patriots and he
roes in all these What is the natural remedy
against the inconveniencies and dangers of these
rivalries ? Whether a well-balanced Conftitu
tion —such as that of our Union purports to be,
ought not to be cordially supported, till its de
feats, if it has any, can be corrected, by every
good citizen as our only hope of peace, and our
ark of fafety ? — But it lhall be left to the contem
plations of our State Physicians to discover the
causes and the remedy of that "fiver, -whereof
cur poio?r is sick." One question only shall be
refpetitfully insinuated : Whether equal laws,
the result only of a balanced government, can
ever be obtained and preserved without some signs
or other and degree ?
We are told that our friends, the National As
fembly of France, have abolished all diilintflions.
But be not deceived my dear countrymen. Im
portibilities cannot be performed. Have they le
velled all fortunes, and equally divided aJI pro
perty ? Have they made all men and women e
qually wife, elegant, and beautiful ? Have they
annihilated the names of Bourbon and Montmo
rency, Rochefaucalt and Noailles, la Fayette and
la Moignon. Neckar and de Calonne, Mirabeau
and Bailey ? Have tliey committed to the flames
all the records,annals,and histories of the nation ?
All the copies of Mezerai, Daniel, de Thou,
Veilly, and a thousand others i Fa\e they burned
all their pidlures, and broken all their statues ?
Have they blotted out of all memories, the names,
places of abode, and illustrious a<slionsof all their
ancellors ? Have they not still Princes of the firft
and second order, Nobles and Knights ? Have
they 110 rccord nor memory who are the men,
who compose the present National Aflembly ?—
Do they wish to have that diftintflion forgotton ?
Have the French officers who served in America
melted their Eagles, and torn their ribbons i
TRANSLATED
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
ADDRESS of the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY to the
PEOPLE of FRANCE.
February nth, 1790.
(CONTINUED.)
SUCH, people of France, is the profpedt of
happinefsand glory which is opened before
you ! Some steps yet remain to be taken, and it
is here where the detra&ors of the revolution
OK<pe& to surprize you. Be on your guard against
513
THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK
an impetuous vivacity ; oppose all violence, for
every difordor may be fatal to liberty. You
cherish this liberty, you are in poflcflion of it at
this moment : fiiew yourselves worthy of pre
fervingit ; be faithful to the spirit, to ihe letter
of the decrees of your representatives, ac
cepted or finftioned by the King ; distinguish
carefully between the duties tha: are abolish
ed beyond redemption, -and the redeemable
duties yet existing. That the former be no
longer exadtcd,but that the latter be not refufed.
Think on the three sacred words which guaran
ty these decrees : The Natiau,t\\e Laui, the King.
The Nation is yourselves, the Law is still your
selves, it is your will : The Km* is the guardian
of the L avj. Whatever falfhoods may be propa
gated, rely on this union, They have formerly
deceived the King, they would now wi(h to de
ceive you. The King's goodnels is afilirted at
it : he wiflies to prefcrve his people from flatter
ers whom he has removed from his throne ; he
will defend the cradle of his son against tliem ;
for, in the niidft of youy t he has
declared that he will make the heir of the crown
the guardian of the constitution.
Let them speak no longer to you about; two
parties. There is but one ; we have all (worn
it; it is that of liberty. Its victory is sure, at
tested by the conquelts which daily multiply.
Let obscure blasphemers circulate reproaches and
calumnies againit us ; but, only reflect that if
they praised us, France would be undone. On
ly take care not to revive their hopes by mifcon
dueft, by disorders, or bv forgetting the laws.
Observe, how they triumph at l'ome delays in tbe
collection of the duties. Do not prepare a cruel
joy for them ! llefletft that this debt—No ! It is
no longer a debt ; it is a sacred tribute, and it is
the country that now receives it for you and
jour children ; who will no longer leave it at
the niercy of depredator? vvho would have drain
ed the public trcafury, but have it 110 longer in'
their power. They wished for calamities which
the magnanimous bounty of the King has ren
dered iinpofiible. People of France, second your
King by a firm and immoveable xefpedt for the
laws, defend his liappinefs, his virtues and his
true glory ; (how him that he never had any
other enemies than those who were enemies 10
liberty—fl-.ow him that for liberty and for him,
your constancy will equal your courage ; that
you will never be weary, and will be ever inde
fatigable in support of that liberty, of which lie
is the guardian. Your relaxation was the lalt
hope of the enemies of the revolution ; they
have lolt that hope : groans; and
deplore, without hating, this last weaknels, this
wretchedness of humanity. Let us find out, let
us plead some excuses in their favor. Consider
the numberless caufcs that might prolong, sup
port, and almolt perpetuate their illusion.
What ! is not some time requisite to obliterate
from their memory, the phantoms of a long
dream, the dreams of a long life ? Who can tri
umph in an instant over the habits of the mind,
the opinions inculcated in infancy, supported
by the exterior forms of society, a long time fa
vored by the public servitude, whicli wa3 thought
eternal, dear to a kind of pride which was im
posed as a duty, in ftjort, placed under the pro
tection of personal interest, which was flattered
in foinany ways. To lose all at once these illu
sions, these hopes, these dearly cherished ideas,
a part of their fortune ; is it in the power of ma
ny men to be able to do it, without some regrets,
without efforts, without resistance, at firft natu
ral, and which a falfe honor afterwards imposes.
If among this class, heretofore so favored, some
fliould be found, who cannot submit to so many
lodes all at once, be generous ; recolletft that in
this very class there are men, who have dared
to elevate themselves to the dignity of citizen,
intrepid defenders of your rights, and in the bo
fotn ot their families, opposing to theirtendereft
sentiments, the noblest enthufiafmof liberty.
Lament, people of France, the blind vj&ims of
fa many deplorable prejudices ; but under the
empire of laws, let the word vengeance be no
more pronounced. Courage, perseverance, ge
nerosity, the virtues of liberty , we expeift them
from you in the name of this sacred liberty, the
only conquest worthy of man, worthy Of you, by
the facrifices you have made for it, by the vir
tues which are intermixed with the ineonveni
cnces inseparable from a great revolution : Do
not delay, do not dishonor the faireltwork,which
to '
[Whole No. 129-]