WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK [No. 44, cf Vol. 11. j w TRANSLATED FOR_ THE THE UNITED STATES. ADDRESS of to the PEOPLE of FRANCiI Fibrulry 11th, 1790. (CONTINUED.) J have deflrojed the Executive power Mo : W Say tlie Muiijicnat pc ver : Itwas this which destroyed, and frequently degraded the xec>>- tivepower,—»We have more pi- ti; r! ly -»V ' it i»y coii»lu-i illit to l': in . fo.ncc of ii*. pow er, THE POWER OF THE PEOPLE. It it at frefent defiitute of f.r:ngl /•—again ft the ConlLtir 4 - tion and the Law : This is true ; but ii. their fa vor, it will be more powerful than ever. The p-.ople have armed thevtfclves Yes, in thtfir own defence : They had need so to do. Bur, mijchiejs happen in con/I it, i'lfiver alpi,' 1. Can the National Afleuibly be reproached for thetn ? Can the disasters complained of, be impu ted to it, which it has wished to prevent and check ie whole strength of its decrees, and which vviii undoubtedly cease under the future indis soluble union of the two powers, and th-e irrefut able strength of the whole national force. IVe have txueiied our po-jji's : The uufwer is finiple. We were indii'putably sent to form a Constitution ; this was the w'lfr 11s was the want of all France. Was it po i.' hen to cre ate this Conliitution—)o form one altho iuVper fetft, from the conltirutional decree*, without tlie plenitude of the powers which we have exerciled ■ Say rather,without the National AfierrtWy, Ft ance was loft—without the principle, which L.bmits every thing to the plurality of fiee fuffmges, it is impoflible toconceive of a National Afi'en.! !y ; it isimpollible to concei\e, we do irot fay a ton flitution, but even the hope of irrrvocably «.!< f troying theleaft abuse—this principle, is eternal ly true—it has been acknowledged throughout -T France. It has appeared in a thousand ways ihrfo numerous addrefles of" adhesion, whi ii . in-every dire&iun—the crowd of libels, which n-rc.nx. Wvl U <r i; g"c A t C t OCT U OU • These addreiles,thefe congratulations, tliefe hom ages, these patriotic oaths—what confirmation of the power, which they wish to contest with us ! F topic of France ! Snch are the reproaches, made againftyour representatives, in that crowd j of culpable writings, which affetfl the tone of the ,1 citizen's complaint. Vainly do they flatter i themselves to difcotirage us :—Our courage re- j doubles :— It will not be long before you per- j ceive the effect;. The Aflembly is about giving j you a Military Conftitntion, which by com poling an army of citizen-foldiei s, will unite the valor j which defends the country, and the civic virtues which protetft, without alarming if. It will fliort ]y present you with a fvftem of Import, which will promote agriculture and indnllry, which will in lhort refpe<ft the freedom of commerce—a sys tem which, being simple, clear and eaiily con ceived, by all thole who pay, will determine what they owe, and will render easy the knowledge lo neceliary for the employment of the public revenues—and will lay open to every Frenchman the true state of the finances, till now an obfeure labyrinth, where the eye could not pursue the traces of the treaftiry of the State. Very shortly, a citizen-clergy, removed alike from poverty and riches, an example at once to hotli rich and poor, exenfing the injurious ex preflions of a transient delirium, w ill inspire a true confidence, pure and universal, which will neither attract that envy which inflames, nor that pity which humiliates—will cheridi re!i i on—wiil iucreafe its happy influence byihe niild ell and niort intimate connexions between the people and the p?rtors—and will no longer af iord the fight which the patriotifin of the Clergy itfelf, has more than once reprobated in this Ai <embly, of opulent idlencfs, and unrewaided in dustry. Very fhortlv, a of criminal and penal laws, dictated by reason, justice and humanity, w : il show.even in the perlon of the victim of the the respect due to thequ-ality of man, with out which respect we have no prttenfion to speak •of morals. A code of civil laws, entrusted to judges appointed by your fuffrages, and render iiigjuftice gratuitously, will loon make all those laws disappear, which were obfeure, complicated '»d contradiiflory, whose incoherence and num ber, appeared to leave, even an npright Judge, the right of calling his will, his mistakes, and ii?nictia;es hH ignorance, justice—but e\en at this SATURDAY, JULY ;, 1790 moment you religiously obey these very laws, be canfe you know, that refpeot for laws unrevo ked, is the diltinctive marks of a 1.1 ue citizen. Infhort, we will terminate ouvl oors by acode ofinftructions, and national edi ation, which wilPplace the Conftitutipn under the p'otecftiou of succeeding generations, and b leading civic inftrudtion, through all the degrees of repiefen tation, we shall transmit, thro evLry class of so ciety, the 1 ' owledge necefl uyf n Y the happiness ps each or 'ole cla«l<"s, as well ti- that of the whole society. (To be com.uu 1 J CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. TUESDAY, MAY 25. Mr. Gerrv's motion on the affumptien of the S'jte debts, which was inserted in this p. per of the 26th, under. 'moderation Mr. A M ES : (continued from our last.) THF-RF, is another view of the fubjeft to l,c taken. It is al lowed that the people pay duties in prop- >tion as they con sume dutied articles. The consumption in the several States is nearly accoidihg to t'he numbers ot the people. It wilt be as fair in this, as in the former calculation, to takes.i number of rcpre fentatives as our rule to compute the prop >rtit nvwhicb the lever«J States contribute by the consumption of artu:i< . charged with du ties. The impofl of and Mi. Vachufetts colle&ed : wiihin the period from August to December, id added together, was nearly 120,000 dollar* Allow the form.: three parts in ele ven, according to her reprefentatiou, and it vi'.l apptar that her citizens paid thirty-two thoufond seven hundred dollars of the whole sum. I.efi than 8,000 dollars were o.lleckd within the State. In cafe the debts Ihould not be afiumed, but fhouid be provided for by State duties and txcifea, according to fhefc prin ciples, the citizens of New-Hampfh<re would have to pay 5.000 dollars a month, or at the rateof 25,009 from \ ugufl to D.ci mber into the trealury of Massachusetts. • • in like manner, would nay witb ; n an equal period 54. C d -s, and Jcrfcy, it Yrckoaerr witn iNew-lork, woutr. nave to p&y «h»out t»o,oooiioi lars, and with Pennsylvania still more. In a whole year, this tribute which one State would cxa& from another'would amount to very large sums. North-Carolina is a non importing State, and in common with the others beforementioncd, would have to pay for the debt of its neighbours and then to provide for its own. Is there any justice or cause of difcora and violence charged, or even imagined, againfl the alTumption equal to this ? And yet we hear it said, let us leave th# States to pay their debts for them selves. Perhaps we (hall never be fully agreed as to what is policy ; on great quefttons when the judgment should he cool, the paffi ns most frequently interpose and disturb its decisions, and this is most likely to happen where public men are zealously faithful to their trust. But it is otherwise with our sense of justice ; our pity, our gra titude, our refemments may mislead us ; but of all the operations of the moral feofe the most precise and infallible is our sense ol justice. The heart a£ts as interpreter and guides us to certaiotv — injury or wrong is the opposite of justice. I appeal to that moni sens , to that law written upon the heart, and confidently ask, whether you can impofc this burden upon the States and call it equality ? Whether you the claims of their creditors and call it jujlice ?—As to the policy of the aflumption. To object is always easy It is not hard to (hew how many little obje&ion a great measure will be liable to ; but, in a qucftion of policy, we are oommonly obliged to disregard little things for the fake of great ones—nor can complete proof be given ol the affirmative; for, when it is asserted that bad cotifequenccs will ensue, time on ly can fully prove that they will not. I neither expect nor pre- nd t« overcome every doubt when I undertake to Ihew that it is more fafc and prudent to aflume than not to aiTumethe State debts. When we speak of policy what is meant by the term ? A measure ii said to be against wife policy when it tends to prevent good, or to produce evil—it rcfpe&s either the government orthecitizens : as it refpetts government will the afTumption dimimfh its power or embarrass the cxeicife ol it ? Or as it regards the people, will it i produce evil and not good ? This measure can neilher encrcafe nor diminifti the power ol government; for the power to be exercised is expressly given it by the coniV.tution. Will it embarrass the exercise of power ? The contrary is 'rue—it removes impediments which will be in its way if not afTumed. Experience has taught us, to our cost, how very pernicious thofc obftaclcs are. The systems of State re venues before the constitution was formed, had crushed industry, and almost ruined trad , from State to State. Will its tendency be to evil rather than, to common benefit ? This, it is true, is a vague as well as complex question; but its great o jitts are to establish justice—to produce equality of burthens and benefits—an uniform revenue system—to secure public credit >y leraoving every example of bad faith, and to prevent all in teiference between the national and State governments, and the dangerous usurpation of the one upon the other, which would bi the confequcnce. How can it he f id that policy is against the measure if its ten dency be furh ? Much has been said about consolidation. Cer tainly it c nnotbe ulurpation for Congrtffs to pay the debts which werccontra&ed either by itfelf, or, at its owffrequeft, by the States Tie State governments are laid to be in danger of a consolidation : that however, is not the only, probably not the greatest. dangei rhey havetorifk; disunion is ltill more formidable ; nothing can lhelter th • small States from thegreat ones but union ; nor woulc any single State be fafe against the combination of several States. All would be exposed to foreign foes.—lf you make the State go vernments strong by taking strength from the union, they becomc exposed exactly in the decree that you do it. For the principle 509 of union ought to be strong in proportion to the drench of th? members. In a compound ratio, therefore, you make the n:>fiuu* al govefnment too weak to combine tic whole to.; thei, and you governments and citizens to tbti caoncc o( acci<'ei»ts an<i to the fury of pailions. which \\* ill confound law . libeny-md £ »- vernment. It is true, a body of' valuable citizens will be attached to th government; all good citizcns should love the government, ami they will do it it government Ihould deserve their love. RevenUe powers are given to Congress without reserve. T» fay ihat it is dangerous and improper to exercile them is a char ;e againll the conttitution. There but three points of view toconfider the Slate govern ments 111. rival? lor power— switchmen—or as legtfl 4 tors within the State. To call them rivals, would be an avowal of the principle of disunion, or rather of positive force, which is ' abfuid. I do not know that either the State or national ronftitutions have given them the office to watch thi< government.—The peo c!e are to watch us all, and I wilh they always may. But if the State govei nments are dill called watchmen, that office ma* be performed as well, perhaps better, without than with the incum brance of theirxlebts. It is equally difficult to fee how it can impair the rights of in ternal Jegiflation. The alTuinption and an uniform plan of reve nue will take away not only all pretext but every motive for en croachment upon them. !f, by the non-alTurnption, an interfer ence is produced, their danger will be the more imminenr. For if they prevail in the const ft, they will be ruined by difurnon. If they fail,they will befwallowed up in the consolidation. I wish, among other reasons, to have the assumption take place, because I think it will give us the bell security that our government will be administered as it was made, without fuffering or making en croachments. I haltcn to notice some objettians : A public debt is called an evil and the aflnmption is charged with tending to increafe'and perpetuate it. lam not disposed to dispute about words, tho I believe the debt as a bond of union will compensate the burden of providing for it. But I cannot admit that it is a greater evii to owe a debt than to wipe it off without paying it—and if the whole debt is to be paid, in all events, the alTumption makes no increase, nay, if the modification firft proposed should be made, thecap'tal will be diminished near thirteen millions by this measure. It is said to be cafier to pay 80 millions bv leaving the State debts to be paid by the States and paying the other debt oui ielves, than to form the whole into one debt. By this division of the debt, if there is any force in the tion, v/ccan pay more, or we shall pay what may becollefted more t&jily. First, let us fee whether this is true as to what the States will have to provide for. As it rcfpe&s South-Carolina, the con trary is confcffedly true. So far is it fiom being a more easy way of paying, that they cannot pay at all. If Massachusetts can pay her intercft, it will be with extreme difficulty. One gentlemsn observed that her efforts had raised a rebellion. It is certain thac t'.< y »v» :-m r ur 1 "V | -t-he States has been some proof of their incapacity to make eiL-ftuai provision. The State debts are to be paid, or thev arc not—lf by leaving them upon the States, they will be loft to the creditors that can not be supposed to be the more conv> nient mode of paying part of 80 millions which is intended by the argument. Befidesthe (hock to public credit, it would be a loss of so much property. The disaster would probably be more felt than some of the greatest physical evils, such as inundation or blading the* earth for a time with barrenntfs. If then the debts are to be paid, by what means ? The gentleman from Virginia, has strongly reprobated excises. The States cannot touch the impost, what remains ? Dirett taxes only. This source will be soon exhausted. The land tax of England is not more than a sixth part of its income. They have carried it as far as they think prudent. Why should not labor and flock contribute as well as land ? For these give their chief value to its produ&s It cannot be expected that the detit will be fafe to reft upon a land tax—lt is not even mortgaged at all in En gland. If our entire funds are barely fufficient, nearly a single fund, and that not the best will be inadequate. It is a better one in England than in America—For the wild land makes it lmpof fible to impose very heavy taxes upon the old settlements, the op prefTed people will fly beyond the reach of collectors. It is be sides much more easy to procure the money in England than iii America. Land taxes arc not only inefficient but liable toother objections—Land is to be taxed according to quantity or value. If the former, it will not produce much. If according to value, then you inuft rcfort to arbitrary afTefTments, more obnoxious than excises. Every farmer almost can attest the force of this ob jection. The expence too in England is little—but in this coun try it is otherwise. Taxes on land have cost as much to collect as excif s. In one of the States, lam told that the colleflion has been eftimatcd at 30 per cent. Experience too has proved that the States, cannot pay their debts by direst taxes. It has bcca pushed to the utmost extent and found inefficient. The argument which has been urged by the gentleman from Virginia against excises, seems to exclude revenue; without it the State debts cannot be provided for. The United States will be compelled to resort to it. It is absolutely necefta ry for drawing forth the resources of the country. As every man con fumes, every man will contribute, foreigners and tianTient people. ImpofU cannot be carried far without defeat ing the colle&ion. Duties on imported spirits would increase the use of home made spirits, which cannot be reached without an xcife. All taxes are in some degree unequal but excises pro bably as little so as any. The rates are fixed, and very little is left to imposition and caprice. Besides every consumer taxes him f If. If then Congress ftiould not lay excises, the best rcfource of re venue will be loft. I am persuaded public credit cannot be sup ported without them. It seems to be a measure of equal nc eeffity that the States /hould impose them. But the States cannot do it with convenience, or much effect, for they cannot m<}kc them general. They will vary in the States, and hold out tempta tions to an infinity of frauds. The States are restrained from re gulating foreign tiade, or that from State to State—with such vast fiontier lines to watch, and their powers on the importation and .>alfage of goods by land so much restrained, and their laws ob 'h uftcd and controverted by the laws of the union, much of the colle&ion will be defeated. The excifc in Maflfachufetts and Conn dficut, it is fuppoled, has not produced 10f. in the pound of what it might be made to yield. Ido not pretend that there is :cfs wisdom in the States, but they labour under almost infur nountable difficulties—lt is doubtful whether they will be able to Col!'tt much, and if they should, the burden of these rival lawa has been found nearly equal to another ta*» nfe? o [Whole No. 12?.]
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