WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK
[No. 44, cf Vol. 11. j
w TRANSLATED
FOR_ THE THE UNITED STATES.
ADDRESS of to the
PEOPLE of FRANCiI
Fibrulry 11th, 1790.
(CONTINUED.) J
have deflrojed the Executive power Mo :
W Say tlie Muiijicnat pc ver : Itwas this which
destroyed, and frequently degraded the xec>>-
tivepower,—»We have more pi- ti; r! ly -»V '
it i»y coii»lu-i illit to l': in . fo.ncc of ii*. pow
er, THE POWER OF THE PEOPLE. It it at
frefent defiitute of f.r:ngl /•—again ft the ConlLtir 4 -
tion and the Law : This is true ; but ii. their fa
vor, it will be more powerful than ever.
The p-.ople have armed thevtfclves Yes, in thtfir
own defence : They had need so to do. Bur,
mijchiejs happen in con/I it, i'lfiver alpi,' 1.
Can the National Afleuibly be reproached for
thetn ? Can the disasters complained of, be impu
ted to it, which it has wished to prevent and check
ie whole strength of its decrees, and which
vviii undoubtedly cease under the future indis
soluble union of the two powers, and th-e irrefut
able strength of the whole national force.
IVe have txueiied our po-jji's : The uufwer is
finiple. We were indii'putably sent to form a
Constitution ; this was the w'lfr 11s was the
want of all France. Was it po i.' hen to cre
ate this Conliitution—)o form one altho iuVper
fetft, from the conltirutional decree*, without tlie
plenitude of the powers which we have exerciled ■
Say rather,without the National AfierrtWy, Ft ance
was loft—without the principle, which L.bmits
every thing to the plurality of fiee fuffmges, it
is impoflible toconceive of a National Afi'en.! !y ;
it isimpollible to concei\e, we do irot fay a ton
flitution, but even the hope of irrrvocably «.!< f
troying theleaft abuse—this principle, is eternal
ly true—it has been acknowledged throughout
-T France. It has appeared in a thousand ways
ihrfo numerous addrefles of" adhesion, whi ii
. in-every dire&iun—the crowd of libels, which
n-rc.nx. Wvl U <r i; g"c A t C t OCT U OU •
These addreiles,thefe congratulations, tliefe hom
ages, these patriotic oaths—what confirmation of
the power, which they wish to contest with us !
F topic of France ! Snch are the reproaches,
made againftyour representatives, in that crowd j
of culpable writings, which affetfl the tone of the ,1
citizen's complaint. Vainly do they flatter i
themselves to difcotirage us :—Our courage re- j
doubles :— It will not be long before you per- j
ceive the effect;. The Aflembly is about giving j
you a Military Conftitntion, which by com poling
an army of citizen-foldiei s, will unite the valor j
which defends the country, and the civic virtues
which protetft, without alarming if. It will fliort
]y present you with a fvftem of Import, which
will promote agriculture and indnllry, which will
in lhort refpe<ft the freedom of commerce—a sys
tem which, being simple, clear and eaiily con
ceived, by all thole who pay, will determine what
they owe, and will render easy the knowledge
lo neceliary for the employment of the public
revenues—and will lay open to every Frenchman
the true state of the finances, till now an obfeure
labyrinth, where the eye could not pursue the
traces of the treaftiry of the State.
Very shortly, a citizen-clergy, removed alike
from poverty and riches, an example at once to
hotli rich and poor, exenfing the injurious ex
preflions of a transient delirium, w ill inspire a
true confidence, pure and universal, which will
neither attract that envy which inflames, nor
that pity which humiliates—will cheridi re!i i
on—wiil iucreafe its happy influence byihe niild
ell and niort intimate connexions between the
people and the p?rtors—and will no longer af
iord the fight which the patriotifin of the Clergy
itfelf, has more than once reprobated in this Ai
<embly, of opulent idlencfs, and unrewaided in
dustry.
Very fhortlv, a of criminal and penal
laws, dictated by reason, justice and humanity,
w : il show.even in the perlon of the victim of the
the respect due to thequ-ality of man, with
out which respect we have no prttenfion to speak
•of morals. A code of civil laws, entrusted to
judges appointed by your fuffrages, and render
iiigjuftice gratuitously, will loon make all those
laws disappear, which were obfeure, complicated
'»d contradiiflory, whose incoherence and num
ber, appeared to leave, even an npright Judge,
the right of calling his will, his mistakes, and
ii?nictia;es hH ignorance, justice—but e\en at this
SATURDAY, JULY ;, 1790
moment you religiously obey these very laws, be
canfe you know, that refpeot for laws unrevo
ked, is the diltinctive marks of a 1.1 ue citizen.
Infhort, we will terminate ouvl oors by acode
ofinftructions, and national edi ation, which
wilPplace the Conftitutipn under the p'otecftiou
of succeeding generations, and b leading civic
inftrudtion, through all the degrees of repiefen
tation, we shall transmit, thro evLry class of so
ciety, the 1 ' owledge necefl uyf n Y the happiness
ps each or 'ole cla«l<"s, as well ti- that of the
whole society. (To be com.uu 1 J
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, MAY 25.
Mr. Gerrv's motion on the affumptien of the S'jte debts, which was
inserted in this p. per of the 26th, under. 'moderation
Mr. A M ES :
(continued from our last.)
THF-RF, is another view of the fubjeft to l,c taken. It is al
lowed that the people pay duties in prop- >tion as they con
sume dutied articles. The consumption in the several States is
nearly accoidihg to t'he numbers ot the people. It wilt be as fair
in this, as in the former calculation, to takes.i number of rcpre
fentatives as our rule to compute the prop >rtit nvwhicb the lever«J
States contribute by the consumption of artu:i< . charged with du
ties. The impofl of and Mi. Vachufetts colle&ed :
wiihin the period from August to December, id added together,
was nearly 120,000 dollar* Allow the form.: three parts in ele
ven, according to her reprefentatiou, and it vi'.l apptar that her
citizens paid thirty-two thoufond seven hundred dollars of the
whole sum. I.efi than 8,000 dollars were o.lleckd within the
State. In cafe the debts Ihould not be afiumed, but fhouid be
provided for by State duties and txcifea, according to fhefc prin
ciples, the citizens of New-Hampfh<re would have to pay 5.000
dollars a month, or at the rateof 25,009 from \ ugufl to D.ci mber
into the trealury of Massachusetts. • • in like manner,
would nay witb ; n an equal period 54. C d -s, and Jcrfcy, it
Yrckoaerr witn iNew-lork, woutr. nave to p&y «h»out t»o,oooiioi
lars, and with Pennsylvania still more. In a whole year, this
tribute which one State would cxa& from another'would amount
to very large sums. North-Carolina is a non importing State,
and in common with the others beforementioncd, would have to
pay for the debt of its neighbours and then to provide for its own.
Is there any justice or cause of difcora and violence charged, or
even imagined, againfl the alTumption equal to this ? And yet we
hear it said, let us leave th# States to pay their debts for them
selves.
Perhaps we (hall never be fully agreed as to what is policy ; on
great quefttons when the judgment should he cool, the paffi ns
most frequently interpose and disturb its decisions, and this is most
likely to happen where public men are zealously faithful to their
trust.
But it is otherwise with our sense of justice ; our pity, our gra
titude, our refemments may mislead us ; but of all the operations
of the moral feofe the most precise and infallible is our sense ol
justice. The heart a£ts as interpreter and guides us to certaiotv —
injury or wrong is the opposite of justice. I appeal to that moni
sens , to that law written upon the heart, and confidently ask,
whether you can impofc this burden upon the States and call it
equality ? Whether you the claims of their creditors
and call it jujlice ?—As to the policy of the aflumption. To object
is always easy It is not hard to (hew how many little obje&ion
a great measure will be liable to ; but, in a qucftion of policy, we
are oommonly obliged to disregard little things for the fake of
great ones—nor can complete proof be given ol the affirmative;
for, when it is asserted that bad cotifequenccs will ensue, time on
ly can fully prove that they will not. I neither expect nor pre-
nd t« overcome every doubt when I undertake to Ihew that it is
more fafc and prudent to aflume than not to aiTumethe State debts.
When we speak of policy what is meant by the term ? A measure
ii said to be against wife policy when it tends to prevent good, or
to produce evil—it rcfpe&s either the government orthecitizens :
as it refpetts government will the afTumption dimimfh its power
or embarrass the cxeicife ol it ? Or as it regards the people, will it i
produce evil and not good ?
This measure can neilher encrcafe nor diminifti the power ol
government; for the power to be exercised is expressly given it
by the coniV.tution. Will it embarrass the exercise of power ?
The contrary is 'rue—it removes impediments which will be in
its way if not afTumed. Experience has taught us, to our cost,
how very pernicious thofc obftaclcs are. The systems of State re
venues before the constitution was formed, had crushed industry,
and almost ruined trad , from State to State.
Will its tendency be to evil rather than, to common benefit ?
This, it is true, is a vague as well as complex question; but its great
o jitts are to establish justice—to produce equality of burthens
and benefits—an uniform revenue system—to secure public credit
>y leraoving every example of bad faith, and to prevent all in
teiference between the national and State governments, and the
dangerous usurpation of the one upon the other, which would bi
the confequcnce.
How can it he f id that policy is against the measure if its ten
dency be furh ? Much has been said about consolidation. Cer
tainly it c nnotbe ulurpation for Congrtffs to pay the debts which
werccontra&ed either by itfelf, or, at its owffrequeft, by the States
Tie State governments are laid to be in danger of a consolidation :
that however, is not the only, probably not the greatest. dangei
rhey havetorifk; disunion is ltill more formidable ; nothing can
lhelter th • small States from thegreat ones but union ; nor woulc
any single State be fafe against the combination of several States.
All would be exposed to foreign foes.—lf you make the State go
vernments strong by taking strength from the union, they becomc
exposed exactly in the decree that you do it. For the principle
509
of union ought to be strong in proportion to the drench of th?
members. In a compound ratio, therefore, you make the n:>fiuu*
al govefnment too weak to combine tic whole to.; thei, and you
governments and citizens to tbti caoncc o( acci<'ei»ts an<i
to the fury of pailions. which \\* ill confound law . libeny-md £ »-
vernment.
It is true, a body of' valuable citizens will be attached to th
government; all good citizcns should love the government, ami
they will do it it government Ihould deserve their love.
RevenUe powers are given to Congress without reserve. T»
fay ihat it is dangerous and improper to exercile them is a char ;e
againll the conttitution.
There but three points of view toconfider the Slate govern
ments 111. rival? lor power— switchmen—or as legtfl 4
tors within the State. To call them rivals, would be an avowal
of the principle of disunion, or rather of positive force, which is '
abfuid.
I do not know that either the State or national ronftitutions
have given them the office to watch thi< government.—The peo
c!e are to watch us all, and I wilh they always may. But if the
State govei nments are dill called watchmen, that office ma* be
performed as well, perhaps better, without than with the incum
brance of theirxlebts.
It is equally difficult to fee how it can impair the rights of in
ternal Jegiflation. The alTuinption and an uniform plan of reve
nue will take away not only all pretext but every motive for en
croachment upon them. !f, by the non-alTurnption, an interfer
ence is produced, their danger will be the more imminenr. For
if they prevail in the const ft, they will be ruined by difurnon. If
they fail,they will befwallowed up in the consolidation. I wish,
among other reasons, to have the assumption take place, because I
think it will give us the bell security that our government will be
administered as it was made, without fuffering or making en
croachments.
I haltcn to notice some objettians : A public debt is called an
evil and the aflnmption is charged with tending to increafe'and
perpetuate it. lam not disposed to dispute about words, tho I
believe the debt as a bond of union will compensate the burden of
providing for it. But I cannot admit that it is a greater evii to
owe a debt than to wipe it off without paying it—and if the whole
debt is to be paid, in all events, the alTumption makes no increase,
nay, if the modification firft proposed should be made, thecap'tal
will be diminished near thirteen millions by this measure. It is
said to be cafier to pay 80 millions bv leaving the State debts to be
paid by the States and paying the other debt oui ielves, than to
form the whole into one debt.
By this division of the debt, if there is any force in the
tion, v/ccan pay more, or we shall pay what may becollefted more
t&jily. First, let us fee whether this is true as to what the States
will have to provide for. As it rcfpe&s South-Carolina, the con
trary is confcffedly true. So far is it fiom being a more easy way
of paying, that they cannot pay at all. If Massachusetts can pay
her intercft, it will be with extreme difficulty. One gentlemsn
observed that her efforts had raised a rebellion. It is certain thac
t'.< y »v» :-m r ur 1 "V | -t-he
States has been some proof of their incapacity to make eiL-ftuai
provision.
The State debts are to be paid, or thev arc not—lf by leaving
them upon the States, they will be loft to the creditors that can
not be supposed to be the more conv> nient mode of paying part of
80 millions which is intended by the argument. Befidesthe (hock
to public credit, it would be a loss of so much property. The
disaster would probably be more felt than some of the greatest
physical evils, such as inundation or blading the* earth for a time
with barrenntfs. If then the debts are to be paid, by what means ?
The gentleman from Virginia, has strongly reprobated excises.
The States cannot touch the impost, what remains ? Dirett taxes
only. This source will be soon exhausted. The land tax of
England is not more than a sixth part of its income. They have
carried it as far as they think prudent. Why should not labor
and flock contribute as well as land ? For these give their chief
value to its produ&s It cannot be expected that the detit will be
fafe to reft upon a land tax—lt is not even mortgaged at all in En
gland. If our entire funds are barely fufficient, nearly a single
fund, and that not the best will be inadequate. It is a better one
in England than in America—For the wild land makes it lmpof
fible to impose very heavy taxes upon the old settlements, the op
prefTed people will fly beyond the reach of collectors. It is be
sides much more easy to procure the money in England than iii
America. Land taxes arc not only inefficient but liable toother
objections—Land is to be taxed according to quantity or value.
If the former, it will not produce much. If according to value,
then you inuft rcfort to arbitrary afTefTments, more obnoxious
than excises. Every farmer almost can attest the force of this ob
jection. The expence too in England is little—but in this coun
try it is otherwise. Taxes on land have cost as much to collect as
excif s. In one of the States, lam told that the colleflion has
been eftimatcd at 30 per cent. Experience too has proved that
the States, cannot pay their debts by direst taxes. It has bcca
pushed to the utmost extent and found inefficient.
The argument which has been urged by the gentleman from
Virginia against excises, seems to exclude revenue;
without it the State debts cannot be provided for. The United
States will be compelled to resort to it. It is absolutely necefta
ry for drawing forth the resources of the country. As every man
con fumes, every man will contribute, foreigners and
tianTient people. ImpofU cannot be carried far without defeat
ing the colle&ion. Duties on imported spirits would increase the
use of home made spirits, which cannot be reached without an
xcife. All taxes are in some degree unequal but excises pro
bably as little so as any. The rates are fixed, and very little is
left to imposition and caprice. Besides every consumer taxes him
f If.
If then Congress ftiould not lay excises, the best rcfource of re
venue will be loft. I am persuaded public credit cannot be sup
ported without them. It seems to be a measure of equal nc
eeffity that the States /hould impose them. But the States cannot
do it with convenience, or much effect, for they cannot m<}kc
them general. They will vary in the States, and hold out tempta
tions to an infinity of frauds. The States are restrained from re
gulating foreign tiade, or that from State to State—with such vast
fiontier lines to watch, and their powers on the importation and
.>alfage of goods by land so much restrained, and their laws ob
'h uftcd and controverted by the laws of the union, much of the
colle&ion will be defeated. The excifc in Maflfachufetts and
Conn dficut, it is fuppoled, has not produced 10f. in the pound of
what it might be made to yield. Ido not pretend that there is
:cfs wisdom in the States, but they labour under almost infur
nountable difficulties—lt is doubtful whether they will be able to
Col!'tt much, and if they should, the burden of these rival lawa
has been found nearly equal to another ta*»
nfe? o
[Whole No. 12?.]