PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK., [No. 23, tf Vol. ll.j THE TABLET. No. CXXVII. (continuation.) " The multitude, in all countries, are patient to 0 Certain point." GOVERNMENT can never be so far redu ced to a science, as to render it proper for Legislators to a<fl, on all occasions, by general principles. Some particular cases may be invol ved in such Angular circmnftances, that natural sagacity becomes a better guide than principles or precedents. And it will frequently be a point of great delicacy with a legislator to determine, how far his conduct Ihould be controled by the public opinion. It is apt to be fuppofcd than the Sentiments of a free, enlightened people, are fel dorn founded in error. This idea must be a lit tle qualified, before it can be adopted as one of those fpecific maxims which reft on immutable truth. I will dilate briefly upon the fubjetft, and leave the reader to form such a result as his own reflexions may di&ate. The general sense of the community is always too foleuiu to be trifled with ; and it is often too powerful to be resisted. But this foleinnity and force can only prevail infituattons ofa very mo mentous nature. Most questions that are dilcuf fed are not obvious or interesting enough to affe(!t the toucji of the great bulk of mankind. If a le gislature happen to pass laws contrary to natural justice, or illy accommodated to the adventitious state of the people, they will probably excite easiness, ana ought to be repealed. In times ot great disorder, the current prejudices of the day may be favorable to laws that ar< capricious or unjust ; but the operation of such laws will loon become unpopular. So on the other hand, in disturbed irregular state ofl'ociery, a temper ot opposition, in the public mind, against ajuft and honorable mode of procedure, will imperceptibly give way to the progref* of justice and good or der. There is a right and wrong in the nature of things ; and it wili be foiHid thai popular pro judice will not lpng fnpport the one, or rcfift the other. Society mult diflblve itfclf wlienthepeo ple can be drawn into a serious oppolition to measures founded in wisdom and rectitude. Tha complaints therefore of discontented men fliould never divert public rulers from such pursuits as are in themselves honelt and prudent* Though iome people may murmur, the great mass of the communi'; will obey. The multitude, >>■ all countries, art patient to a cer tain point. Tliey will generally bear, as much as ought to be borne by human uamre, before they reiufe obedience, and Hy to wars and inlnr reiitions for relief. There are tew or no revolts where the error has been principally on the iide of the opprefied. Perhaps fnuie circuinftances of difrcfpeCt or provocation may attend the oppo iition, but the fundamental maxims of a revolt ing people will gnin advocates in proportion as they arc difcufied. Clamors and (ufpicions may ori ginate in trifles, and often defcrve no notice.— But deliberate JifafieAion among the mass of the people, inuft be redrefled by the government, or will retl. ess itfelf. To cherilh the capriceofan individual, or com munity, is a ready way to incur ill will and con tempt. Opinions that have 110 reasonable foun dation will be transitory. They may (afely be clilputed- and moderately oppoled. 1 here can never be any danger in bringing them into pub lic examination. Nothing tries the merit of pub lic regulations better than to bring them to the test of an experiment. It they Iftrink from the trial, it is an evidence that they contain fomefaife jnaterials ; b,ut llill the clamor excited against a measure tinder contemplation is no furticient proof, that it will not turn out favorable in the experiment. There is an eflential difference in the sentiments of any people relative to a law, before and after it is put into execution. \Y hile a law is in agitation, athouland feelings and pre judices may give it too bad or too good a color ing ; but when it takes effeOi, it begins to bee.v nmined among the people, more upon the ground of its own merit, and will finally itand or fall, as its real'charaifter deierves. Ihe chief enquiry a legislator fhouid make, is, what the real jnterefts of the community require of him. Having aicer tainecl this point, he will do well to enquire whether the popular opinion will probably I'anc tiou he is abotit to adopt. If he finds the turrent of prejudice againll him, lie will, by tleg.ees, be able to reconcile the feelings of the WEDNESDAY, JUNE 30, 1790. people to their true intei efts. It is a matter of a good deal oldifcretion to coutt eraift errors that may exist in society, against the public good ; but the difficulty of the talk will never deter a firm and virtuous legiflatorfrom making attempts. Moderation is compatible with finnnefs, and he will not, ii he be a prudent man, defeat his pur pose by ralhnefs, any mote than he will lose it by delay. Discretion is as much a public virtue as honelty or patriotifin ; but it can never be de creet to flatter people in their , • ejudices and faults, when it would promote their prosperity to lay them aside. TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. ADDRESS of the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY to the PEOPLE of FRANCE. Fiskuart 11th, 1793. (CONTINUED) SUCH is onr work, people of hVance, or rather such is yours ; for we are but your organs, it is you who have enligliteued,' cncouraged and supported us inour labors. Whjr period can be compared with the present ? Wii an honora ble inheritance youare about trantmittingtopof terity ! Raised to rank of »icizeiis, admillible to every employment, enlightenedcenforsof the administration ! Although you are not the drpo fitories, you are certain that itverj' thing is done through you, and for you, who are equal in the fight of the law ; free to ast, to Ipeak, to write, accountable to no man, but only to die common will . what condition can be fairer ? Can there be a citizen, deserving that name, who dares cast a look behind, who would wiih to dig up the ru ins with which we are surrounded, to rebuild the former edifice ? But what has not been said ? Wh.it has not been done to weaken in you the impreiGon which so much good ought to produce ? W: have d:- jlroyej every thing, they fay : that means, that eve ry thing ought to be reettabli<h'.*i. And what is there to.be regretted ? Would you wish toknow of all the objects that have been reformed or de stroyed, let luch persons be interrogated, as are not interested ; let even the candid opinion of fiich as are interested be required ; only except filch, as to enhance the afflictions of personal in-. terell, commiserate at this hour, the fate of those ! who at other times were indifferent to tliem ; ! and we lhall fee whether the reform of each of these objetfis docs not comprehend the general wifties of the public. Wthave atfed with too great precipitation ; and many others reproach i:s with having afied too /lowly. With too much precipitation ! Are they ignorant that it is only by attacking and over turning abuses all at once, that we may hope to fee ourselves effetftually delivered ; that then and then only, every person finds himfelf inter ested in the establishment of order ; that flow and partial reforms have always ended in re forming nothing ; in fliort, that the abuses which are preserved, become the prop, and shortly the restorer of such as were foppofed to be destroy ed ? " Our sfjfemilies are tumultuous." To what pur pose this complaint, provided the decrees ifliied by them are wile ? We are however, tar from wilhing to prefenc to your admiration, the detail of all our debates. We have more than once been afflicted by them ourselves ; but we have at the fame time perceived that it was too unjull to endeavour to take the advantage otthem ; and after all, this impetuosity was thealmoft inevita ble effect of the firft engagement that ever per haps took place between principles and errors. We are accused with having aspired after a chi merical perfection. Foolish reproach ! Which is plainly but a thin disguised wifli to perpetuate abuses—The National Assembly has nevet attend ed to such servile interested k pufillanimousmo tives : It has had the courage or rather the rea son to believe, that ufctul neceilaiy to mankind, were not neceflarily deitined to adorn the pages of a book ; and that the iupieme ino-, by giving perfectibility to man, the pai ticulai attribute of his nature, did not prohibit him from applying it to social order, which has become the molt universal of his interelts, and alinoft the firfl: of his wants. Is it po/Jible, they fay to regenerate an old and corrupted nation. Let them learn, that none are corrupted but such as vifh to perpetuate corrupt abuses ; ar.d that a nation will renovate, the day 505 it refolvesto renew its liberty. Mark the rising generation ; whose hearts already palpitate with joy and hope ! How pure, noble, and patriotic are its sentiments ! With what an enthufiafni do we observe it endeavouring to have the honor of being admitted to take the citizens oath ! But why anfwor such a iniferable reproach ! Shall the National Aflembly be reduced to excuse it felf for not having despaired of the French peo ple ? Nothing has yet leen dtne for the people, they have dared to Tay—And yet it is the people's cau(e which every where triumphs. Nothingdone so? the peopje ! And does not every abuf'e which has been delbroyed, prepare or fecur* confolatioii for them f Thty did not contplaiu—becauffe the excess of their misfortunes Aisled their com plaints. j4t this time thej art unhappy. Say rather jkey are fliit unhappy.' But they (hall not long be 10 ; we pledge our oaths for it. , (Ti h ctntinuid.) CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. TUESDAY, JUNE 21. Mr. Gcttt'i moritm an <V tjfiinf'thn tj ih; State diits, which r*at injerted in this piper ytU s6th, wtJtrumficralM* Mr. AMES I A.M obliged to obtril 'e my sentiments upon the eommittec,under cucumiianccs which ilifle the hope of procuring for thcrti a welcome reception. The curiosity of the assembly in the firft stages of a public debate, will procure some indulgence and ad miuifter considerable aid to him who hat to support a part iu it«— But this fubjefl has been debated till it has become tedious; there is very little remaining to be be f«id which can excite curiosity, or reward attention. The feelings of the committee will procure me belief whru I fay, that I obey the duty of attempting to, ob viate the objections which have been urged by the gentleman from Virginia, and which I think is imposed upo# me by the nature of some of them, with an unaffected relu&ance. I will hope, however, that a candid condescension to theneceflity of my fitua. tion, and a sense ot public duty, will overcome, or suspend tor a time, the difguil which has attended the revival of this debate. The ical ol the gentlemen, on both fides, has led them to draw aid to their cause fiom very remote sources. But all the objec tions agaiuft the affumpiion may be comprised in these two —that the measure is agaioft justice, and againfc policy. Both (ides of the queftionhave been maintained with an uncommon warmth of convi&ion—in candor, and probably in ftii6t truth, this ought to he mutually underftoud as the cvidencc of a fmcere zeal for the public good. To evince the justice of the aflumption, I take, as the ground oftny reasoning, a proportion which is admitted on both fides \ that the expencis of the war ought to be made a common charge upon the United States. It will llluftrate my argument, to observe, that this war was be tween this country and and not a war of particular States —All America, Congress iatheir resolves, the ast appointing com miflioncrs to fettle the accounts, the late amendment (Mr. Madi son's) to the proposition for affumingthe State debts, and the ob jections to that proposition corroborate the idea that the expences of the war ought to be equalized. Aflurwe the debts, and fettle the accounts, and this is effe&ed. There is an end to the inequal ity as soon as this isdoue.—This answer is so plain and conclufive > that it is attempted to take off its force by faying, that the ac counts will not be fettled. If this assertion is true, the non-as sumption is plainly unjust—For the burden is confeffedly unequal now, and the only reason for refufing to take this burden off some of the States, is the certain afluranee that they will be relieved from so much as (ball be found to exceed their (hare, when the accounts shall be lettled. But if the accounts are not to be fettled at all, the States, which are now overloaded, have no justice to expect but from the aflumption. It cannot be known with certainty which will be a ereditor, or which a debtor State, at present. It theaccounts (hould not be adjuftcd, ve e must remain in ignorance ; we ought therefore to exclude all consideration of the other claims* because it would be useless, and apply the principal of equali ty to the State debts.—The debts to be assumed arc either duly proportioned among the States, or they are not. If they are so proportioned, then it is certainly pdlitic, and not unjust, because it would be equal to afifume them. If they are now unduly pro portioned, it is even in terms against equality to leave them upon the States. If the war has made a random distribution of debts upon the States, it is best to make the amount which is to be left unsettled, as little as may be. For the probability is, that as you diminish the unsettled amounts, you make the inequalities less. This will serve as an answer to those also who fay, that supposing a fettle— rr.ent to take place two or three years hence, a State may be re lieved from a light burden of its own debt, and be obliged to bear, as its proportion of the assumed debt, one more weighty. For it is not certain that it will have in that cafe more to bear than its part, and if it Ihould turn out to be more, the balance may be known almost as soon as the intcreft will commence—The aller tion that the accounts will not be fettled, has been made with confidence. To judge how far we ought to guide ourconduft by it, it is enough to examine what States it corner from. Let the gentlemen who make it a{k their own hearts, let them look round and ask one another, whether their States are the more clamorous for their dues, or apprehensive of a fcttlement, which will expose their delinquency. In this place, where fadls arc known, this question will be an argument. But what ground is there for faying that the accounts will not be adjusted f This was positively engaged hy the former govern ment. It is improper for Congress to a6t as it Congress was not to'be truftcd. Commiflioners are employed in the business ? A motion to extend their time and powers has met with no opposi tion, and it is maturing into a law. Who will oppose it ? Not New-England ! we wifti it—we have pledged ourselves to support it ; you ought to believe us, when it is so easy to bring us to the test. I have myfelf moved rcfolutions —the belt I could devise— which I thought v*ould facilitate—would forcc a fcttlement. I [Whole No. 127.]
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