PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK.,
[No. 23, tf Vol. ll.j
THE TABLET. No. CXXVII.
(continuation.)
" The multitude, in all countries, are patient to 0
Certain point."
GOVERNMENT can never be so far redu
ced to a science, as to render it proper
for Legislators to a<fl, on all occasions, by general
principles. Some particular cases may be invol
ved in such Angular circmnftances, that natural
sagacity becomes a better guide than principles
or precedents. And it will frequently be a point
of great delicacy with a legislator to determine,
how far his conduct Ihould be controled by the
public opinion. It is apt to be fuppofcd than the
Sentiments of a free, enlightened people, are fel
dorn founded in error. This idea must be a lit
tle qualified, before it can be adopted as one of
those fpecific maxims which reft on immutable
truth. I will dilate briefly upon the fubjetft, and
leave the reader to form such a result as his own
reflexions may di&ate.
The general sense of the community is always
too foleuiu to be trifled with ; and it is often too
powerful to be resisted. But this foleinnity and
force can only prevail infituattons ofa very mo
mentous nature. Most questions that are dilcuf
fed are not obvious or interesting enough to affe(!t
the toucji of the great bulk of mankind. If a le
gislature happen to pass laws contrary to natural
justice, or illy accommodated to the adventitious
state of the people, they will probably excite
easiness, ana ought to be repealed. In times ot
great disorder, the current prejudices of the day
may be favorable to laws that ar< capricious or
unjust ; but the operation of such laws will loon
become unpopular. So on the other hand, in
disturbed irregular state ofl'ociery, a temper ot
opposition, in the public mind, against ajuft and
honorable mode of procedure, will imperceptibly
give way to the progref* of justice and good or
der. There is a right and wrong in the nature
of things ; and it wili be foiHid thai popular pro
judice will not lpng fnpport the one, or rcfift the
other. Society mult diflblve itfclf wlienthepeo
ple can be drawn into a serious oppolition to
measures founded in wisdom and rectitude. Tha
complaints therefore of discontented men fliould
never divert public rulers from such pursuits as
are in themselves honelt and prudent* Though
iome people may murmur, the great mass of the
communi'; will obey.
The multitude, >>■ all countries, art patient to a cer
tain point. Tliey will generally bear, as much
as ought to be borne by human uamre, before
they reiufe obedience, and Hy to wars and inlnr
reiitions for relief. There are tew or no revolts
where the error has been principally on the iide
of the opprefied. Perhaps fnuie circuinftances of
difrcfpeCt or provocation may attend the oppo
iition, but the fundamental maxims of a revolt ing
people will gnin advocates in proportion as they
arc difcufied. Clamors and (ufpicions may ori
ginate in trifles, and often defcrve no notice.—
But deliberate JifafieAion among the mass of the
people, inuft be redrefled by the government, or
will retl. ess itfelf.
To cherilh the capriceofan individual, or com
munity, is a ready way to incur ill will and con
tempt. Opinions that have 110 reasonable foun
dation will be transitory. They may (afely be
clilputed- and moderately oppoled. 1 here can
never be any danger in bringing them into pub
lic examination. Nothing tries the merit of pub
lic regulations better than to bring them to the
test of an experiment. It they Iftrink from the
trial, it is an evidence that they contain fomefaife
jnaterials ; b,ut llill the clamor excited against a
measure tinder contemplation is no furticient
proof, that it will not turn out favorable in the
experiment. There is an eflential difference in
the sentiments of any people relative to a law,
before and after it is put into execution. \Y hile
a law is in agitation, athouland feelings and pre
judices may give it too bad or too good a color
ing ; but when it takes effeOi, it begins to bee.v
nmined among the people, more upon the ground
of its own merit, and will finally itand or fall, as
its real'charaifter deierves. Ihe chief enquiry
a legislator fhouid make, is, what the real jnterefts
of the community require of him. Having aicer
tainecl this point, he will do well to enquire
whether the popular opinion will probably I'anc
tiou he is abotit to adopt. If he finds
the turrent of prejudice againll him, lie will, by
tleg.ees, be able to reconcile the feelings of the
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 30, 1790.
people to their true intei efts. It is a matter of
a good deal oldifcretion to coutt eraift errors that
may exist in society, against the public good ;
but the difficulty of the talk will never deter a
firm and virtuous legiflatorfrom making attempts.
Moderation is compatible with finnnefs, and he
will not, ii he be a prudent man, defeat his pur
pose by ralhnefs, any mote than he will lose it
by delay. Discretion is as much a public virtue
as honelty or patriotifin ; but it can never be de
creet to flatter people in their , • ejudices and
faults, when it would promote their prosperity to
lay them aside.
TRANSLATED
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
ADDRESS of the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY to the
PEOPLE of FRANCE.
Fiskuart 11th, 1793.
(CONTINUED)
SUCH is onr work, people of hVance, or rather
such is yours ; for we are but your organs,
it is you who have enligliteued,' cncouraged and
supported us inour labors. Whjr period can be
compared with the present ? Wii an honora
ble inheritance youare about trantmittingtopof
terity ! Raised to rank of »icizeiis, admillible
to every employment, enlightenedcenforsof the
administration ! Although you are not the drpo
fitories, you are certain that itverj' thing is done
through you, and for you, who are equal in the
fight of the law ; free to ast, to Ipeak, to write,
accountable to no man, but only to die common
will . what condition can be fairer ? Can there
be a citizen, deserving that name, who dares cast
a look behind, who would wiih to dig up the ru
ins with which we are surrounded, to rebuild the
former edifice ?
But what has not been said ? Wh.it has not
been done to weaken in you the impreiGon which
so much good ought to produce ? W: have d:-
jlroyej every thing, they fay : that means, that eve
ry thing ought to be reettabli<h'.*i. And what is
there to.be regretted ? Would you wish toknow
of all the objects that have been reformed or de
stroyed, let luch persons be interrogated, as are
not interested ; let even the candid opinion of
fiich as are interested be required ; only except
filch, as to enhance the afflictions of personal in-.
terell, commiserate at this hour, the fate of those !
who at other times were indifferent to tliem ; !
and we lhall fee whether the reform of each of
these objetfis docs not comprehend the general
wifties of the public.
Wthave atfed with too great precipitation ; and
many others reproach i:s with having afied too
/lowly. With too much precipitation ! Are they
ignorant that it is only by attacking and over
turning abuses all at once, that we may hope to
fee ourselves effetftually delivered ; that then
and then only, every person finds himfelf inter
ested in the establishment of order ; that flow
and partial reforms have always ended in re
forming nothing ; in fliort, that the abuses which
are preserved, become the prop, and shortly the
restorer of such as were foppofed to be destroy
ed ?
" Our sfjfemilies are tumultuous." To what pur
pose this complaint, provided the decrees ifliied
by them are wile ? We are however, tar from
wilhing to prefenc to your admiration, the detail
of all our debates. We have more than once
been afflicted by them ourselves ; but we have at
the fame time perceived that it was too unjull to
endeavour to take the advantage otthem ; and
after all, this impetuosity was thealmoft inevita
ble effect of the firft engagement that ever per
haps took place between principles and errors.
We are accused with having aspired after a chi
merical perfection. Foolish reproach ! Which is
plainly but a thin disguised wifli to perpetuate
abuses—The National Assembly has nevet attend
ed to such servile interested k pufillanimousmo
tives : It has had the courage or rather the rea
son to believe, that ufctul neceilaiy to
mankind, were not neceflarily deitined to adorn
the pages of a book ; and that the iupieme
ino-, by giving perfectibility to man, the pai ticulai
attribute of his nature, did not prohibit him
from applying it to social order, which has
become the molt universal of his interelts, and
alinoft the firfl: of his wants.
Is it po/Jible, they fay to regenerate an old and
corrupted nation. Let them learn, that none are
corrupted but such as vifh to perpetuate corrupt
abuses ; ar.d that a nation will renovate, the day
505
it refolvesto renew its liberty. Mark the rising
generation ; whose hearts already palpitate with
joy and hope ! How pure, noble, and patriotic
are its sentiments ! With what an enthufiafni do
we observe it endeavouring to have the honor of
being admitted to take the citizens oath ! But
why anfwor such a iniferable reproach ! Shall
the National Aflembly be reduced to excuse it
felf for not having despaired of the French peo
ple ?
Nothing has yet leen dtne for the people, they have
dared to Tay—And yet it is the people's cau(e
which every where triumphs. Nothingdone so?
the peopje ! And does not every abuf'e which
has been delbroyed, prepare or fecur* confolatioii
for them f Thty did not contplaiu—becauffe the
excess of their misfortunes Aisled their com
plaints. j4t this time thej art unhappy. Say rather
jkey are fliit unhappy.' But they (hall not long be
10 ; we pledge our oaths for it.
, (Ti h ctntinuid.)
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, JUNE 21.
Mr. Gcttt'i moritm an <V tjfiinf'thn tj ih; State diits, which r*at
injerted in this piper ytU s6th, wtJtrumficralM*
Mr. AMES
I A.M obliged to obtril 'e my sentiments upon the eommittec,under
cucumiianccs which ilifle the hope of procuring for thcrti
a welcome reception. The curiosity of the assembly in the firft
stages of a public debate, will procure some indulgence and ad
miuifter considerable aid to him who hat to support a part iu it«—
But this fubjefl has been debated till it has become tedious; there
is very little remaining to be be f«id which can excite curiosity,
or reward attention. The feelings of the committee will procure
me belief whru I fay, that I obey the duty of attempting to, ob
viate the objections which have been urged by the gentleman from
Virginia, and which I think is imposed upo# me by the nature
of some of them, with an unaffected relu&ance. I will hope,
however, that a candid condescension to theneceflity of my fitua.
tion, and a sense ot public duty, will overcome, or suspend tor a
time, the difguil which has attended the revival of this debate.
The ical ol the gentlemen, on both fides, has led them to draw
aid to their cause fiom very remote sources. But all the objec
tions agaiuft the affumpiion may be comprised in these two —that
the measure is agaioft justice, and againfc policy. Both (ides of
the queftionhave been maintained with an uncommon warmth of
convi&ion—in candor, and probably in ftii6t truth, this ought to
he mutually underftoud as the cvidencc of a fmcere zeal for the
public good.
To evince the justice of the aflumption, I take, as the ground
oftny reasoning, a proportion which is admitted on both fides \
that the expencis of the war ought to be made a common charge
upon the United States.
It will llluftrate my argument, to observe, that this war was be
tween this country and and not a war of particular States
—All America, Congress iatheir resolves, the ast appointing com
miflioncrs to fettle the accounts, the late amendment (Mr. Madi
son's) to the proposition for affumingthe State debts, and the ob
jections to that proposition corroborate the idea that the expences
of the war ought to be equalized. Aflurwe the debts, and fettle
the accounts, and this is effe&ed. There is an end to the inequal
ity as soon as this isdoue.—This answer is so plain and conclufive >
that it is attempted to take off its force by faying, that the ac
counts will not be fettled. If this assertion is true, the non-as
sumption is plainly unjust—For the burden is confeffedly unequal
now, and the only reason for refufing to take this burden off some
of the States, is the certain afluranee that they will be relieved from
so much as (ball be found to exceed their (hare, when the accounts
shall be lettled. But if the accounts are not to be fettled at all,
the States, which are now overloaded, have no justice to expect
but from the aflumption. It cannot be known with certainty
which will be a ereditor, or which a debtor State, at present. It
theaccounts (hould not be adjuftcd, ve e must remain in ignorance ;
we ought therefore to exclude all consideration of the other claims*
because it would be useless, and apply the principal of equali
ty to the State debts.—The debts to be assumed arc either duly
proportioned among the States, or they are not. If they are so
proportioned, then it is certainly pdlitic, and not unjust, because
it would be equal to afifume them. If they are now unduly pro
portioned, it is even in terms against equality to leave them upon
the States.
If the war has made a random distribution of debts upon the
States, it is best to make the amount which is to be left unsettled,
as little as may be. For the probability is, that as you diminish
the unsettled amounts, you make the inequalities less. This will
serve as an answer to those also who fay, that supposing a fettle—
rr.ent to take place two or three years hence, a State may be re
lieved from a light burden of its own debt, and be obliged to
bear, as its proportion of the assumed debt, one more weighty.
For it is not certain that it will have in that cafe more to bear than
its part, and if it Ihould turn out to be more, the balance may be
known almost as soon as the intcreft will commence—The aller
tion that the accounts will not be fettled, has been made with
confidence. To judge how far we ought to guide ourconduft by
it, it is enough to examine what States it corner from. Let the
gentlemen who make it a{k their own hearts, let them look round
and ask one another, whether their States are the more clamorous
for their dues, or apprehensive of a fcttlement, which will expose
their delinquency. In this place, where fadls arc known, this
question will be an argument.
But what ground is there for faying that the accounts will not
be adjusted f This was positively engaged hy the former govern
ment. It is improper for Congress to a6t as it Congress was not
to'be truftcd. Commiflioners are employed in the business ? A
motion to extend their time and powers has met with no opposi
tion, and it is maturing into a law. Who will oppose it ? Not
New-England ! we wifti it—we have pledged ourselves to support
it ; you ought to believe us, when it is so easy to bring us to the
test. I have myfelf moved rcfolutions —the belt I could devise—
which I thought v*ould facilitate—would forcc a fcttlement. I
[Whole No. 127.]