t Dan o: rat. HARVEY SICKLER, TVtfKHANNOCK, PA Wednesday, Sept, 26th 1866. FOR GOVERNOR^ 191. III9TEICLYMEU OF BERKS. TOR CONGREM, HON. Wm. ELWELL, of Columbia. TOR EZPRESRNTATIVES, JOHN JAC'KSON, of Wyoming, and C.M.GERE, ' of Susquehanna. TOR SHERIF 9, M. W. DKWITT, of Tunic. Boro. WOn PROTHOIfOTART, E. J. KEENEY, of Braintrim, TOR ASSOCIATE JCDOB, GORDON PIKE, of Northmoreland. TOR REGISTER AMD RECORDER, O. L. PARIiISH, of Monroe. TOE TREASURER, JEREMIAH OSTERHOUT. of Tunk. Twp, TOR COMMISSION BR, G.W. SHERWOOD, of Falls. TOR CORONER, A. H. BOLLES, of Meshoppen. TOR AUDITOR, JAMES R. ROBINSON, of Fork* ton. Are You AsaeEsed I If not attend to the matter before Sat urday night. Monday will be too late.— No time can be spared. Go, immediately, and sec to it tbat your own and other Democrats names are on the assessor's list. THE CONGRESSIONAL NEGRO E- Q.UALITY PYRAMID. 84000,00 extra pay to congressmen for Leg— islat ing for the negro—extending their privileges a nd abridging those of white men. $300,00 Bounty for negro sol diers the boyg in black 110 0,00 bounty for 3 year white soldiers, the boys in blue. And 2 year while men SSO. W T iH the white soldiers of Wyoming County, will white men, anywhere, vote to prop up and sustain such a pyramid of in justice and wrong ? Let them answer at the polls on the Recond Tuesday of Octo ber nexf. The Deserter Daw. The deserter law passed by the last leg isla ur~ to give effect to a law of congress oti the subject with the decisions upon it, IUM received a very careful examination by ft R. Little Esq., the result ot which he makes public in this week's Democrat This opinion and argument is necessarily brief—stndidly so—but is irresistably con fl'imve. We hope all into whose hands it &Is will read and preserve it for refer oce, on the day of election. Let it be ahown to those Judges and Inspectors, if any there be, who, disregarding their oaths and the constitution, may- be dis posed to deny any constitutionally quali fied citizen the right of suffrage. Let them not, when brought up for trial—as I hey have heretofore done—plead igno rance of their duties as an excuse for mal feasance iu office- If, in defiance of the Constitution, and the laws, and in defiance of recent decisions of the supreme and district courts upon this question, they per j •ist in denying to any one who is thus qual ified ibe right to vote, let them be dealt with according to law. h may be asked by some, why, if this law is null and void, the sheriff s of the sev eral counties insert it in their proclama tion*. We answer that the Legislature has full power to direct what shall appear in aaeb proclamation. They m:ght, it they ehoae, direct a congratulatory address to the King ot Hayti, to be thus published. But a disunion Legislature has not the power to set at nought a plain provision of the Constitution. That is above them— and until changed bv a vote of the people must stand as the supreme authority on all •uljecta embraced therein. On the Duty of Election Heart* la Refer ence to Receiving ar Rejecting voles of Alleged Deserters. MR. EDITOR: Having been consulted by several offi cers of Election Boards, in different Dis tricts of this County, in reference to their duty under the late Act of Assembly which purports to disfranchise all persons whose names appear upon certain rolls lately fur nished by the Adjutant f General,and having promised to examine the question at an early day and make known to them through the medium of the County papers, or oth erwise, the result of sacb examination, I herewith submit the following opinion, in fulfilment of my promise. The recent Act of Assembly derives its vitality, if any it has, from the Act of Con gress of 3d March, 1865, which imposes forfeiture of rights of citizenship as an additional penalty for the crime of deser tion, and extends such penalty to all per sons duly enrolled who shall depart their several Districts with intent to avoid any draft, die. This act of Congess has received a judi cial construction from the Suoreme Court of this State since the passage by the Leg islature of the Act of Assembly now under consideration. It is probable that the mem bers of the late Legislature would have spared themselves the pains bestowed upon this statute if they had had an opportunity to examine the decision of the Supreme Court before its passage. This Act of Assembly forbids election officers "to receive any ballots from any persons embraced in the provisions and sub ject to the disability imposed, by said Act of Congress" and imposes certain penalties for a violation of its provisions. It also imposes similar penalties upon all persons so disqualified, who shall vote, or offer to vote at any election, as well as upon all persons who shall " persuade or advise" any election officer to receive the vote of any suchperson or persons. By the very terms of this statute we are referred to the Act of Congress before mentioned for a specification of the class of persons intended to be embraced in its pro visions, and the Supreme Court has decided in the case of Huber is Reilly , that this class only includes such persons as have been duly convicted by a court martial, lawfully constituted, of the offence of deser tion. The Supreme Court recognizes the pow er of Congress to impose a forfeitureof the right to vote as a part of the penalty for the offense of desertion, but distincly holds that neither this nor any other part or por tion of the penalty prescribed by law can be imposed until a Court Martial duly con stituted shall have determined the gnilt of the offender—that this Act of Congress must be considered in connection with oth er Acts relating to the same subject, consti tuting together, a system defining the of fence, and its punishment, and prescribing the tribunal authorized to take cognizance of it—that this whole subject belongs, not to State, but to Federal jurisdiction —that Congress can no more pass over to Rtate tribunals of any sort jurisdiction of offenses against the United States than the State authorities can convey to the Federal courts jurisdiction of off nc* s against the State— that the penalties can not be imposed in part by one tribunal and in part bv anoth er, and that in no case can a Beard of election officers be considered a competent court for the trial of persons chargedj with this offence, and the imposition of any part of the penalty prescribed therefor. And why should not this be so held ? The Constitution of this Commonwealth provides, among other things, that in all criminal prosecutions the accnsed shall have information of the nature and cause of the accusation, in order that he may be prepar. Ed to meet the same. This statute provides for no actual previous notice to him of any sort of accusation. The constitution give's to him the right to meet the witnesses against him face to face. The statute makes imperfect lists manufactured ezparte and upon mere hearsay prima *acie evidence of guilt. The constitution gives to him the right to compulsory process to secure the attendance of his own witnesses. The statute gives to this newly invented court no power to issue any process whatever for such purpose, nor any power to enforce obe dience thereto. The constitution gives to him the right to a trial "by due process of law.' The Supreme Court say that a trial by the Election Board is not by du process of law. The constitution declares that no person shall be twice put in jeopar dy for the same offence. The statute pro poses to inflict the " additional penalty' on a conviction by an election hoard, leav ing the remainder to the tribunal having jurisdiction of the off nse. And what a tribunal is created by this act of assembly for the trial ot persons accused ol this offe nse ! The officers com posing it, though unsworn to try issues in criminal cases, mav act both as prosecutors and as judges. Without power to enforce attendance of witnesses, to make and pre serve a record of trials, convictions and acquittals, their judgement, when rendered, in binding upon no other tribunal. At the next election a new set of judges try the accused again for the same offense, and perhaps impose another fraction of the same penalty. In rase of acquittal in bar by a former board, he can not plead such acquittal of anoth er prosecution for the same offense. Indeed, the idea of such a court for a purpose would be laughable if it had not been dignifird by the legislative assent.- It would be ridiculous if it were rot mons trous. Says Mr. Justice S<rcmrj in the case before cited, It would be very ab surd to suppose that two trials and two con demnations for one crime were intended, or I that it was designed that a criminal might ' be sentenced in one court to undergo part! of the punishment denounced bv the law, j and be punished in another court bv the • imposition of the remainder." Probably these modern courts would find, in the more populons districts.hut little time for the per formance of their ordinary and legitimate duties after trying and passing judgment upon all those parties who are made guilty, prima facie , bv having their names writ- { ten in the book of the Adjntant General.— ! Their judicial machinery wonld he reqnired to move with very great rapidity to cnabla them to "clear the docket" within the time allowed them, without troubling themselves with the little duties that have heretofore devolved upon election boards. As the ac cuscd has a right, guarantied by the con- be defended by counsel,it might be advisable in this connexion to consider how many cases could be tried within the hours limited by the law, under the most rapid mode of administering justice recog nized in our criminal jurisprudence; but as I desire to be brief, I waive this inquiry, and state briefly the conclusion to which I have arrived—namely : 1. That i** a duly authenticated record of the trial and conviction by a Court Mor tial of any person who may offt-r his vote at any election shall be produced before the officers conducting such election, and such record shall show the approval of th* finding and sentence of such court by the President or the Secretary of War, or Na vy, as the case may be, it will be the duty of such election board to reject such vote. 2, That " for the conviction and sentence of such a court there can be no substitute." It follow v Mat the rejection of my vote up on this ground of challenge in the absence of such record evidence 0/trial and conviction Would be unlawful In view of the grave responsibilities, civil as well as criminal, incurred by election officers through the nnlawtul denial of the right of suffrage, as well as of the penalties threatened by the recent legislation for the reception of votes of persons therein speci fled, I have deemed this question one of too great importance to be lightly consider ed, or to be viewed from a mere partisan stand point, and have therefore given to it such careful examination and oonsidera tion a9 I have been able to bestow. For myself, I hava no doubt of the correctness of the conclusion above stated. I may add that in the absence of record evidence of trial and conviction by court martial of the offence of desertion, there is no safer guide for election officers in the performance of their duties then that af forded by the Constitution and general election laws of this Commonwealth, with which they have long been familiar. R. R. LITTLE, "What they Offered In 1864, In July, 1861, Mr. Horace Greeley the editor of the New York Tribune , which paper now opposes President Johnson's polioy, because, as it alleges, it is too favor ble to the South.-wrote the following to Presidsnt Liucolu: New YORK, July 7 1864. MY DEAR SIR: * * I entreat you. in your own time and manner, to submit overtures for pacifi cation to the Southern insurgents which the impar tial must pronounce frank and generous If only with a view to tbo momentous election soon to occur in North Carolina, and of the draft to be enforced in the free sUtes, this should be done at once. I would give the safe conduct required by the rebel envoys at Niagara, upon their parole to avoid ob servation and to refrain from at! communication with their sympathizers in the loyal states ; but you may sec reasons tor declining it. But whether them, or otherwise, do not, I entreat you, fait to make tbe southern people comprehend that you and alt of us are anxious for peace, and are prepared to grant liberal teruis. I renture to suggest the following plan of adjustment. 1. The Union is restored and declared psrpetu nl 2. Slavery is utterly and forever abolished tbro'- out the sam<*, 3. A complete amnesty for alt political offences with a restoration of all the inhabitants of each state to all the privileges of citizens of tie United States. 4. The Union to paj foui hundred million dollars (4400,000 000 ) in five per cent. United Steles stock, to the la'e slave states, loyal n I secession alike, to be appointed pro rata, according to their slave pop ulotioa respectively by the census of 18g0, in coin pensation for the losses of their loyal citizens by the abolition of slavery The said states to be entitled henceforth to repre sentation in the House on the basis of their total, in stead of their federal population the whole being now free. g. A nations! convention, to be assembled as soon as may he, to ratify this adjustment and make snch changes in the constitution as may be deemed advis able. • • • Yours, tiuly, HORACE GREELEY It will be seen by the reader that the foregoing letter was written when the war was at its most fearful height. Then Hor ace Greeley was regarded by his friends as one of the most loyal men in the country. — Now that peace once more reigns supreme this same Horace G r eeley says the Union is not restored, and that a complete amnes ty for all political offences "with restoration of all the inhabitants of each State to all the privileges of citizens of the Un ted States" ought not to be allowed the citizens of those States. Tbe question then arises who have changed. Is it Greeley, or is it Johnson? Is Greeley, the exponent of Rad ical ideas for the last ten years, right, or is he wrong ? If he was right then, the Democracy and conservatives are right now, and Greeley and his satalites are wrong now. There is no way of escaping the conclusion, CALIFORNIA, O. K.—The California elec tion has gone in favor of the Administra tion largely. The Legis'ature stands as follows: Council, seven Democrats and. three Republicans. House, seventeen Dem ocrats and three Republicans. The Radi cals counted on California with certainty, but there's 44 many a slip 'twixt the cup and the lip." THE DIFFKPKNCF..- Would not every workingman—laborer and artisan—like to vote for himself seventeen months back pay and inert ased sixty per cent, at that f That is what the Radical Congress has done. And, what is more, every woiking tnan —every laborer and artisan—will have to pay his share of the tax required to make up this extra compensation. How do you like it fellow-citizens ? Justice ihey say is blind ; how then is she to discover that one mas is white ancPanother colored ?— N. Y. Tribune. Horace evidently thinks it is a hard co nundrum but we answer promptly. "By the smell."— Norfolk Virginian. Jjf Republicans, are you in favor of enforcing negro suffrage upon the South ern States, while you oppose it in your own ? If so, Mereur the candidate of tho Radicals, is your roau. £3T Our theory of Government has no place tor a State except ta the Union."— H. W. Biocber. dor Candidate for Governor, In no Gubernatorial canvass which has ever taken place in our good old Common wealth, have the Democracy less to do in defence of their standard bearer. We have long regarded the nomination of Mr. Clymer as the best that could have been made, because of the purity of bis whole life ; his ability as a statesman, bis unblem ished legislative record, and his great per sonal popularity. In no person that we know are all these essential requisites so thoroughly blended as in the case of our present candidate. His nomination was most fortunate for the party, and there is no person the Radicals would not have p referred to have seen placed in nomina tion. Within the field we regard our suc cess as absolutely certain. His record is of 3uch a character that even his political enemies are forctd to concede all that is claimed by his most ardent friends. We have taken the pains to preserve what the Radi cal press were forced to say of h iin at the time of his nomination. They are so diff erent from some of the feeble efforts of the Radical press that they cannot but have their effect upon the public mind. The Philadelphia Ledger in announcing the choice of the Convention pays him the following tribute : "Mr. Clymer belongs to one of the old est Pennsylvania families. He is a lawyer and a citizen of excellent reputation, and has for several years represented Berks county in the State Senate." The Pittsburg Qazettc an intensely radi cal paper, says : . "His family have for several generations been settled in this Commonwelth, and members thereof have at times borne con spicuous parts in public affairs. One of them was a signer of the Declaration of In dependence, and under the articles of Con federation served as a member of Con gress : He is possessed of wealth and enjoys a high social possition. An active business manr, he has participated wisely and liber ally in many enterprises for the develope inent of that portion of the State in which he resides. Though a leading man in his party his abilities are not extraordinary.— He has, however a pleasing presence and address, and a icputation that does not con nect him with unclean legislation." The Philadelphia Inquirer, another pa per of the same sort aas compelled by truth to say : "The Democratic Convention of Penn sylvania transacted its business wit'i little difficulty, and has, perhaps, piaced in nom ination the best candidate that could have been selected from the ranks of the party. Mr. Clymer is a gentleman of excellent character and of fine abilities. There is no doubt th it he will do credit to the office, should it be bis fortune to be elected." ; The Evening Telegraph , another Radical paper published in Philadelphia, said : "Mr. Clymer is a thorough Pennsylva nian—a Democrat so deeply instilied as to have r mained faithful among the faithless in our recent party racking troubles ; and yet no word of dishonorable reproach has ever be<-n breathed against him. Hiester Clymer is an able man, a shrewd politician and a safe and cautious partisan leader.— We do not say he is the best man of his politics in the State, but we think he is one of the very few who can concentrate the entire vote of the Democratic party in the coming contest. In this matter he will have the eminent aid of his friend and for mer colleague in the State Senate, Hon. Wm. A. Wallace, Chairman of ihe Central Committee, through whose indefatigable efforts Mr. Clvmer's nomonation was secur ed. Hiester Clymer has considerable ex ecutive ability. His experience in the State Senate will enable him to appreciate and gtasp,everv interest of our great Com monwealth and wield the charge with pro priety. If elected he will make an excel lent Democratic Governor." Even Forney, of the Press , was forced to tell the truth in the following language: "It gives us great pleasure to beat testi mony to the high personal character of Hon Hiester Clymer, the Democratic candidate for Governor of Pennsylvania. General Geary may well say that he has a "toeman worthy of his steel." Occupying positions exactly to the reverse on all the great questions of the day, these two rep resentative men will doubtless conduct the canvass in that spirit which should charac terize a great controversy between princi ples that are eternally and unequivocally hostile. And last of a great number who thus spoke of him the New York Tribune, which is acknowledged hy the Radicals as very good authority, says : 44 We do not often find a chance to praise the Democratic party of Pennsvlvn nia, hut we never leave one unimproved; and we are now enabled to gratifv onr nat ural inclination with a good conscience.— Their nomination of Hiester Clymer for Governor is one that it was eminently fit that they Rhould make. For, in the first place he is a good citizen, of fair abilities, and reputable character. Mr. Clvmer was in all things in perfect accordance with nine-tenths of his party, is their proper representative, and will poll their full vote. There is no cheat in his nomination, which makes a square, clear issue. If he gets beaten, it will be be cause the people are not of his school, but believe in upholding the Union." The record given to Mr, Clymer is far better than the Radicals can produce in fa vor of their own candidate. When they attempt to slander your Gubernatorial candidate, confront them then with the record tbey have made showing his fitness and qualifications for the position he is called by the National Union men of the Keystone State to fill. Horace Maynard, one of Bfown low's pimps from Tennessee who has been making a tour through the northern states to enlighten white men as to their duties in the coining elections, in a speech at Athens, Tennessee on the 21st ult. said : "I am an Abolitionist, and have always been One. I was accused of being one wt en I first emigrated to this State. The charge was just; I was full and running over with Abolitionism, but I denied it for policy sake. lam proud to-day that I have been classed among that persecuted set, and deem it the highest compliment to be denounced as such. And I tell you, gentlemen, that in a short time all this complaint about negro equality will be done away with. Some months since it was said that the negro would not be suffered to testify in your courts —that his oath would not be granted him. "But how stand matters to day ? He is not only permitted to test fy in your courts with impunity, but there is every evidence that he will soon be on a SOCIAL EQUALITY WITH THE WHITE MAN IN TOUR STATE. Yes, gentleman, IN A SHORT TIME HA WILL MARRY AND INTERMARRY IN TOUR FAMILIES, It isA little objectionable to day, but you will soon get over this, and THE PERSECUTED NEGRO WILL BE WEL COME To TOUR PARLORS. Ttiis will be the result of the political and social changes of the next few months." Of course tticli speakers are appropriate to grace (!) a Geary meeting. White men and patriots would be out of place. THE PATRIOTS AND HEROES FOR JOHNB'^;, The following list of true, tried and gal lant seders have all expressed themselves in favor of the President's policy: GEN. U. S. GRANT, GEN. \VM. T. SIIEKMAN, GEN. W.S.HANCOCK, GEN GEO. B. M'CLELLAN, GEN. J. A. DIX, GEN. ROB'T. PATEKSON, GEN. G A. CUSTER, GEN. L. H. liOS SEAU, GEN. WM. M'CANDLES, GEN. PETER LYLE, GEN. A. D. McCOOK, GEN. GEO. W. CROOK. GEN. DAN. E. SICKLES, GEN. J. H. McCLERNAND, GEN. D. N. COUCH, GEN. Wm. B. FRANKLIN, GEN. G.K. WARREN,GEN. PHIL. SHERIDAN, GEN. T. L. CRITTENDEN, GEN. O. B. WILCOX, GEN. J AS. C. JMcKIUBIN, GEN. FRANK P. BLAIR, A D'M. FAR RAGUT, GEN. SLOCUAI, GEN GRAN GER, and 45 other Generals, and 90 Cols, of the WAR Signeis of the cail at Cleveland. Also the following promiuent men the country. ITM 11. SEWARD, EDGAR COW AN, HENRY B'ARD BEECHER, S. c's. WELLS and RANDALS. SENATOR DOOLITTLE, OF THE TIMES, chairman of the National Repub lican Committee, ami thousands of* otheis. Against the President and the Union are Thad. Stevens, John Forney, Beast Butler, Fred Douglass (the negro,) aud their treasonable followers. Cltifitlons for General Geary. Are vou in favor of 'trikinsr the word "white" out of tbe Constitution of Pennsyl rama 7 Are vou in favor of enforcing Negro Suffrage up on t he Southern States 7 Are you in favor of the act recently passed at Washington eiving to netrroes equal civil riehts with wh ! te men—cofeinonlv called the Civil Riehts hill 7 Are yon in favor of acts of the Legislature pro hibiting street railway companies from excluding ne groes from cars used hy white persons 7 ' hese columns will t> open to Gen. Geary fir suceinot answors to the foregoing interrogatories. The above questions have been standing at the head of the column of the Harrisbnrg Patriot & Union daily and weeklv. in eve V issue since Aug. 7th. Thousands of Union soldiers, havd over their own prop er signatures asked the same ques tions. Thev have never been answered exeept by Gearv in a speech at the Loehiel (Cameron) Iron works, published in For ney's Press, where he said , "When the Question of negro suffrage rome up, as It will prohahlv in hre or 'our ynr?,/ SHA LL BE READY TO MEET IT AND T WTLL SAY I A.lf NOT PREPARED TO DESY THAT RIGHT OF VOTING TO THE COL ORED MAN.—Qeary't Speech at Loehiel Iron Works, The object of the War, n derived by Con gress, July, 1861 I Resolved , That this war is not waged on onr part in any spirit of OPPRESSION, or for any purpose of CONQUEST, or for inter fering with the RIGHTS OR ESTABLISH ED INSTITUTIONS of these States but to DE FEND and MAINTAIN the SUPRE MACY of the CONSTITu TION. and to preserve the Union with ALL THE DIG NITY AND RIGHTS of the several States UNIMPAIRED [The above resolntion was introduced in the Senate by Andrew Johnson him self.] According to the Radicals, all sol diers who vote on their side are heroes, and merit lasting honor ; hut those who sustain the President are sec< ssion srmpa thisi rs and unworthy of respect or grati tude. Their worth depends upon how they vote, not how they fought! This is the Radical criterion. OF COURSE. —When General Custer was fighting as a soldier for the Union, the Radical journals applauded his bravery.— Now that he omits to follow their lead and is again fighting for tbe Union as an elect or, they dnb him coward and sneak. We thir.k his bravery on all occasions will com pare with that of his detractors. Do You WANT ANOTHER WAR?— Raymond, the distinguished editor of the New York "Times" and "Republican" ! member of Congress from New York says ■ that is the design of the Radicals, if they ; succeed in the coming elections, to impeach the President with a view to inaugurate an other civil war, ■ (9* An intelligent Pennsylvanian says that the admission of Fred Douglass as a delegate to the radical Convention at Phil adelphia will lose the party of that State thousands of votes—enough to render the i defeat of Geaiy certain. 1 READ! READ!!' READ !I T Addrfeas M the fttate Central CommltUd. Democratic #tatb Committbr Rootft, \ 828 Walnct Street, Philadelphia, ) To thb Pkoplk of Pxnwstlvakai : The Demecratic party in its platform of principles, adopted at Harrfsburg, on thtf sth day of March, 1866, resolved, 1. That the States whereof the people were lately in rebellion are integral parta of the Union, and are entitled to represen tation in Congress," by men duly elected, who bear true faith to the Constitution and laws, and in order to vindicate the maxim that taxation without representation is tyrany, such representatives should be forthwith admitted. 2. That the faith ofthc republic is pledg ed to the payment of the national debt, aod Congress should pass all laws necessary for that purpose. 3. That the white race alone is entitled to the control of the government of the re public, and we are unwilling to grant t& negroes the right to vote. Upon this platform we placed our condw date foi Governor, and with these princi' pies we confidently look for succoas in this' Contest. Our opponents in their Con ventww, hefdf at Harrisburg on the 7th day of March,fd -66, also,a<iopted a platform, and nominated a candidate. The principles they enuncia* 1 ted appear to be lost sight of, and the pro. posed constitutional amendment takes their place as the rule of Radical orthodoxy, and to it their candidate gives his unhesitating ■upport, Negro equality and negro suffrage are the essential elements in that amendment. I By it the negro is made the equal of tho j white man in all his '"privileges and immu nities." The right of Pensylvania to make laws to regulate the migration of ncgroea into the State is denied and she is deprived of Iter just share of representation iu Con gress unless her constitution be amended and the negro allowed to vote. The Radical candidates for Governor and for United States Senator, their lead ers of public sentiment, their speakers and their newspapers are open advocates of thi* amendment, and their practice accords with their profession, for they mingle with the negro in social intercourse, in political conventions, and in public proc-saiona. We hold that the negro is not the equal of the white man, and, whilst we accord to him freedom and protection of person, with the right to enjoyment of the fruits of bi labor and aid in intellectual advancement, we affirm that our own race is entitled to control the entire machinery of the govern ment. Sustain this amendment, And you give the negro the right to aid in governing you; defeat it, and you maintain your own right of sovereignty. EVERY MAN WHO VOTES FOR GEART OR FOR A RADICAL CANDIDATE FOR COSGRBSS, VOTES AS DISTINCTLY FOR NEGRO SUFFRAGE AND NEGRO EQUALITY AS IF THEY WERE PRINTED ON HIS BALLOT. DEJIOCRATSOF PENNSYLVANIA ! Power is no longer against you, bnt rang es itself upon your side Opportunities fr fraud do not exist. Aid comes to you from the ranks of the enemy. No Demo crat who voted lor McC'lellan votes against you now ; your brethren are aroused from the Lakes to the Delaware. A changed of five per cent, upon the vote of 1864 will sweep your opponents out of existence.— \ou can count it in every election district * in the comm n.vealth ; and if you will but execute the details of your organization, success is certain. Faith in your principles, courage for the contest, and a determination to poll every conservative vote, are the only requisites to an assured victory. By order of the Democratic State com mittee. WILLIAM A. WALLACE, chairman. - -■ ■ Language of Andrew Johnson. "WHATEVER RATTLES I FIGHT, I DESIRE, TO FtGHr IN THE UXION PARTY, (AND NO ONE, AFTER WHAT I HAVE BEEN THROUGH, WLL QCESTION MY DEVOTION TO THE UN ION),BUT THE UNION PARTY IS NOT THE PARTY OF THE RADI CALS ?"—ANDREW JOHNSON, March 23, 1866. "IT IS TRUE I STATED THAT : [that what battles lie fought would be within the Un ion party] : Bur. WHEN I SAID THE UNION ' PARTY, I DID NOT MEAN THE MEN WHO ARE ENDEAVORING TO BREAK UP THIS UNION, BUT THE MEN WHO STAND BY M£ !"—AN DREW JOHNSON, March 23, 1866. "I BELIEVE THE MAINTENANCE OF THISA ■ UNION DEPENDS UPON THE POLICY WHKUU . ' I HAVE INDICATED 10 CONGRESS, AND. THOSE WHO SUSTAIN THAT POLICY AK& MX * FRIENDS. AND THOSE WHO OPPOSE THAT POLICY I CERTAINLY HAVE NO DE-. SIRE TO SEE ELECTED TO ANY OF FICE !" —A: DREW JOHNSON, Mareh 28, 1866. E. L. Dana, late Colonel of the 143 d, the hero of two wars, is still do ing good service in the cause of the union and the constitution. At a grand turnout of the hoys in blue, of Scranton city and vicinity held a few days since he was the principal speaker and made one of the most telling speeches of the campaign.— The Rtyiste r in its report of the meeting says: His speech throughout was rery able aod replete with many eleq-rent passages. Coming from the lips of one who participated in all the great battles in which the arm? of the Potomac was engaged, from the bloody engagement at Fredericksburg, un der Buroside, to the final surrender of Lee's army to Gen Grant, at Appornatox Court House, it could not fail to have great weight with the battle scared he roes who listened to its delivery The remarks of the speaker in relation to the position oocopied by * Generals Grant, Sherman, Dix, and a host of other I rave and galleftt men through whose efforts the rebellion was successfully put down, elicited hearty cheers He closed by olling on bis old comrades iu arms to rally around their commander-in-chief, Piesideot Johnson, in the great battle now being' fought to maintain the supremacy ot constitutional liberty, A SuanT DIFFERENCE. —WhiIe PresL dent Johnson, Grant and others were pays iug their respects to the memory of the White Douglass, Anna Dickinson, Brown low & Co., were paying their retpeefs t _ Black Douglas, in Philadelphi*.
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