t Dan o: rat.
HARVEY SICKLER,
TVtfKHANNOCK, PA
Wednesday, Sept, 26th 1866.
FOR GOVERNOR^
191. III9TEICLYMEU
OF BERKS.
TOR CONGREM,
HON. Wm. ELWELL,
of Columbia.
TOR EZPRESRNTATIVES,
JOHN JAC'KSON,
of Wyoming, and
C.M.GERE, '
of Susquehanna.
TOR SHERIF 9,
M. W. DKWITT,
of Tunic. Boro.
WOn PROTHOIfOTART,
E. J. KEENEY,
of Braintrim,
TOR ASSOCIATE JCDOB,
GORDON PIKE,
of Northmoreland.
TOR REGISTER AMD RECORDER,
O. L. PARIiISH,
of Monroe.
TOE TREASURER,
JEREMIAH OSTERHOUT.
of Tunk. Twp,
TOR COMMISSION BR,
G.W. SHERWOOD,
of Falls.
TOR CORONER,
A. H. BOLLES,
of Meshoppen.
TOR AUDITOR,
JAMES R. ROBINSON,
of Fork* ton.
Are You AsaeEsed I
If not attend to the matter before Sat
urday night. Monday will be too late.—
No time can be spared. Go, immediately,
and sec to it tbat your own and other
Democrats names are on the assessor's
list.
THE CONGRESSIONAL NEGRO E-
Q.UALITY PYRAMID.
84000,00
extra pay to congressmen for Leg—
islat ing for the negro—extending
their privileges a nd abridging
those of white men.
$300,00
Bounty for negro sol
diers the boyg in black
110 0,00
bounty for 3 year
white soldiers,
the boys in
blue. And
2 year
while
men
SSO.
W T iH the white soldiers of Wyoming
County, will white men, anywhere, vote to
prop up and sustain such a pyramid of in
justice and wrong ? Let them answer at
the polls on the Recond Tuesday of Octo
ber nexf.
The Deserter Daw.
The deserter law passed by the last leg
isla ur~ to give effect to a law of congress
oti the subject with the decisions upon it,
IUM received a very careful examination
by ft R. Little Esq., the result ot which
he makes public in this week's Democrat
This opinion and argument is necessarily
brief—stndidly so—but is irresistably con
fl'imve. We hope all into whose hands
it &Is will read and preserve it for refer
oce, on the day of election. Let it be
ahown to those Judges and Inspectors, if
any there be, who, disregarding their
oaths and the constitution, may- be dis
posed to deny any constitutionally quali
fied citizen the right of suffrage. Let
them not, when brought up for trial—as
I hey have heretofore done—plead igno
rance of their duties as an excuse for mal
feasance iu office- If, in defiance of the
Constitution, and the laws, and in defiance
of recent decisions of the supreme and
district courts upon this question, they per j
•ist in denying to any one who is thus qual
ified ibe right to vote, let them be dealt
with according to law.
h may be asked by some, why, if this
law is null and void, the sheriff s of the sev
eral counties insert it in their proclama
tion*. We answer that the Legislature
has full power to direct what shall appear
in aaeb proclamation. They m:ght, it they
ehoae, direct a congratulatory address to
the King ot Hayti, to be thus published.
But a disunion Legislature has not the
power to set at nought a plain provision of
the Constitution. That is above them—
and until changed bv a vote of the people
must stand as the supreme authority on all
•uljecta embraced therein.
On the Duty of Election Heart* la Refer
ence to Receiving ar Rejecting voles of
Alleged Deserters.
MR. EDITOR:
Having been consulted by several offi
cers of Election Boards, in different Dis
tricts of this County, in reference to their
duty under the late Act of Assembly which
purports to disfranchise all persons whose
names appear upon certain rolls lately fur
nished by the Adjutant f General,and having
promised to examine the question at an
early day and make known to them through
the medium of the County papers, or oth
erwise, the result of sacb examination, I
herewith submit the following opinion, in
fulfilment of my promise.
The recent Act of Assembly derives its
vitality, if any it has, from the Act of Con
gress of 3d March, 1865, which imposes
forfeiture of rights of citizenship as an
additional penalty for the crime of deser
tion, and extends such penalty to all per
sons duly enrolled who shall depart their
several Districts with intent to avoid any
draft, die.
This act of Congess has received a judi
cial construction from the Suoreme Court
of this State since the passage by the Leg
islature of the Act of Assembly now under
consideration. It is probable that the mem
bers of the late Legislature would have
spared themselves the pains bestowed upon
this statute if they had had an opportunity
to examine the decision of the Supreme
Court before its passage.
This Act of Assembly forbids election
officers "to receive any ballots from any
persons embraced in the provisions and sub
ject to the disability imposed, by said Act of
Congress" and imposes certain penalties
for a violation of its provisions. It also
imposes similar penalties upon all persons
so disqualified, who shall vote, or offer to
vote at any election, as well as upon all
persons who shall " persuade or advise"
any election officer to receive the vote of any
suchperson or persons.
By the very terms of this statute we are
referred to the Act of Congress before
mentioned for a specification of the class of
persons intended to be embraced in its pro
visions, and the Supreme Court has decided
in the case of Huber is Reilly , that this
class only includes such persons as have
been duly convicted by a court martial,
lawfully constituted, of the offence of deser
tion.
The Supreme Court recognizes the pow
er of Congress to impose a forfeitureof the
right to vote as a part of the penalty for
the offense of desertion, but distincly holds
that neither this nor any other part or por
tion of the penalty prescribed by law can
be imposed until a Court Martial duly con
stituted shall have determined the gnilt of
the offender—that this Act of Congress
must be considered in connection with oth
er Acts relating to the same subject, consti
tuting together, a system defining the of
fence, and its punishment, and prescribing
the tribunal authorized to take cognizance
of it—that this whole subject belongs, not
to State, but to Federal jurisdiction —that
Congress can no more pass over to Rtate
tribunals of any sort jurisdiction of offenses
against the United States than the State
authorities can convey to the Federal courts
jurisdiction of off nc* s against the State—
that the penalties can not be imposed in
part by one tribunal and in part bv anoth
er, and that in no case can a Beard of
election officers be considered a competent
court for the trial of persons chargedj with
this offence, and the imposition of any part
of the penalty prescribed therefor.
And why should not this be so held ?
The Constitution of this Commonwealth
provides, among other things, that in all
criminal prosecutions the accnsed shall have
information of the nature and cause of the
accusation, in order that he may be prepar.
Ed to meet the same. This statute provides
for no actual previous notice to him of any
sort of accusation. The constitution give's
to him the right to meet the witnesses
against him face to face. The statute makes
imperfect lists manufactured ezparte and
upon mere hearsay prima *acie evidence of
guilt. The constitution gives to him the
right to compulsory process to secure the
attendance of his own witnesses. The
statute gives to this newly invented court
no power to issue any process whatever for
such purpose, nor any power to enforce obe
dience thereto. The constitution gives to
him the right to a trial "by due process
of law.' The Supreme Court say that a
trial by the Election Board is not by du
process of law. The constitution declares
that no person shall be twice put in jeopar
dy for the same offence. The statute pro
poses to inflict the " additional penalty'
on a conviction by an election hoard, leav
ing the remainder to the tribunal having
jurisdiction of the off nse.
And what a tribunal is created by this
act of assembly for the trial ot persons
accused ol this offe nse ! The officers com
posing it, though unsworn to try issues in
criminal cases, mav act both as prosecutors
and as judges. Without power to enforce
attendance of witnesses, to make and pre
serve a record of trials, convictions and
acquittals, their judgement, when rendered,
in binding upon no other tribunal. At the
next election a new set of judges try the
accused again for the same offense, and
perhaps impose another fraction of the
same penalty. In rase of acquittal
in bar by a former board, he can
not plead such acquittal of anoth
er prosecution for the same offense.
Indeed, the idea of such a court for a
purpose would be laughable if it had not
been dignifird by the legislative assent.-
It would be ridiculous if it were rot mons
trous. Says Mr. Justice S<rcmrj in the
case before cited, It would be very ab
surd to suppose that two trials and two con
demnations for one crime were intended, or I
that it was designed that a criminal might '
be sentenced in one court to undergo part!
of the punishment denounced bv the law, j
and be punished in another court bv the •
imposition of the remainder." Probably
these modern courts would find, in the more
populons districts.hut little time for the per
formance of their ordinary and legitimate
duties after trying and passing judgment
upon all those parties who are made guilty,
prima facie , bv having their names writ- {
ten in the book of the Adjntant General.— !
Their judicial machinery wonld he reqnired
to move with very great rapidity to cnabla
them to "clear the docket" within the time
allowed them, without troubling themselves
with the little duties that have heretofore
devolved upon election boards. As the ac
cuscd has a right, guarantied by the con-
be defended by counsel,it might
be advisable in this connexion to consider
how many cases could be tried within the
hours limited by the law, under the most
rapid mode of administering justice recog
nized in our criminal jurisprudence; but
as I desire to be brief, I waive this inquiry,
and state briefly the conclusion to which I
have arrived—namely :
1. That i** a duly authenticated record of
the trial and conviction by a Court Mor
tial of any person who may offt-r his vote
at any election shall be produced before
the officers conducting such election, and
such record shall show the approval of th*
finding and sentence of such court by the
President or the Secretary of War, or Na
vy, as the case may be, it will be the duty
of such election board to reject such vote.
2, That " for the conviction and sentence
of such a court there can be no substitute."
It follow v Mat the rejection of my vote up
on this ground of challenge in the absence of
such record evidence 0/trial and conviction
Would be unlawful
In view of the grave responsibilities, civil
as well as criminal, incurred by election
officers through the nnlawtul denial of the
right of suffrage, as well as of the penalties
threatened by the recent legislation for the
reception of votes of persons therein speci
fled, I have deemed this question one of
too great importance to be lightly consider
ed, or to be viewed from a mere partisan
stand point, and have therefore given to it
such careful examination and oonsidera
tion a9 I have been able to bestow. For
myself, I hava no doubt of the correctness
of the conclusion above stated.
I may add that in the absence of record
evidence of trial and conviction by court
martial of the offence of desertion, there
is no safer guide for election officers in the
performance of their duties then that af
forded by the Constitution and general
election laws of this Commonwealth, with
which they have long been familiar.
R. R. LITTLE,
"What they Offered In 1864,
In July, 1861, Mr. Horace Greeley the
editor of the New York Tribune , which
paper now opposes President Johnson's
polioy, because, as it alleges, it is too favor
ble to the South.-wrote the following to
Presidsnt Liucolu:
New YORK, July 7 1864.
MY DEAR SIR: * * I entreat you. in your
own time and manner, to submit overtures for pacifi
cation to the Southern insurgents which the impar
tial must pronounce frank and generous If only
with a view to tbo momentous election soon to occur
in North Carolina, and of the draft to be enforced
in the free sUtes, this should be done at once. I
would give the safe conduct required by the rebel
envoys at Niagara, upon their parole to avoid ob
servation and to refrain from at! communication with
their sympathizers in the loyal states ; but you may
sec reasons tor declining it. But whether them, or
otherwise, do not, I entreat you, fait to make tbe
southern people comprehend that you and alt of us
are anxious for peace, and are prepared to grant
liberal teruis. I renture to suggest the following
plan of adjustment.
1. The Union is restored and declared psrpetu nl
2. Slavery is utterly and forever abolished tbro'-
out the sam<*,
3. A complete amnesty for alt political offences
with a restoration of all the inhabitants of each
state to all the privileges of citizens of tie United
States.
4. The Union to paj foui hundred million dollars
(4400,000 000 ) in five per cent. United Steles stock,
to the la'e slave states, loyal n I secession alike, to
be appointed pro rata, according to their slave pop
ulotioa respectively by the census of 18g0, in coin
pensation for the losses of their loyal citizens by the
abolition of slavery
The said states to be entitled henceforth to repre
sentation in the House on the basis of their total, in
stead of their federal population the whole being
now free.
g. A nations! convention, to be assembled as soon
as may he, to ratify this adjustment and make snch
changes in the constitution as may be deemed advis
able. • • •
Yours, tiuly,
HORACE GREELEY
It will be seen by the reader that the
foregoing letter was written when the war
was at its most fearful height. Then Hor
ace Greeley was regarded by his friends as
one of the most loyal men in the country. —
Now that peace once more reigns supreme
this same Horace G r eeley says the Union
is not restored, and that a complete amnes
ty for all political offences "with restoration
of all the inhabitants of each State to all
the privileges of citizens of the Un ted
States" ought not to be allowed the citizens
of those States. Tbe question then arises
who have changed. Is it Greeley, or is it
Johnson? Is Greeley, the exponent of Rad
ical ideas for the last ten years, right, or
is he wrong ? If he was right then, the
Democracy and conservatives are right
now, and Greeley and his satalites are
wrong now. There is no way of escaping
the conclusion,
CALIFORNIA, O. K.—The California elec
tion has gone in favor of the Administra
tion largely. The Legis'ature stands as
follows: Council, seven Democrats and.
three Republicans. House, seventeen Dem
ocrats and three Republicans. The Radi
cals counted on California with certainty,
but there's 44 many a slip 'twixt the cup
and the lip."
THE DIFFKPKNCF..- Would not every
workingman—laborer and artisan—like to
vote for himself seventeen months back
pay and inert ased sixty per cent, at that f
That is what the Radical Congress has
done. And, what is more, every woiking
tnan —every laborer and artisan—will have
to pay his share of the tax required to
make up this extra compensation. How
do you like it fellow-citizens ?
Justice ihey say is blind ; how then
is she to discover that one mas is white
ancPanother colored ?— N. Y. Tribune.
Horace evidently thinks it is a hard co
nundrum but we answer promptly. "By
the smell."— Norfolk Virginian.
Jjf Republicans, are you in favor of
enforcing negro suffrage upon the South
ern States, while you oppose it in your
own ? If so, Mereur the candidate of tho
Radicals, is your roau.
£3T Our theory of Government has no
place tor a State except ta the Union."—
H. W. Biocber.
dor Candidate for Governor,
In no Gubernatorial canvass which has
ever taken place in our good old Common
wealth, have the Democracy less to do in
defence of their standard bearer. We
have long regarded the nomination of Mr.
Clymer as the best that could have been
made, because of the purity of bis whole
life ; his ability as a statesman, bis unblem
ished legislative record, and his great per
sonal popularity. In no person that we
know are all these essential requisites so
thoroughly blended as in the case of our
present candidate. His nomination was
most fortunate for the party, and there is
no person the Radicals would not have
p referred to have seen placed in nomina
tion. Within the field we regard our suc
cess as absolutely certain. His record is
of 3uch a character that even his political
enemies are forctd to concede all that is
claimed by his most ardent friends. We have
taken the pains to preserve what the Radi
cal press were forced to say of h iin at the
time of his nomination. They are so diff
erent from some of the feeble efforts of the
Radical press that they cannot but have
their effect upon the public mind.
The Philadelphia Ledger in announcing
the choice of the Convention pays him the
following tribute :
"Mr. Clymer belongs to one of the old
est Pennsylvania families. He is a lawyer
and a citizen of excellent reputation, and
has for several years represented Berks
county in the State Senate."
The Pittsburg Qazettc an intensely radi
cal paper, says : .
"His family have for several generations
been settled in this Commonwelth, and
members thereof have at times borne con
spicuous parts in public affairs. One of
them was a signer of the Declaration of In
dependence, and under the articles of Con
federation served as a member of Con
gress :
He is possessed of wealth and enjoys a
high social possition. An active business
manr, he has participated wisely and liber
ally in many enterprises for the develope
inent of that portion of the State in which
he resides. Though a leading man in his
party his abilities are not extraordinary.—
He has, however a pleasing presence and
address, and a icputation that does not con
nect him with unclean legislation."
The Philadelphia Inquirer, another pa
per of the same sort aas compelled by truth
to say :
"The Democratic Convention of Penn
sylvania transacted its business wit'i little
difficulty, and has, perhaps, piaced in nom
ination the best candidate that could have
been selected from the ranks of the party.
Mr. Clymer is a gentleman of excellent
character and of fine abilities. There is no
doubt th it he will do credit to the office,
should it be bis fortune to be elected."
; The Evening Telegraph , another Radical
paper published in Philadelphia, said :
"Mr. Clymer is a thorough Pennsylva
nian—a Democrat so deeply instilied as to
have r mained faithful among the faithless
in our recent party racking troubles ; and
yet no word of dishonorable reproach has
ever be<-n breathed against him. Hiester
Clymer is an able man, a shrewd politician
and a safe and cautious partisan leader.—
We do not say he is the best man of his
politics in the State, but we think he is one
of the very few who can concentrate the
entire vote of the Democratic party in the
coming contest. In this matter he will
have the eminent aid of his friend and for
mer colleague in the State Senate, Hon.
Wm. A. Wallace, Chairman of ihe Central
Committee, through whose indefatigable
efforts Mr. Clvmer's nomonation was secur
ed. Hiester Clymer has considerable ex
ecutive ability. His experience in the
State Senate will enable him to appreciate
and gtasp,everv interest of our great Com
monwealth and wield the charge with pro
priety. If elected he will make an excel
lent Democratic Governor."
Even Forney, of the Press , was forced
to tell the truth in the following language:
"It gives us great pleasure to beat testi
mony to the high personal character of
Hon Hiester Clymer, the Democratic
candidate for Governor of Pennsylvania.
General Geary may well say that he has a
"toeman worthy of his steel." Occupying
positions exactly to the reverse on all the
great questions of the day, these two rep
resentative men will doubtless conduct the
canvass in that spirit which should charac
terize a great controversy between princi
ples that are eternally and unequivocally
hostile.
And last of a great number who thus
spoke of him the New York Tribune,
which is acknowledged hy the Radicals as
very good authority, says :
44 We do not often find a chance to
praise the Democratic party of Pennsvlvn
nia, hut we never leave one unimproved;
and we are now enabled to gratifv onr nat
ural inclination with a good conscience.—
Their nomination of Hiester Clymer for
Governor is one that it was eminently fit
that they Rhould make. For, in the first
place he is a good citizen, of fair abilities,
and reputable character.
Mr. Clvmer was in all things in perfect
accordance with nine-tenths of his party,
is their proper representative, and will poll
their full vote. There is no cheat in his
nomination, which makes a square, clear
issue. If he gets beaten, it will be be
cause the people are not of his school, but
believe in upholding the Union."
The record given to Mr, Clymer is far
better than the Radicals can produce in fa
vor of their own candidate. When they
attempt to slander your Gubernatorial
candidate, confront them then with the
record tbey have made showing his fitness
and qualifications for the position he is
called by the National Union men of the
Keystone State to fill.
Horace Maynard, one of Bfown
low's pimps from Tennessee who has been
making a tour through the northern states
to enlighten white men as to their duties
in the coining elections, in a speech at
Athens, Tennessee on the 21st ult. said :
"I am an Abolitionist, and have always
been One. I was accused of being one
wt en I first emigrated to this State. The
charge was just; I was full and running
over with Abolitionism, but I denied it
for policy sake. lam proud to-day that
I have been classed among that persecuted
set, and deem it the highest compliment to
be denounced as such. And I tell you,
gentlemen, that in a short time all this
complaint about negro equality will be
done away with. Some months since it
was said that the negro would not be
suffered to testify in your courts —that his
oath would not be granted him.
"But how stand matters to day ? He
is not only permitted to test fy in your
courts with impunity, but there is every
evidence that he will soon be on a SOCIAL
EQUALITY WITH THE WHITE MAN IN TOUR
STATE. Yes, gentleman, IN A SHORT TIME
HA WILL MARRY AND INTERMARRY IN
TOUR FAMILIES, It isA little objectionable
to day, but you will soon get over this, and
THE PERSECUTED NEGRO WILL BE WEL
COME To TOUR PARLORS. Ttiis will be the
result of the political and social changes
of the next few months."
Of course tticli speakers are appropriate
to grace (!) a Geary meeting. White
men and patriots would be out of place.
THE PATRIOTS AND HEROES FOR
JOHNB'^;,
The following list of true, tried and gal
lant seders have all expressed themselves
in favor of the President's policy:
GEN. U. S. GRANT, GEN. \VM. T.
SIIEKMAN, GEN. W.S.HANCOCK,
GEN GEO. B. M'CLELLAN, GEN. J.
A. DIX, GEN. ROB'T. PATEKSON,
GEN. G A. CUSTER, GEN. L. H. liOS
SEAU, GEN. WM. M'CANDLES, GEN.
PETER LYLE, GEN. A. D. McCOOK,
GEN. GEO. W. CROOK.
GEN. DAN. E. SICKLES, GEN. J. H.
McCLERNAND, GEN. D. N. COUCH,
GEN. Wm. B. FRANKLIN, GEN. G.K.
WARREN,GEN. PHIL. SHERIDAN,
GEN. T. L. CRITTENDEN, GEN. O. B.
WILCOX, GEN. J AS. C. JMcKIUBIN,
GEN. FRANK P. BLAIR, A D'M. FAR
RAGUT, GEN. SLOCUAI, GEN GRAN
GER, and 45 other Generals, and 90 Cols,
of the WAR Signeis of the cail at Cleveland.
Also the following promiuent men
the country.
ITM 11. SEWARD, EDGAR COW
AN, HENRY B'ARD BEECHER, S. c's.
WELLS and RANDALS. SENATOR
DOOLITTLE, OF THE
TIMES, chairman of the National Repub
lican Committee, ami thousands of* otheis.
Against the President and the Union
are Thad. Stevens, John Forney, Beast
Butler, Fred Douglass (the negro,) aud
their treasonable followers.
Cltifitlons for General Geary.
Are vou in favor of 'trikinsr the word "white" out
of tbe Constitution of Pennsyl rama 7
Are vou in favor of enforcing Negro Suffrage up
on t he Southern States 7
Are you in favor of the act recently passed at
Washington eiving to netrroes equal civil riehts with
wh ! te men—cofeinonlv called the Civil Riehts hill 7
Are yon in favor of acts of the Legislature pro
hibiting street railway companies from excluding ne
groes from cars used hy white persons 7
' hese columns will t> open to Gen. Geary fir
suceinot answors to the foregoing interrogatories.
The above questions have been standing
at the head of the column of the Harrisbnrg
Patriot & Union daily and weeklv. in
eve V issue since Aug. 7th. Thousands of
Union soldiers, havd over their own prop
er signatures asked the same ques
tions. Thev have never been answered
exeept by Gearv in a speech at the Loehiel
(Cameron) Iron works, published in For
ney's Press, where he said ,
"When the Question of negro suffrage rome up,
as It will prohahlv in hre or 'our ynr?,/ SHA LL
BE READY TO MEET IT AND T WTLL
SAY I A.lf NOT PREPARED TO DESY
THAT RIGHT OF VOTING TO THE COL
ORED MAN.—Qeary't Speech at Loehiel Iron
Works,
The object of the War, n derived by Con
gress, July, 1861 I
Resolved , That this war is not waged
on onr part in any spirit of OPPRESSION, or
for any purpose of CONQUEST, or for inter
fering with the RIGHTS OR ESTABLISH ED
INSTITUTIONS of these States but to DE
FEND and MAINTAIN the SUPRE
MACY of the CONSTITu TION. and to
preserve the Union with ALL THE DIG
NITY AND RIGHTS of the several
States UNIMPAIRED
[The above resolntion was introduced
in the Senate by Andrew Johnson him
self.]
According to the Radicals, all sol
diers who vote on their side are heroes,
and merit lasting honor ; hut those who
sustain the President are sec< ssion srmpa
thisi rs and unworthy of respect or grati
tude. Their worth depends upon how
they vote, not how they fought! This is
the Radical criterion.
OF COURSE. —When General Custer
was fighting as a soldier for the Union, the
Radical journals applauded his bravery.—
Now that he omits to follow their lead and
is again fighting for tbe Union as an elect
or, they dnb him coward and sneak. We
thir.k his bravery on all occasions will com
pare with that of his detractors.
Do You WANT ANOTHER WAR?—
Raymond, the distinguished editor of the
New York "Times" and "Republican" !
member of Congress from New York says ■
that is the design of the Radicals, if they ;
succeed in the coming elections, to impeach
the President with a view to inaugurate an
other civil war,
■
(9* An intelligent Pennsylvanian says
that the admission of Fred Douglass as a
delegate to the radical Convention at Phil
adelphia will lose the party of that State
thousands of votes—enough to render the i
defeat of Geaiy certain. 1
READ! READ!!' READ !I T
Addrfeas M the fttate Central CommltUd.
Democratic #tatb Committbr Rootft, \
828 Walnct Street, Philadelphia, )
To thb Pkoplk of Pxnwstlvakai :
The Demecratic party in its platform of
principles, adopted at Harrfsburg, on thtf
sth day of March, 1866, resolved,
1. That the States whereof the people
were lately in rebellion are integral parta
of the Union, and are entitled to represen
tation in Congress," by men duly elected,
who bear true faith to the Constitution and
laws, and in order to vindicate the maxim
that taxation without representation is
tyrany, such representatives should be
forthwith admitted.
2. That the faith ofthc republic is pledg
ed to the payment of the national debt, aod
Congress should pass all laws necessary for
that purpose.
3. That the white race alone is entitled
to the control of the government of the re
public, and we are unwilling to grant t&
negroes the right to vote.
Upon this platform we placed our condw
date foi Governor, and with these princi'
pies we confidently look for succoas in this'
Contest.
Our opponents in their Con ventww, hefdf
at Harrisburg on the 7th day of March,fd
-66, also,a<iopted a platform, and nominated
a candidate. The principles they enuncia*
1 ted appear to be lost sight of, and the pro.
posed constitutional amendment takes their
place as the rule of Radical orthodoxy, and
to it their candidate gives his unhesitating
■upport,
Negro equality and negro suffrage are
the essential elements in that amendment.
I By it the negro is made the equal of tho
j white man in all his '"privileges and immu
nities." The right of Pensylvania to make
laws to regulate the migration of ncgroea
into the State is denied and she is deprived
of Iter just share of representation iu Con
gress unless her constitution be amended
and the negro allowed to vote.
The Radical candidates for Governor
and for United States Senator, their lead
ers of public sentiment, their speakers and
their newspapers are open advocates of thi*
amendment, and their practice accords with
their profession, for they mingle with the
negro in social intercourse, in political
conventions, and in public proc-saiona.
We hold that the negro is not the equal
of the white man, and, whilst we accord to
him freedom and protection of person, with
the right to enjoyment of the fruits of bi
labor and aid in intellectual advancement,
we affirm that our own race is entitled to
control the entire machinery of the govern
ment.
Sustain this amendment, And you give
the negro the right to aid in governing you;
defeat it, and you maintain your own right
of sovereignty.
EVERY MAN WHO VOTES FOR GEART OR
FOR A RADICAL CANDIDATE FOR COSGRBSS,
VOTES AS DISTINCTLY FOR NEGRO SUFFRAGE
AND NEGRO EQUALITY AS IF THEY WERE
PRINTED ON HIS BALLOT.
DEJIOCRATSOF PENNSYLVANIA !
Power is no longer against you, bnt rang
es itself upon your side Opportunities
fr fraud do not exist. Aid comes to you
from the ranks of the enemy. No Demo
crat who voted lor McC'lellan votes against
you now ; your brethren are aroused from
the Lakes to the Delaware. A changed of
five per cent, upon the vote of 1864 will
sweep your opponents out of existence.—
\ou can count it in every election district *
in the comm n.vealth ; and if you will but
execute the details of your organization,
success is certain.
Faith in your principles, courage for the
contest, and a determination to poll every
conservative vote, are the only requisites
to an assured victory.
By order of the Democratic State com
mittee.
WILLIAM A. WALLACE, chairman.
- -■ ■
Language of Andrew Johnson.
"WHATEVER RATTLES I FIGHT, I DESIRE,
TO FtGHr IN THE UXION PARTY, (AND NO
ONE, AFTER WHAT I HAVE BEEN THROUGH,
WLL QCESTION MY DEVOTION TO THE UN
ION),BUT THE UNION PARTY IS
NOT THE PARTY OF THE RADI
CALS ?"—ANDREW JOHNSON, March 23,
1866.
"IT IS TRUE I STATED THAT : [that what
battles lie fought would be within the Un
ion party] : Bur. WHEN I SAID THE UNION '
PARTY, I DID NOT MEAN THE MEN
WHO ARE ENDEAVORING TO
BREAK UP THIS UNION, BUT THE
MEN WHO STAND BY M£ !"—AN
DREW JOHNSON, March 23, 1866.
"I BELIEVE THE MAINTENANCE OF THISA ■
UNION DEPENDS UPON THE POLICY WHKUU . '
I HAVE INDICATED 10 CONGRESS, AND.
THOSE WHO SUSTAIN THAT POLICY AK& MX *
FRIENDS. AND THOSE WHO OPPOSE THAT
POLICY I CERTAINLY HAVE NO DE-.
SIRE TO SEE ELECTED TO ANY OF
FICE !" —A: DREW JOHNSON, Mareh 28,
1866.
E. L. Dana, late Colonel of
the 143 d, the hero of two wars, is still do
ing good service in the cause of the union
and the constitution. At a grand turnout
of the hoys in blue, of Scranton city and
vicinity held a few days since he was the
principal speaker and made one of the
most telling speeches of the campaign.—
The Rtyiste r in its report of the meeting
says:
His speech throughout was rery able aod replete
with many eleq-rent passages. Coming from the
lips of one who participated in all the great battles
in which the arm? of the Potomac was engaged,
from the bloody engagement at Fredericksburg, un
der Buroside, to the final surrender of Lee's army to
Gen Grant, at Appornatox Court House, it could not
fail to have great weight with the battle scared he
roes who listened to its delivery The remarks of
the speaker in relation to the position oocopied by *
Generals Grant, Sherman, Dix, and a host of other
I rave and galleftt men through whose efforts the
rebellion was successfully put down, elicited hearty
cheers He closed by olling on bis old comrades
iu arms to rally around their commander-in-chief,
Piesideot Johnson, in the great battle now being'
fought to maintain the supremacy ot constitutional
liberty,
A SuanT DIFFERENCE. —WhiIe PresL
dent Johnson, Grant and others were pays
iug their respects to the memory of the
White Douglass, Anna Dickinson, Brown
low & Co., were paying their retpeefs t _
Black Douglas, in Philadelphi*.