HARVEY SIC3HLXjEH.,*^°pt-ie(oi'.l NEW SERIES, SPEECH "V ! ; or, BRITTLE,-Esq., at Or :r angeviilw, Columbia county, Sept. 30, 1864. Jarif—v-'""* '♦ *'■ ' 1 ' rii '■ '•'• ri ' 'vi'U. , (aifPORTSD BY D. F. MURPHY.J. For some years past, fellow-citizens, the people, br at least w coniderufclo portion of ftteftv, been following after iftranpe gods, I arinounieing 6traoge doctrines—doctrines bat not many years atro \t >n!rt have been scooted by every statesman in the land, and jDrhaos I may say are- still scouted by every staiesmat t in the land, These doctrines &avt become (or some few yttis past the fashion, to such an extent that those ! of U9 who -til adhere to the doctrines of the Fa thers arestigmatized as Copperheads."— What peculiarsignificance our friends oh the otiieCMade who arrogate to themselves all the leyally and patriotism that -it has pleas ed G*i evt-r to vouchsafe to man, attach to this Jen*. 1 do not know: bat I think I do km w that not many years hence we 6hall Und thaUi undertaking to steal it from us aad ciauuing to have been the original L'up priewWof the land, to have been Copper heads from the beginning. organs of this "loyal" party ahull come to publish the usual notice of the proceedings of this meeting they will un doubtedly tell their "loyal" readers that your speakers upon this occasion had a great deal to sayagainst Abraham Lincoln. hut not a word against Jefferson Davie Lest I might bring reproaeh upon this meet ing, I b gof you fellow-citizens, to assume tijat I have devoted a fair portion of my al lotment of time to denunciation and abuse of dtfihr-'on Davis. If will save your time sit wkl save me sitae labor ; and K will be all -he same to Jrtfer6on Divis. ( Laughter ) v I wed not-.remind you, .'tllow citizens, .thai Washington and Jackson on the occas in of their retirement from public life, at a Dine when no motives other than motives of '-he purest and Lofiest patriotism could have hifltK riced them, warneo the people of Amer ica fo be warn of sectional parties,—parties based upou geographical divisions or lines, or based upon is-ut*s which might array the freoplo of (ne section of the country RjwiM* tlj people of aumhei section, You ad reccftteet the warnings of those venerated statesmen in relation to that subject. 1 i*edd not remind j'ou of the Lislory of our cftumfy for" the last four years; it is to<> frvxfc in your recollection. Until 18f>0n<> aectjrmal party evef triumphed in the Untted Slate*. fn"lB6ba pusely sectiorial party triumphed in the election of that vear. I ka >vit is deO'e I that that party was see ttonal; hut lei us see. That party was based upon the idea of hostility to the so called "peculiar institu tion" of the South. That institution was confined to. the feuthcrn section of the Un ion. [t was, therefore, a sectional tnstitu ttoa. The party- formed upon the idea of hostility to that institution had its lo cation *in the northern section of the Union. 'Shm object bHts hostility was a sectional inatituilou belonging a'iV-ne to tho States of the South. Therefore, a party baaed on this thea must be a sec:fonal paity. The crea tion of such a sectional party in the North based upon the idea of hostility to an insti tutmn whieli belonged only to the South, naturaiiy .originated the inauguration of a party in the South based upon the idea of the support of that institution. We had these two parties, one in tire North and the •other in the South. and w© have before us the consequences which were so accurately anticipated and foretold by the illustrious statesmen whose Barnes I mentioned a mo meat * < \V by should the Democratic party svmpa thi.ze with, the-South ! Why-ehould it sym pathize with secession? Let us look at this question a moment, for you know that we are charged with such sympathy. Looking to tie past, what-has Hie Democratic party gafchd by se&ssion t Nothing. Has it ir*n* / ?7l anything by" aeceasion 7 As a party, as a boHtfcal organization, it lost everything by secession. We were ih power In Uongress. This Administration Wou!'J have been'barren 1 of all seriously evil results to the couutTj' hltftt not been for secession. We Should J 1 have still remained in a majority in Con- j ! gresg, and no sectional policy could have I 1 been carried out by the present Aaminiatra- j ' tftm." How is it with the other party?— ! What have they lost by secession ? Noth- 4 ing.- AfpoliUcal organization what- have I they gained by secession ? Dominion in 1 this land—absolute, arbitrary, despotic do- 1 m'mioh. 1 * p ' - ' {! Then I ask you again, fellow citizens, 1 why should the Democratic party sympa- u thize with, feel kindly towards the southern S secession movement ? Looking to tho future 1 how is it ? Our hopes are based upon the c restoration of the Union ; ail our interests 3 as a political organization are identified with 1 the Union. Ke&toru the Union, and we are t again in power, permanently j n power as a p political organization. How will it be witb I the Republican.party ? Ah, fellow ouizens, I they *9 IM dpoqj of their party in the.rea- 3 toration of the Union as it wa®. ( j Again : of all tho Dera >cfitt ie *Hrtw<men of tiie land in tho past or the present, when or whers fcave you known of one that ha* ever favored disunion or secession ? '■ What Dem ocratic Convention has ever by its resolution endorsed or favored secession ? Not one Upon tha other hand, how has it been with our opponents? 1 cannot give you the date but youH rem em ber as part of the Mstbrj of the country the fact that some years agi 1 Senator RaU; of New Hampshire, Mr. Secre tary Chase, recently of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet and Mr. Seward to day a Member of Mi Lincoln's Cabinet presented and soetainec a petition to Congress asking them todevisr some plan by which the Union might bt divided. i Nor need we stop here. In 1848, Mr i Lincoln , toe present President of the United i States, then a memper of Congress from the State of Illinois, announced on the floor of Congress this principle, that any people any where, being inclined, aud having the power, have a right to wilh-draw from the existing government and set up auoihor to suit them butter. That I look upon as prot.tie good 1 secession docirine. (Laughter ) That is ' just the doctrine that Jeff Davis contends for to-day.—jtist the doctrine that he announ ced at the time of the secession of the Sou thern States from (his Union.—just the doc triue tfiat the upholders of secession in tin r South stand upon to day. You have the his ! to yof Wendell Phillips before you. I neec ' not repeat the uumlrcds of instances in whict that man, political preacher as he is, has de ciared his hostility to the Union, has declar ed himself to be tn fovor for twenty yeari past sJ dividing this Union. You have the history of Garris >n before you, the man wht declared that the Constitution of the United States was a 'league with death and $ Coys - with bell*'' iou have the history o Mr. Greeley before you,—an old dis-onioniS! What he has said oc this subject ? On the 26th day ot November, 1860, Greeley said ir his Tribune ; It the cotton States unitedly and earnestly wish to withdraw peacefully from the Unoin we think * hey should and would be allowed to do sc. Any attempt to compel them by f rce to remain would be contrary to tlx principles enunciated in the immortal Decla ration ol Independence and contrary to the fundamental ideas on which human liberty is based." I On the 17th of Decembet following, whift South Carolina was tn the very act of seced ng, Mr. Greeley declared : 4 If the Declaration of Independence fled Ihe secession trom the Brinish Empire of three millions <>f Colonists in I '<(. y< do not sec why it would not justify the se cession of five millions of Souttierners from the Union iu 1861 Ou tLe 23rd of Febuary 1801, after sever States had already 6eceded, Mr, Greeley said : 4, W henever it shall be clear that the great body of the Southern people h >ve become conclusively aliennt- d from the Union and anxious to escape from it,we will do our best to forward their views." Ifl were to announce such doctrines to you to-day from this stand, you would have rea son to pronounce me disloyal ! This man Greeley very clearly defined his position at a subsequent time in the following language ; At the Cotton States shall become satisfied that they can do better out of the Ui n than irt if, we insist on letting them go in -peace I# PEACE ! Now, I believe, Mr. Greeley is as violent a war man as we can readily find. What right then, fellow-citizens, has this party to aecuse us of sympathy with secession Further,what right has this party to dsnouce secession ? Thev have advocated in almost ftom the beginning: they are a secession, party. I think I may safely say that at one time or another all the present leaders of 'he Rnpublican partv have keen declared avowed secessionists. ' Then pern-it me to ask which of the two great parties is naturally the Union party of the country. As I was on my way here,l saw at Scranton a great bill in large letters posted up against the wall of one of the hotel* there "headed ' Lincoln, Johnson, and Union and you will recollect that last fall when in tetligenco of the defeat of jud.'e Woodward in the contest in this State was announced. Secretary Stanton declared iLil that was a great Union victory, that the elec. iion ol Governor Curun was a great Union triumph, of more importance to tht country, even than a great victory in the field. Aud you will reccolect that Wra. 11. Seward tn a recent speech at Washiugto-i, made within the past three weeks, used this lan guage : 44 the issue is now fairly made up; that issue is Lincoln and Union or McCleilan and Disunion." (Laughter.) Here this old Secession party, this party that nas to day upon tha statute* book of the State of Massa chusetts a seoession statute unrepealed, tht s great Republican party claims to be the Un ion paity ;aDd McCleilan, who declares for the Union as the one and only condition of peace, is said to be the Disunion candidate 1 [s it not a pretty party to claim to be tAe Union party ? Ah. and it is not long since Me. Greeley called U the UuconUUwn ai Po or? party! (Laoghter.) "TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVERY Mfc^^lrTJioHpaileflJjison. M;)h -jabt'L nisi , • !•' V. "•: • ;-i > H il TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUG. 12. 1864. What lis. the present, issue ? Is, , there uu Unconditional Urion party in this Qoupiry, and if so which is it 7 McCiallan says that the Union is the otiy condition of peace ; and he says more : he says that with a vlen to the lestoration of the Union be- is in favor of exhausting ail (ho resources of modern statesmanship. Thatis the position .of the Democratic candidate for the Presidency.—- That is our side of ' the present How is it upon the other side 7 Mr. Lincoln f ♦*' ' i *li G1 r" i says in etfect I will agree to peat* upon the basis.of the integrity of the entire Union, upon cojidi'ion that ycu will first abolish slavery in the South,'upon condiliou , , c it w*- T T that Ihe people of the Southern Sutes ,will abandonaß institution over winch the Feder al Government has no jurisdiction and fyy which therefore,whether.good or bad, it is iu nosense responsible: if they will abandon that institution, I will lis tun to proposals of peace. 1 think that if Mr. Lincoln does not listen to proposals of peace irdfn the Sooth until the happening of that condition, he will never listen to such proposals; he WiTT'hsve a chance to carry on thia war at least four years more, if he should unfortunately be re elec'ed. What! he will listen to terms of peace on the basis of the Union, pwcidtd the people of the South will tirsi abandon the insiitnliun ot slavery ! And ihis is Greeley's "Unconditional" Uuion partly ; imposing this impossible condition iu the way of the res toration of the Union ! Follow citizens, we do not want any such Union.sm as this ; we will not have any sucn Unionism as this j— and we do not think much of th e u loyally" of ihe party that imptses this impossible Con dition in the way of the restoration of the Union and of peace. ■ . -> ! I have thus stated to Vo Mr. Lincoln's tVowed position, and we find his whoje party occupying it to day. The New York Times, the leading Lincoln.organ of the North short ry after Mr. Lino-Id's "to whom it may con cern'' manifest, labored hard t" convince the p -ople that it did not mean what it said that iu saying that he .would listen "to terms of peace based upon the integrity of the" Un ion aud the abandonment of slavery lie did not cay that he would not listen to proposals of peace upon any other basis ! That was the argument which, doubtless, most, of ,you saw in the leading Republican papers i>f the day. They labored hard to prove that Lincoln did ; not mean what he said ; but now . they have i given it up, and sins* Mr. Greeley Las been | nominated as elector at large upon the Lia colti electorial ticket in tbi* State of New York ho has abandoned the effort to disguise ; Mr. Lincoln's policy, to disguise the meaning j of his manifesto, and he comes out openly— i and I give him credit for possessing a li tile | manhood in this at least—and declare tbat Mr. Lincoln and his party are opposed to the 1 restoration of ibe Union until slavery shall be first abolished. Why 7 What is the secret of this condition ? The party has a motive in this, and I think we can very readily see it. It is because they know that the restoration of the Union as it was is ihe end of Republi Gan rule in this country. They know that if the southern Slates are alowed to come, back into the Union with all their rights under the Constitution as they were before the rebell ion, the white people of those States be voters ; would have the right aud the op-, portuuity afforded to them to vote.against Mr' Lincoln and his seciional policy. Of course the result would bo au end of Republican Dominion in Ibis country ; t(heir party would go down lorever ; there would be uothi ng left of it. They are unwilling to 6ee the Lincoln dynasty fail ;it must be perpetuat ed ; and hence "the Union as it was" must be scouted ; hence "tho Union as it was", must never be allowed to return to us ! Of course however, they must disguise their real motive ;it would not do to avow it; and in what way do they disguise it ? They disguise it by npaking false accusations against Demo crats, by falsifying the issue, by claiming that the issue is "Lincoln and Union, or McClel lanand t Disunion," by calling Democrats "copperheads," "traitors," and other bad names. They attempt to disguise it by false statements of the Co use of all our troubles ; by the miserable pretext that slavery was the cause of the rebellion, and therefore slaverv must bo pat down. Ah ! Was slavery the cause of secession 7 This Union existed happy and prosperous for many years with s'avery. Is there anything in the institution of slavery which renders it incompatible with-- tiie perpetuity of the Union ? If so, is it not strange that tne w * s " PeveP j until 1860 7 Indeed, they did not make it so | soon, because 5-ou will reccolcct tbat in 1861 | when we heard So much about no-party-ism, when they told us.,that there shoutd be no /( more party now, that we should come up to the rescue of the Union, they also told us that we must not sav anything about the cause of the rebellion until tho rebellion should be put down. Why this sensitiveness on the part of the Republican party in refer, ence to the cause* oar national troubles ? The Democrats were not afraid to talk about those causes 5 w# were willing at any and ev ery time to discuss the causae of the coun try's troubles ; but they told ua that when the rebellion was put down it would be time enough to talk about its causes; aui you will remember bow they illustrated this idea. They said "if a man's house is on fire, he wogld be a feolto ptop and enquire wb em the Itofifceyin fir© -oAttiow the *"llre was communicated to the house, instead of put oft this pre first apjl jpqutry as to its cause"—doubtless a vary familiar instance to you ail cd Republican logic. We were of opinion that while the soldiers of our artniea viere engaged m putting 'dotya the armoJ rebellion j* was always proper for the civihaus to inquue into the cause of the troubles and apply the proper remedy ; for we knew that we couW never apply that riuedy without first ascertaining the c&uee of the difficulty. But the Republicans then were remarkably sensitive on that point ; they did not like to hear the" cause" talked ;aboiit. 'ln 1802. huwtivefj they made a new discovery. Thee the., forbidding Democrats to Jaik about the caQse of the country's weiitf to discussing themselves. Th p y uiade the grand discovery that sft/rwry was the cause of All our troubles, and a ttumpied to ram it dowu pur throats. As I said fie fore, the Country gut along very well, very peacefully'; ytry prosperously wifcti slavery tor many years ; we had very little troubfe until the Republican party became aboli tion used and became, inlact, the abolition party of the country : f u r tuele is no Repub lican party now. I'liere are but twu parties, the Democratic par'y and the Abuljtmu par ty ; and it is idle for the Republicans ol iB6b and iB6O to claim any longer that they are not abolitionists. They now declare in fa vor of carrying on this war against slavery : Abraham Lincoln by his Emancipation proc lamation undertook to pledge the whole unit tary and naval power of the country against the institution, of slavery; H, s party sus tain him and ihat proclamation art I are en deavonqg to reelect him with that avowed policy of his upon record. Is not that par ty, then an Abolition party ? The old Abu liuon party was never iu lavorof waging war against this peculiar institution of the Suurh. uever for involving the country in a bloody fratricidal war on its account ; at least it never so declared itself. But the so-cal.'ed Repuhhcan party, that only a few years ago would have deemed itsell insulted if termed ail Abolition party, now stand squarely upon Lincoln s pialform lu favor of employing the whole military and navai power of tho coun try against this institution of the South. I say therefore there are now but twu great parties in the country, the Democratic party and the Abolition party. I said that in 1862 the Republicans diseov ered that sluteiy was the cause of all our troubles. In what sense can slavery be considered the cause of secession and of the' evils whidh have followed secession ? If one of you, having a little money in his pocket should happen to be robbed on the way home, you could say with precisely the same propriety that money was the cause of your being robbed. If you, had not had the money vu would not have been robbed ; and there fore money was the cause of rnbberv.—- Therefore money should be abolished. If it were not for the love of mmonety t which in heres in the human breaßt. our list of crimes would be very greatly reduced; therefore, mnnev is to a veryflargs extent c\\*e rf crimej Ifßkvewfihadftteirvr ©**<*©4: theVc would never have been an abolition party.— If there had never been an abolition party,- there would never have been anv secession . Tf there had been no seoeßfcion, there would have been no war But that is a strange wav to p-tovc that slaveay is the cause of the wa- ! Now go back a atpp.' ■So long as sla very was let alone, so long as the constitu tional principle that the federal government had nc power or jurisdiction" orpr any domc9. tic Institution of any of the S*at©s was rec ognized and respected, there was no secession and no war. Tt was not until a political or eanizntion was formed o n the hasis of hostility to an institution 0 f the South over which neirhe- th - federal government, nor the gov ernment of anv State wher© it did not e*lt. had anv sort of power or authority, that there was any trouble on this account ; and 3et we are told that slavery is the cause o'" all ou- national troubles ! It docs not require a man of any groat mentnl capacity tn sec throueh all this m'a crahie attempt to di<?u'ge the true' attitnV and policy of the Rcnnhlican party. Pny man can see it that will see it. Any man that tpHl see can see that slavery was riot the cause of the troubles which now afflict the country; that if slavery had been Ml alone, as the Constitution commanded us to let' it alone, there would have been no trouble on account of the southern system of labor. I need not stand here and argue to you that we of the Nbrth have no better right to interfere with the system of the labor of the South than the people of the South have to claim tho right to dictate to 03 what system of labor we shall adopt in the Northern States. I think we ehould not be long m getting our backs up if the people of the South should attempt to dictate to us what sWtem of labor we ehould adopt here. If they should undertake to aay to us a you shall carry our 'system of labor into your States, you shall implacftit there, and if ybu' don't do it we will make you do it," I think arc should not submit to ft eery quietly. If not, why Should expect then t6 submit quietly to such dfqtetfoa frota the "North 9 • % ; x< -• ii*> f i fv/iii hJH JU j, In 1860 the people wanted a change, A grtst deal was aai about the virtue of a change True, the country was prosperoui, everything waa going on very well ; but it was said there was a great deal of vmue in a change, there was no teliing how much good might come from it; and therefore many of the people were for a change. Well, they got a change, and now how dd they like it I tell you, fellpw citizens, that toe want a change 40w, and we tnean V have tt. The opportunity is now afforded to us to effect a chance by cltOosiqg peiween Abraham Lincoln and George B. McClellan, What sort of a record has Mr. made fur himself?— He in 1848 in iavor of Secession fhat was the first we had ever heard of him. We heard nothing more pf him unt.J, about tl>e tune he happened to have a little Contro versy m Illinois with Seaator Douglas and got beaten. ; 1S | WSOI yt'SllXlM 9* We heard no more of him until 1860, when by a m'nonty vote he was eleced President !of the United States. Since then, he has is sued an: emancipation proclamation; and he baa issued an atnnes'y proclamation by which |h propyls to organize b >gus States in the i South on the principle that one-tenth of th j people shall govern all the res*. That is Mr. Lincoln's record. That is about all the rec ord he has ;tt is all I have ever known of him. General McClellan has a record. I will not occupy your time n..w by going over hie war record or his peace record. It ts fa I miliar to this people. On this point I ■ refer to Raymond of the Times j to Greeley lof the Tribune . to, almost all the presen , ! leaders >f the R-publiQan party ; for there 11 scarce one of them that has not at one tune < r another lauded McClellan and cceceedei to him ihe praises so richly merited by hit skill and his transcendent services. J Wl |j not occupy your time now by quoting then many laudations a( his sagaci ty. his regard ; for his soldier, his skid "in the accomplish j meat of important results with but little sao : Tifice of hie," his courage, his fidelity, hit ; patriotism. All this was before he wat ; k T,l 'wn to be a Democrat, or we should nevei i ha%e heard it from these loya\ sources. ] will only refer to Halh-ck'- pitiful di>patche! j when the tebt! cannon were thundering u ! the ears of the trembling ingrates at Wash ; uigton ; when McClellan's army Lad beet withdrawn (rum his command ; when, stand ing within hearing of those cannon at Acquit Creek, while Lee's legions were driving tb< exhausted and shattered columns of thi braggart Pope, he telegraphed to the Gereial 'n Chief il I cannot be allowed to commauo my own army, permit me, at least to juiE its ranks and share i.'s fate." At that dread moment the trembling Halleck with pallid lips and shaking pen was writing his despach n'ow historical, kC come to me and aid me ic this crisis wi'h your skill aud experience," What an endorsement of our glorious He re ? and frt m such a source—from the mac who ha<f conspire] with the shuffling dema gogues at VN ashington to render abortive his plans, lest success might crown them and make hirn the people's idol. Ah ! our He roe's triumph was sudden & sure. lie came— he re-organized the shattered remnants of out defeated forces, and pressed on to South Mountain and Antietam, driving the exault ent and hitherto victorious legions of the en emy before him like chaff before the storm. I will only add the verdict of General Burnside ;'• J T .know General McClellan at well as I know any human being on the " face of the earth. I know that no feeling "of ambition beyond that of the success of [ " our cause, ever enters his breast. All that " he does is with a 6ingle eye to tho succes "of the government and the breaking down u ot this rebellion. I t know that nothing " under the sun will ever induce that man tr swerve from what he knows to be his duty, He ts an honest, christian Mae, and consci, •' entious man ; and let me add one thing, he '• has the soundest head and the clearest mil. '' >'<7 perception of any man in the United " States " Mr. Greeley about the time of the Clere land Convention, said tt was dangerous even even in time 6f peace to re elect any man to the Presidency, because ol the immense pat ronage which he wieLk ; and that especially in time of war, when the patronage of the Government was increased to snch a vast ex tent, there would be danger to the country in re nominating aud rc electing Mr. Linaoln or any other man occupying tne presidential chair. But Mr Greeley has forgotten all ihis now ;he swallows Mr. Lincoln. Even Fremont, who accepted the Cleveland nomi nation only upon condition that Mr. Lincoln, should be the nommee at the subsequent Baltimore Convention, ha 9 come into Mr Lincoln's support. They made a great many wry laocs about jt, however, he does nol go down easily; but still they take him down, long iegs, boots and all ! [Laughter.' Mr. Greeley, in the article in whicu he giv,| in hi* adhesion, says, m effect—and I believe £ give almost hie very word*— I niue Ml Lincoln lacks capacity; trtje, be laqksear nestDesa, but we must give hiui earnestness true, he lacks energy , but we must give hut energy." That is the kind fa man wfaon it it pre posed to make President of U* tteited State# t kfoond term, tsotwrt! , .as*.. X >Uiir ■- u— .. . TBUMS: 82.00P8H ANNUaj i| , ■., .ici'iil rttf.-t. ,sain T K mini I 1 /. ; a. i. ,C*JSinT .K (iqaaal !*•£ ' ,TaiF *{ aaroat. HllS 'St ronl'.'W ■▼w a W mt+miW .*S . 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Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers