HARVEY SIC3HLXjEH.,*^°pt-ie(oi'.l
NEW SERIES,
SPEECH
"V ! ; or,
BRITTLE,-Esq., at Or
:r angeviilw, Columbia county,
Sept. 30, 1864.
Jarif—v-'""* '♦ *'■ ' 1 '
rii '■ '•'• ri ' 'vi'U. ,
(aifPORTSD BY D. F. MURPHY.J.
For some years past, fellow-citizens, the
people, br at least w coniderufclo portion of
ftteftv, been following after iftranpe gods,
I arinounieing 6traoge doctrines—doctrines
bat not many years atro \t >n!rt have been
scooted by every statesman in the land, and
jDrhaos I may say are- still scouted by every
staiesmat t in the land, These doctrines
&avt become (or some few yttis past the
fashion, to such an extent that those ! of U9
who -til adhere to the doctrines of the Fa
thers arestigmatized as Copperheads."—
What peculiarsignificance our friends oh the
otiieCMade who arrogate to themselves all
the leyally and patriotism that -it has pleas
ed G*i evt-r to vouchsafe to man, attach to
this Jen*. 1 do not know: bat I think I do
km w that not many years hence we 6hall
Und thaUi undertaking to steal it from us
aad ciauuing to have been the original L'up
priewWof the land, to have been Copper
heads from the beginning.
organs of this "loyal" party
ahull come to publish the usual notice of the
proceedings of this meeting they will un
doubtedly tell their "loyal" readers that
your speakers upon this occasion had a
great deal to sayagainst Abraham Lincoln.
hut not a word against Jefferson Davie
Lest I might bring reproaeh upon this meet
ing, I b gof you fellow-citizens, to assume
tijat I have devoted a fair portion of my al
lotment of time to denunciation and abuse of
dtfihr-'on Davis. If will save your time sit
wkl save me sitae labor ; and K will be all
-he same to Jrtfer6on Divis. ( Laughter )
v I wed not-.remind you, .'tllow citizens,
.thai Washington and Jackson on the occas
in of their retirement from public life, at a
Dine when no motives other than motives of
'-he purest and Lofiest patriotism could have
hifltK riced them, warneo the people of Amer
ica fo be warn of sectional parties,—parties
based upou geographical divisions or lines, or
based upon is-ut*s which might array the
freoplo of (ne section of the country
RjwiM* tlj people of aumhei section, You
ad reccftteet the warnings of those venerated
statesmen in relation to that subject. 1
i*edd not remind j'ou of the Lislory of our
cftumfy for" the last four years; it is to<>
frvxfc in your recollection. Until 18f>0n<>
aectjrmal party evef triumphed in the Untted
Slate*. fn"lB6ba pusely sectiorial party
triumphed in the election of that vear. I
ka >vit is deO'e I that that party was see
ttonal; hut lei us see.
That party was based upon the idea of
hostility to the so called "peculiar institu
tion" of the South. That institution was
confined to. the feuthcrn section of the Un
ion. [t was, therefore, a sectional tnstitu
ttoa. The party- formed upon the idea of
hostility to that institution had its lo
cation *in the northern section of the Union.
'Shm object bHts hostility was a sectional
inatituilou belonging a'iV-ne to tho States of
the South. Therefore, a party baaed on this
thea must be a sec:fonal paity. The crea
tion of such a sectional party in the North
based upon the idea of hostility to an insti
tutmn whieli belonged only to the South,
naturaiiy .originated the inauguration of a
party in the South based upon the idea of
the support of that institution. We had
these two parties, one in tire North and the
•other in the South. and w© have before us
the consequences which were so accurately
anticipated and foretold by the illustrious
statesmen whose Barnes I mentioned a mo
meat * <
\V by should the Democratic party svmpa
thi.ze with, the-South ! Why-ehould it sym
pathize with secession? Let us look at this
question a moment, for you know that we
are charged with such sympathy. Looking to
tie past, what-has Hie Democratic party
gafchd by se&ssion t Nothing. Has it
ir*n* /
?7l anything by" aeceasion 7 As a party, as
a boHtfcal organization, it lost everything by
secession. We were ih power In Uongress.
This Administration Wou!'J have been'barren 1
of all seriously evil results to the couutTj'
hltftt not been for secession. We Should J 1
have still remained in a majority in Con- j !
gresg, and no sectional policy could have I 1
been carried out by the present Aaminiatra- j '
tftm." How is it with the other party?— !
What have they lost by secession ? Noth- 4
ing.- AfpoliUcal organization what- have I
they gained by secession ? Dominion in 1
this land—absolute, arbitrary, despotic do- 1
m'mioh. 1 * p ' - ' {!
Then I ask you again, fellow citizens, 1
why should the Democratic party sympa- u
thize with, feel kindly towards the southern S
secession movement ? Looking to tho future 1
how is it ? Our hopes are based upon the c
restoration of the Union ; ail our interests 3
as a political organization are identified with 1
the Union. Ke&toru the Union, and we are t
again in power, permanently j n power as a p
political organization. How will it be witb I
the Republican.party ? Ah, fellow ouizens, I
they *9 IM dpoqj of their party in the.rea- 3
toration of the Union as it wa®. ( j
Again : of all tho Dera >cfitt ie *Hrtw<men of
tiie land in tho past or the present, when or
whers fcave you known of one that ha* ever
favored disunion or secession ? '■ What Dem
ocratic Convention has ever by its resolution
endorsed or favored secession ? Not one
Upon tha other hand, how has it been with
our opponents? 1 cannot give you the date
but youH rem em ber as part of the Mstbrj
of the country the fact that some years agi
1 Senator RaU; of New Hampshire, Mr. Secre
tary Chase, recently of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet
and Mr. Seward to day a Member of Mi
Lincoln's Cabinet presented and soetainec
a petition to Congress asking them todevisr
some plan by which the Union might bt
divided.
i Nor need we stop here. In 1848, Mr
i Lincoln , toe present President of the United
i States, then a memper of Congress from the
State of Illinois, announced on the floor of
Congress this principle, that any people any
where, being inclined, aud having the power,
have a right to wilh-draw from the existing
government and set up auoihor to suit them
butter. That I look upon as prot.tie good
1 secession docirine. (Laughter ) That is
' just the doctrine that Jeff Davis contends
for to-day.—jtist the doctrine that he announ
ced at the time of the secession of the Sou
thern States from (his Union.—just the doc
triue tfiat the upholders of secession in tin
r South stand upon to day. You have the his
! to yof Wendell Phillips before you. I neec
' not repeat the uumlrcds of instances in whict
that man, political preacher as he is, has de
ciared his hostility to the Union, has declar
ed himself to be tn fovor for twenty yeari
past sJ dividing this Union. You have the
history of Garris >n before you, the man wht
declared that the Constitution of the United
States was a 'league with death and $ Coys
- with bell*'' iou have the history o
Mr. Greeley before you,—an old dis-onioniS!
What he has said oc this subject ? On the
26th day ot November, 1860, Greeley said ir
his Tribune ;
It the cotton States unitedly and earnestly
wish to withdraw peacefully from the Unoin
we think * hey should and would be allowed
to do sc. Any attempt to compel them by
f rce to remain would be contrary to tlx
principles enunciated in the immortal Decla
ration ol Independence and contrary to the
fundamental ideas on which human liberty is
based."
I On the 17th of Decembet following, whift
South Carolina was tn the very act of seced
ng, Mr. Greeley declared :
4 If the Declaration of Independence
fled Ihe secession trom the Brinish Empire
of three millions <>f Colonists in I '<(. y<
do not sec why it would not justify the se
cession of five millions of Souttierners from
the Union iu 1861
Ou tLe 23rd of Febuary 1801, after sever
States had already 6eceded, Mr, Greeley
said :
4, W henever it shall be clear that the great
body of the Southern people h >ve become
conclusively aliennt- d from the Union and
anxious to escape from it,we will do our best
to forward their views."
Ifl were to announce such doctrines to you
to-day from this stand, you would have rea
son to pronounce me disloyal ! This man
Greeley very clearly defined his position at a
subsequent time in the following language ;
At the Cotton States shall become satisfied
that they can do better out of the Ui n than
irt if, we insist on letting them go in -peace
I# PEACE !
Now, I believe, Mr. Greeley is as violent a
war man as we can readily find.
What right then, fellow-citizens, has this
party to aecuse us of sympathy with secession
Further,what right has this party to dsnouce
secession ? Thev have advocated in almost
ftom the beginning: they are a secession,
party. I think I may safely say that at one
time or another all the present leaders of
'he Rnpublican partv have keen declared
avowed secessionists. '
Then pern-it me to ask which of the two
great parties is naturally the Union party of
the country. As I was on my way here,l saw
at Scranton a great bill in large letters posted
up against the wall of one of the hotel* there
"headed ' Lincoln, Johnson, and Union
and you will recollect that last fall when in
tetligenco of the defeat of jud.'e Woodward
in the contest in this State was
announced. Secretary Stanton declared iLil
that was a great Union victory, that the elec.
iion ol Governor Curun was a great Union
triumph, of more importance to tht country,
even than a great victory in the field. Aud
you will reccolect that Wra. 11. Seward tn a
recent speech at Washiugto-i, made within
the past three weeks, used this lan
guage : 44 the issue is now fairly made up;
that issue is Lincoln and Union or McCleilan
and Disunion." (Laughter.) Here this old
Secession party, this party that nas to day
upon tha statute* book of the State of Massa
chusetts a seoession statute unrepealed, tht s
great Republican party claims to be the Un
ion paity ;aDd McCleilan, who declares for
the Union as the one and only condition of
peace, is said to be the Disunion candidate 1
[s it not a pretty party to claim to be tAe
Union party ? Ah. and it is not long since
Me. Greeley called U the UuconUUwn ai Po
or? party! (Laoghter.)
"TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVERY Mfc^^lrTJioHpaileflJjison.
M;)h -jabt'L nisi , • !•' V. "•: • ;-i > H il
TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUG. 12. 1864.
What lis. the present, issue ? Is, , there uu
Unconditional Urion party in this Qoupiry,
and if so which is it 7 McCiallan says that
the Union is the otiy condition of peace ;
and he says more : he says that with a vlen
to the lestoration of the Union be- is in favor
of exhausting ail (ho resources of modern
statesmanship. Thatis the position .of the
Democratic candidate for the Presidency.—-
That is our side of ' the present
How is it upon the other side 7 Mr. Lincoln
f ♦*' ' i *li G1 r" i
says in etfect I will agree to peat*
upon the basis.of the integrity of the entire
Union, upon cojidi'ion that ycu will first
abolish slavery in the South,'upon condiliou
, , c it w*- T T
that Ihe people of the Southern Sutes ,will
abandonaß institution over winch the Feder
al Government has no jurisdiction and fyy
which therefore,whether.good or bad, it is iu
nosense responsible: if they will abandon that
institution, I will lis tun to proposals of peace.
1 think that if Mr. Lincoln does not listen to
proposals of peace irdfn the Sooth until the
happening of that condition, he will never
listen to such proposals; he WiTT'hsve a
chance to carry on thia war at least four
years more, if he should unfortunately be re
elec'ed. What! he will listen to terms of
peace on the basis of the Union, pwcidtd the
people of the South will tirsi abandon the
insiitnliun ot slavery ! And ihis is Greeley's
"Unconditional" Uuion partly ; imposing this
impossible condition iu the way of the res
toration of the Union ! Follow citizens, we
do not want any such Union.sm as this ; we
will not have any sucn Unionism as this j—
and we do not think much of th e u loyally" of
ihe party that imptses this impossible Con
dition in the way of the restoration of the
Union and of peace. ■ . -> !
I have thus stated to Vo Mr. Lincoln's
tVowed position, and we find his whoje party
occupying it to day. The New York Times,
the leading Lincoln.organ of the North short
ry after Mr. Lino-Id's "to whom it may con
cern'' manifest, labored hard t" convince the
p -ople that it did not mean what it said
that iu saying that he .would listen "to terms
of peace based upon the integrity of the" Un
ion aud the abandonment of slavery lie did
not cay that he would not listen to proposals
of peace upon any other basis ! That was the
argument which, doubtless, most, of ,you saw
in the leading Republican papers i>f the day.
They labored hard to prove that Lincoln did
; not mean what he said ; but now . they have
i given it up, and sins* Mr. Greeley Las been
| nominated as elector at large upon the Lia
colti electorial ticket in tbi* State of New
York ho has abandoned the effort to disguise
; Mr. Lincoln's policy, to disguise the meaning
j of his manifesto, and he comes out openly—
i and I give him credit for possessing a li tile
| manhood in this at least—and declare tbat
Mr. Lincoln and his party are opposed to the
1 restoration of ibe Union until slavery shall be
first abolished. Why 7 What is the secret of
this condition ? The party has a motive in
this, and I think we can very readily see it.
It is because they know that the restoration
of the Union as it was is ihe end of Republi
Gan rule in this country. They know that if
the southern Slates are alowed to come, back
into the Union with all their rights under the
Constitution as they were before the rebell
ion, the white people of those States
be voters ; would have the right aud the op-,
portuuity afforded to them to vote.against Mr'
Lincoln and his seciional policy. Of course
the result would bo au end of Republican
Dominion in Ibis country ; t(heir party would
go down lorever ; there would be uothi ng
left of it. They are unwilling to 6ee the
Lincoln dynasty fail ;it must be perpetuat
ed ; and hence "the Union as it was" must
be scouted ; hence "tho Union as it was",
must never be allowed to return to us ! Of
course however, they must disguise their real
motive ;it would not do to avow it; and in
what way do they disguise it ? They disguise
it by npaking false accusations against Demo
crats, by falsifying the issue, by claiming that
the issue is "Lincoln and Union, or McClel
lanand t Disunion," by calling Democrats
"copperheads," "traitors," and other bad
names. They attempt to disguise it by false
statements of the Co use of all our troubles ;
by the miserable pretext that slavery was the
cause of the rebellion, and therefore slaverv
must bo pat down. Ah ! Was slavery the
cause of secession 7 This Union existed
happy and prosperous for many years with
s'avery. Is there anything in the institution
of slavery which renders it incompatible with--
tiie perpetuity of the Union ? If so, is it not
strange that tne w * s " PeveP j
until 1860 7 Indeed, they did not make it so |
soon, because 5-ou will reccolcct tbat in 1861 |
when we heard So much about no-party-ism,
when they told us.,that there shoutd be no /(
more party now, that we should come up to
the rescue of the Union, they also told us
that we must not sav anything about the
cause of the rebellion until tho rebellion
should be put down. Why this sensitiveness
on the part of the Republican party in refer,
ence to the cause* oar national troubles ?
The Democrats were not afraid to talk about
those causes 5 w# were willing at any and ev
ery time to discuss the causae of the coun
try's troubles ; but they told ua that when
the rebellion was put down it would be time
enough to talk about its causes; aui you will
remember bow they illustrated this idea.
They said "if a man's house is on fire, he
wogld be a feolto ptop and enquire wb
em the Itofifceyin fir© -oAttiow the *"llre was
communicated to the house, instead of put
oft this pre first apjl jpqutry
as to its cause"—doubtless a vary familiar
instance to you ail cd Republican logic. We
were of opinion that while the soldiers of our
artniea viere engaged m putting 'dotya the
armoJ rebellion j* was always proper for the
civihaus to inquue into the cause of the
troubles and apply the proper remedy ; for
we knew that we couW never apply that
riuedy without first ascertaining the c&uee
of the difficulty.
But the Republicans then were remarkably
sensitive on that point ; they did not like to
hear the" cause" talked ;aboiit. 'ln 1802.
huwtivefj they made a new discovery. Thee
the., forbidding Democrats to Jaik
about the caQse of the country's
weiitf to discussing themselves. Th p y
uiade the grand discovery that sft/rwry was
the cause of All our troubles, and a ttumpied
to ram it dowu pur throats. As I said fie
fore, the Country gut along very well, very
peacefully'; ytry prosperously wifcti slavery
tor many years ; we had very little troubfe
until the Republican party became aboli
tion used and became, inlact, the abolition
party of the country : f u r tuele is no Repub
lican party now. I'liere are but twu parties,
the Democratic par'y and the Abuljtmu par
ty ; and it is idle for the Republicans ol iB6b
and iB6O to claim any longer that they are
not abolitionists. They now declare in fa
vor of carrying on this war against slavery :
Abraham Lincoln by his Emancipation proc
lamation undertook to pledge the whole unit
tary and naval power of the country against
the institution, of slavery; H, s party sus
tain him and ihat proclamation art I are en
deavonqg to reelect him with that avowed
policy of his upon record. Is not that par
ty, then an Abolition party ? The old Abu
liuon party was never iu lavorof waging war
against this peculiar institution of the Suurh.
uever for involving the country in a bloody
fratricidal war on its account ; at least it
never so declared itself. But the so-cal.'ed
Repuhhcan party, that only a few years ago
would have deemed itsell insulted if termed
ail Abolition party, now stand squarely upon
Lincoln s pialform lu favor of employing the
whole military and navai power of tho coun
try against this institution of the South. I
say therefore there are now but twu great
parties in the country, the Democratic party
and the Abolition party.
I said that in 1862 the Republicans diseov
ered that sluteiy was the cause of all our
troubles. In what sense can slavery be
considered the cause of secession and of the'
evils whidh have followed secession ? If one
of you, having a little money in his pocket
should happen to be robbed on the way
home, you could say with precisely the same
propriety that money was the cause of your
being robbed. If you, had not had the money
vu would not have been robbed ; and there
fore money was the cause of rnbberv.—-
Therefore money should be abolished. If it
were not for the love of mmonety t which in
heres in the human breaßt. our list of crimes
would be very greatly reduced; therefore,
mnnev is to a veryflargs extent c\\*e rf
crimej Ifßkvewfihadftteirvr ©**<*©4: theVc
would never have been an abolition party.—
If there had never been an abolition party,-
there would never have been anv secession .
Tf there had been no seoeßfcion, there would
have been no war But that is a strange
wav to p-tovc that slaveay is the cause of the
wa- ! Now go back a atpp.' ■So long as sla
very was let alone, so long as the constitu
tional principle that the federal government
had nc power or jurisdiction" orpr any domc9.
tic Institution of any of the S*at©s was rec
ognized and respected, there was no secession
and no war. Tt was not until a political or
eanizntion was formed o n the hasis of hostility
to an institution 0 f the South over which
neirhe- th - federal government, nor the gov
ernment of anv State wher© it did not e*lt.
had anv sort of power or authority, that
there was any trouble on this account ; and
3et we are told that slavery is the cause o'"
all ou- national troubles !
It docs not require a man of any groat
mentnl capacity tn sec throueh all this m'a
crahie attempt to di<?u'ge the true' attitnV
and policy of the Rcnnhlican party. Pny
man can see it that will see it. Any man
that tpHl see can see that slavery was riot
the cause of the troubles which now afflict
the country; that if slavery had been Ml
alone, as the Constitution commanded us to
let' it alone, there would have been no trouble
on account of the southern system of labor.
I need not stand here and argue to you that
we of the Nbrth have no better right to
interfere with the system of the labor of the
South than the people of the South have to
claim tho right to dictate to 03 what system
of labor we shall adopt in the Northern
States. I think we ehould not be long m
getting our backs up if the people of the
South should attempt to dictate to us what
sWtem of labor we ehould adopt here. If
they should undertake to aay to us a you
shall carry our 'system of labor into your
States, you shall implacftit there, and if ybu'
don't do it we will make you do it," I think
arc should not submit to ft eery quietly. If
not, why Should expect then t6 submit
quietly to such dfqtetfoa frota the "North 9
• % ; x< -• ii*> f i fv/iii hJH JU
j, In 1860 the people wanted a change, A
grtst deal was aai about the virtue of a
change True, the country was prosperoui,
everything waa going on very well ; but it
was said there was a great deal of vmue
in a change, there was no teliing how much
good might come from it; and therefore many
of the people were for a change. Well, they
got a change, and now how dd they like it
I tell you, fellpw citizens, that toe want a
change 40w, and we tnean V have tt. The
opportunity is now afforded to us to effect a
chance by cltOosiqg peiween Abraham Lincoln
and George B. McClellan, What sort of a
record has Mr. made fur himself?—
He in 1848 in iavor of Secession
fhat was the first we had ever heard of him.
We heard nothing more pf him unt.J, about
tl>e tune he happened to have a little Contro
versy m Illinois with Seaator Douglas and
got beaten.
; 1S | WSOI yt'SllXlM 9*
We heard no more of him until 1860, when
by a m'nonty vote he was eleced President
!of the United States. Since then, he has is
sued an: emancipation proclamation; and he
baa issued an atnnes'y proclamation by which
|h propyls to organize b >gus States in the
i South on the principle that one-tenth of th
j people shall govern all the res*. That is Mr.
Lincoln's record. That is about all the rec
ord he has ;tt is all I have ever known of
him.
General McClellan has a record. I will
not occupy your time n..w by going over
hie war record or his peace record. It ts fa
I miliar to this people. On this point I
■ refer to Raymond of the Times j to Greeley
lof the Tribune . to, almost all the presen ,
! leaders >f the R-publiQan party ; for there 11
scarce one of them that has not at one tune
< r another lauded McClellan and cceceedei
to him ihe praises so richly merited by hit
skill and his transcendent services. J Wl |j
not occupy your time now by quoting then
many laudations a( his sagaci ty. his regard
; for his soldier, his skid "in the accomplish
j meat of important results with but little sao
: Tifice of hie," his courage, his fidelity, hit
; patriotism. All this was before he wat
; k T,l 'wn to be a Democrat, or we should nevei
i ha%e heard it from these loya\ sources. ]
will only refer to Halh-ck'- pitiful di>patche!
j when the tebt! cannon were thundering u
! the ears of the trembling ingrates at Wash
; uigton ; when McClellan's army Lad beet
withdrawn (rum his command ; when, stand
ing within hearing of those cannon at Acquit
Creek, while Lee's legions were driving tb<
exhausted and shattered columns of thi
braggart Pope, he telegraphed to the Gereial
'n Chief il I cannot be allowed to commauo
my own army, permit me, at least to juiE
its ranks and share i.'s fate." At that dread
moment the trembling Halleck with pallid
lips and shaking pen was writing his despach
n'ow historical, kC come to me and aid me ic
this crisis wi'h your skill aud experience,"
What an endorsement of our glorious He
re ? and frt m such a source—from the mac
who ha<f conspire] with the shuffling dema
gogues at VN ashington to render abortive his
plans, lest success might crown them and
make hirn the people's idol. Ah ! our He
roe's triumph was sudden & sure. lie came—
he re-organized the shattered remnants of out
defeated forces, and pressed on to South
Mountain and Antietam, driving the exault
ent and hitherto victorious legions of the en
emy before him like chaff before the storm.
I will only add the verdict of General
Burnside ;'• J T .know General McClellan at
well as I know any human being on the
" face of the earth. I know that no feeling
"of ambition beyond that of the success of
[ " our cause, ever enters his breast. All that
" he does is with a 6ingle eye to tho succes
"of the government and the breaking down
u ot this rebellion. I t know that nothing
" under the sun will ever induce that man tr
swerve from what he knows to be his duty,
He ts an honest, christian Mae, and consci,
•' entious man ; and let me add one thing, he
'• has the soundest head and the clearest mil.
'' >'<7 perception of any man in the United
" States "
Mr. Greeley about the time of the Clere
land Convention, said tt was dangerous even
even in time 6f peace to re elect any man to
the Presidency, because ol the immense pat
ronage which he wieLk ; and that especially
in time of war, when the patronage of the
Government was increased to snch a vast ex
tent, there would be danger to the country in
re nominating aud rc electing Mr. Linaoln or
any other man occupying tne presidential
chair. But Mr Greeley has forgotten all
ihis now ;he swallows Mr. Lincoln. Even
Fremont, who accepted the Cleveland nomi
nation only upon condition that Mr. Lincoln,
should be the nommee at the subsequent
Baltimore Convention, ha 9 come into Mr
Lincoln's support. They made a great many
wry laocs about jt, however, he does nol
go down easily; but still they take him
down, long iegs, boots and all ! [Laughter.'
Mr. Greeley, in the article in whicu he giv,|
in hi* adhesion, says, m effect—and I believe
£ give almost hie very word*— I niue Ml
Lincoln lacks capacity; trtje, be laqksear
nestDesa, but we must give hiui earnestness
true, he lacks energy , but we must give hut
energy." That is the kind fa man wfaon
it it pre posed to make President of U*
tteited State# t kfoond term, tsotwrt!
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VOL. 4