SI CKIJEH proprietor.] NEW SERIES, Hurt! flrantji ffrraorrat. A weekly Democratic n^. paper, devoted to Pol- jm _// r i VX tics, News, the Arts Jj |. I and Sciences Ac. Pub- |J^^' day, at Tunkhannock, I fi? Wyoming County, Pa. V V BY HARVEY SICKLER. Terms—l copy 1 year, fin advance) 51.50. I not pain witbin six months. £2.00 will be charged ADVETITISING . 10 Zincs orj , t 5 > j less, makiVhree i four \ two [three | six lone one squcircXireeksUeeeksimo'tliyno''th>mo'th\ year C..NVERTIFTW RRT* VSTW ' IT"""* Ti In addition to the very liberal interest notes for three ye-, s, this priviU-irtt oi eonvcr-m Q now worth a-out three per eeip, ucr auuura, current tale f 6-0 Loi ■•- i-> not aw 1 •() percent, premium, a:rl be lore the war too P-- a 0 on six p-rccn? I• -• -to. ks WUJ • ver taen y )fl cent, It wilt be even that the v, :< u piv. l a— loan, at the present. market raic, net 1< -a .. a ; per cent, per annum- 5- ITS EXEMPTION FROM STATE ORMITUCWAL I Bot aside from all the adranta-s \o l> av L morated.a special Act of Cong Jf-, mpt* all Isuit ■. and, Treasury notes J rum local taxation. V average, th s exempt' u ■.* worth • u> two p per annum, occoriing to the r:; ocl tf "• " '• rkius parts of t;w country. It isfcelieved th.it no securities uersugn:at dUCeilitiUla to iChuttS -.■ tii ■-o Uti'.i •) \V A> oil th' r forms of ivl '■ " ' ■ .*. / VA 1 UnKuilint>f'K, A . nr wtnr'U' KRmnnwiw 1-wK Block, Tioga street. UZM. M. PIATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of- VV lice in Stark's Brick Block, Tioga St., Tunk uannock, Pa. f> R.fcS, YV, LITTLE ATTORNEY'S AT. A LAW, Office on Tioga street, Tunkhannock Pa. HS. COOPER, PHYSICIAN A SURGEON Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa. LIME FOR FARMERS, AS A FERTILIZE for sale at VERNOV Weshoppen. Sept. 18 lSff:. JV. SMITH, MP. PHYSICIAN k SURGEON, • Office on Bridge Street, next door to the Demo crat Office, Tunkhannock, Pa. 1> H. ,t. Cl RF-C KKH . PHYSICIAN <k SURfiEOJi, Would respectfully announce to the citizens of Wy oming that he has located at Tunkhanno.-k where be will promptly attend to all calls iu the line of his profession. Will bo found at homo on : aturdays of each week. WALL'S HOTEL, LATE AMERICAN HOUSE, TUNKHANNOCK, WYOMING CO., PA. THIS estnVilishment has re. ently been reStted and furnished in the latest style Every attention will be given to the comfort and convenience of those who patronize the House T- B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor. Tunkhannock, September 11, 1861. NORTH BRANCH HOTEL, MESIIOPPEN, WYOMING COUNTY, PA Wm. 11. CORTRIGHT, PropT HAVING resumed the proprietorship of the above Hotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to fender the bouse an agreeable place ot sojourn for all who tnay favor it with their custom Wm. II CCRTRIIIHT. June, 3rd, 1563 fteans jDotfl, TOWANDA, PA . D- B. BARTLET, (Late ol the BRRAINARD IIOVSE, ELMIRA, N. Y. PROPRIETOR. The MEANS HOTEL, i-oneoftne LARGEST and BEST ARRANGED Houses in the country —It is fitted up in the most modern and improved style, 1 and no pains are spared to make it a pleasant aud agreeable stopping-place for all, . > v 3. n2l. t v M. GILMAN, DENTIST, N T GILMAN, has permanently located in Tunk -1 iVI. bannock Borough, and respectfully tenders his professional services to the citizens of this place and urrounding country. ALL WORK WARRANTED, TO GIVE SATIS FACTION. fiTOffice over Tutton's Law Office, near the Pos Office Dec. 11, 1861. USE NO OTHER l-BUCHAN'S SPECIFIC PILLS are tne only Reliable Remedy (or all Diseases of the Seminal, Urinary and Nervous Sys tems. Try one box, and be cured. ONE DOLLAR A BOX. One box will perfect a cure, or money re ■wiled. Sent by mat" on receipt of price. JAMES S. BUTLER, Station D. Bitde Pouse New Y'ork, General Agent v3-n3l-3m M. ACo DO YOU WISH TO BE CURED ?-i> BTCHA7V 8 ENGLISH P.CIFIC TILLS cure, i ess than 30 days, the worst cases of NERVOUSNESS — mjiotency, Premature Dacay. Seminal Weakness, insanity, and all Urinary, Sexual, and Nervous Affections, no matter from what cause produced Price, One Dollar per box. Sent, postpiid, by mail on receipt cf an order. Addr -ss, JAMES S. BUTLFR, Station D, Bible House New York. n3l-3m. M. A Co,. A GENTLEMAN, cured of Nervous Debility. In- ' competency, Premature Decay and Yiiulhful Error, - ua ee by a desire to benefit others, will lie happy I to furnish, to al! who need i:. (free of charge ), the i' f! n K" * lrCctu 2" or simple remedy | en lscase. Ihose wishing to profit by his, and | v*retun, nuiit IBll< > reteive the came, by return mail, (car*. ,dy sealed,) by addressing 1 JOHN 11. OGDFV I <*n4o-3iu.., Na ""* n New York. mflTII! TYHMIY BEBIKER MUTINY IN |THE ABOLITION CAMP. BEN WAPE AND WINTER DAVIS LEADING ABOLITIONISTS-DENOUNE LINCOLN'S TYRANICAL USURPA TIONS AND HOLD IIIM CP TO THE REPROBATION AND SCOPE OF ALL FREE MEN- HIS PLAN OF RECONSTRUCTION AT TACKED—I'■ 1 '■ OLD ABE* k AND THE GOVERN MENT" NOT IDENTICAL. TO THE SUPPORTERS OF THE GOVERNMENT. 9We liave read without earprise, but not wi'hout indignation, the proclamation of the President of the Bth of July, 1864. Tic supporters of the Administration are ret-ponsible to the country for its conduct ; and it is their right and duty to check the enroachments of the Executive on the au thority of Congress and to require U to con fine itself to its proper sphere, It is itnposnihle tJ pass in silence this pr< clamation without neglec'ing that duty ; and, having taken as much responsibility as any others in supporting the Administration, we are not disposed to fail in the other dt/y of asserting the rights of Congress. The President did not Sign the bill "to guarantee to certain States whose Govern ments have been usurped a leptiblican form of Government," passed by the supporters of bis administration in bob Houses of Con gress alter mature deliberation. The bill did not. therefore, become a tare and it i>, therefore, nothing. The proclamation is neither an approval nor a v.-to of the bill ; it i, therefore, a dnc * j nuient unknown to the laws and Constitu j tion of the United States. gPSo far as it contains an apology for not signing the bill,it is a political manifesto against the friends of the Government. S<> far as it proposes to execute the bill ; which is not a law, it is a grave Executive I usurpation. It is fitting that the facts nececsary to enable the friends of the Administration to i appreciate the apology and the usurpation be ! spread before them. The proclamation says : And whereas the said hill was presented j to the President of the United States for hi j approval less than one hour before sine die adjournment of said session, and was not signed by him— ll fiat be accurate, still this bill was pre sen ted with other bills which were signed. Within that hour, the time 1 r the sine die adjournment was three times postponed by the antes of both Houses ; and the least i intimation of a desire for more time by the i President to consider this bill would have 1 j sccured|a further postponement, i Yet the Committee sent to ascertain if the 1 President had any further communication j for the Ilmse of Representatives reporte t that he had none ; and the friends of the bill, who had anxiously waited on him to ascertain its fate, had already been informed that the President had resolved not to sign it. The time of presentation, therefore, had nothing to do with his failure to approve it. Tie bill had been discussed and considered for more thau a month in the House of R • p resentatives, which is passed on the 4th of May; it was reported to the Senate on the 27th of M.iv without material amendment, an 1 passed the Senate absolutely as it came from the House on the 21 of July. Ignorance of its c.mteuts is out of the question. Indeed, at his request, a draft of a bill substantial!}' the same in all material points, and identical in the points objected to by the proclamation, had b en laid before him for his c jnsidelation in tho winter of 1302- 1863. There iR, therefore, no reason to supppe the provisions of the bill took the President by surprise. On tiie contrary, we have reason to be lieve them to have been so well known that ihis method of preventing the bill from be coming a law without the constitututionul responsibility of a veto, had been resolved on long bel >re the bill pissed the Senate. We are informed by a gentleman entitled to entire confidence, that before the 22 i of June in New Orleans it was stated by a member of Gen Bank's staff, in the presence of other gentlemen in official position, thai Senator Doolittle had written a letter to the department that the House reconstruction bill would be staved ifl in the Senate to a period too late in the session to require the President to vrtn it in order to defeat it, and that Mr, Lincoln would retain the bill, it necessary, and thereby defeat it. The experience of Senator Wade, in his various efforts to get the bill considered in the Senate, was quite in accordance with that plan,ard the fate of the bill was accu rately predicted by letters received from New Orlerns before it had passed the Senate. Had the proclamation stopped there, it would have been only one other defeat of the will of the people by an Executiv perversion ot tire Constitution. ?'!' Z :8 further. The President says And whereas tho said bill contains, among other things, a plan for restoring the States "TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVERY FREEMAN'S RIGHT. "—Thomas Jefferson. TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUG'T 17, 1864. in rcbeliinn ta their proper practical relalion in the Uhton, which plan expresses the seo* t-f Congress upon that subject, and which plan it is notv thought fit to lay before the people for their consideration— By what authority of tho Constitution T Tn what forms ? The result to be declared by whom '? With what td&ct when ascer tained ? Is it to be a law by the approval of the pcoplo without the approval of Congress at the will of the Presidident 1 Will the President, on his opinion of the popular approval, execute it as law ? Or is this merely a device to avoid the serious responsibility of defeating a law on which so many hearts reposed for security ? But the roas .ns now assigned for not ap proving the bill are full of otniuous signifi cance. The President proceeds : Now, therefore, I ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United* States, do proclaim, declare, and make known, that, while I am (,s I was in December last, when by pr<da mn ion I piopounded a plan for restoration) unprepared, by a In mil approval A this bill, to be inflexibly commuted to any single plan of restoration That is to say, the President is resolved that tlie people shall not by law take- any securities from 'be rebel Slates against a rctuwal of the r> bullion before resloiing ttieir power to govern us. IDs wisdom and prudence are to be our sufficient guarantees ! lie furiln r says : And, while I am alo unprepared, to de elate that the Free State Constitution ami Governments already adopted and installed in Araansas and Louisiana shall be set aside and held lor nought, thereby repelling and di-couraging the I yal citiz :is who have set up the same as to lurther eflort—" That ts to say. the President persists in recognizing those shadows of GovefnmtfQ'* in Atkansas and Louisiana, wh'ch Congress formally declared should no! be rvc-'gnized— whose Representatives and Senators were repelled by formal votes of both II- uses ol Congress which it was declared formally should have no electoral vote for Preet dent and Vice President. They are the mere creatures of his will. They c-tun >f live a day with out his support. They are mere obligarchie", imposed on the people by military orders under the forms of election, at which generals, provost-mar shals, soldiers and camp followers were the chief actors, assisted by a handful of resident citi/ tB, and urged on to premature action by private letters from the President. In neither Louisiana nor Arkansas, before Banks' defeat, did the United States control half the territory ot half the population. In Louisiana, Genera! Batiks' proclamation can didly declared : %i The fundameta&l law of the trteite is marshall law." On that foundation of freedom, he erccfed what the President calls " the free Constitu Don and Government of Lousiana." But of this State, whose fundamental law was martial law, only sixteen parishes out of forty-eight parishes were held by the United States; and in five of the six'o.m we held only our camps. Tbe eleven parishes we substantially held had 123,185 inhabitants; the residue of the State not held by us, 575,017. At the faree'eatfetf an election, the officers of Gen Banks returned that 11,346 ballots were cast ; but whether any or by whom the people of the United States have no legal a. "Oiratice ; but it is probable that 4,000 were cast by soldiers or employees of the United States, military or municipal, but none ac cording to aay law. State or National, and 7,000 ballots represent tho State of Loutsi ana. Such is the free Constitution and Govern ment of L >uisiana ; and like it is that of Ar kansas, Nothing bat the failure of a military expedition deprived us of a like one in the swamps of Florida ; and before the Presiden. tial election, like ones may be organized in • very rebel State where the Uuited States have a camp. The President by preventing this bill from becoming a law, holds the elctoral votes of the rebel States at the dictation of his personal ambition. If those votes turn the balance in his fav >r is it to be supposed that his competitor, de feated by sucii means, will acquiesce ? If the rebel majority assert their snprema cy in thoe Stateß, and send voles which elect an enemy of the Government, will we r< t repel his claims 1 And is not that civil war for the Presi dency, inaugurated by the votes of rvbel States ? Seriously impressed wi'h these dangers, Congress, •' the proper Constitntional au thority ," formally declared that there are no State Governments in the rebel States, and provided for their erection at a pr-pper time; and both the Senate and nusu of Represen tatives rejected the Sena'ors and Represen tatives chosen under the authority of what the President calls the froe Constitution and Government of Arkansas. The President's procfttnation " holds for nought " this judgment, and discards the au thority of the Supreme Court, and strides headlong towards tbe anarchy his proc iatualioo of the Bth of December inaugura ted. If electors for President ba allowed to be chosen iu either of those States, a sinister light will be cast on the motives which in duced the President to " hold for naught" the will of Congress than his Government in Louisiana and Arkansas. The Judgment of Congress which tho Presideut defies was the exercise of an au thority exclusively vested in Congress bv jhe Constitution to dete t mine what is the established Government m a State, and in its own nature and by the highest judical authority binding on all otJier departments of the Government. The Supreme Court has formally declared that under the fourth sestson of the fifth ar ticle of the Constitution; requiring the U. S. to guarantee to every State a republican form of govenmtnt, "it itsis with Congress to decide w hai government is the established one in a State ;"and " when Senators and Representatives of a State are admitted into the councils ot a Union, the authority of the Government under which they are appoint ed, as well as its republican character, is recognized by the proper constitutional au thority, and its decision and is binding on every other Department of the Government and could not be questioned in a judical tri bunal. It is true that the contest in this case did not last long enough to bring the inattet to this issue ; and. as no Senatrrs or R-pres entatives were i levied under the au thority of the government of which Mr. Eorr the head, C >ng ress was not calied upon to decide the controversy. Yet the rig .t to decide is placed there f Even the President's proclamation of the 8;n of December, formally declares that •* Whether meuib.rs sent to Congress from any State shall be admitted to seats, consti lutionally rusts with the respect \e Houses, and not to any extent with the Lxecu i ive," And that is not the less true because wholly inconsistent with the P r e?ident's assumption in that pt oclauiation of a right to institute and recognize State Go vera ments in the rebel States, nor because the Presi dent is unable to perceive that his recogni tion is a nullity if it be not conclusive on Congress. Under the Constitution, the right to Seua tors Representatives is inseperable from a State Government. II there be a State Government, tho is absolute. If there be no State Government, there can be no Senators or Represeotalives cho sen. The two Houses of Congress are expressly dtclared to be the solejudges of their own members. When, therefore, Senators and Represen tatives are admitted, the State Government' under whose authority they were chosen, is conclusively established ; whun they are re jected, its existence is exclusively njocted and denied ; and to iht- j iJgment the Presi dent is bound to submit. The President proceeds to express his unwillingness "to deciate a constitutional competency in Congress to abolish slavety in States" as another reason for not signing the mil. But the bill nowhere proposes to abolish slavery in tho States. ■ The bill did provide that'all slaves in the rebel States should be manumitted. But as the President ha 1 already signed three bills uianumit ing several classes of 1 slaves in States, it is not conceived possible ihat he entertained any scruples touching that provision of the bill respecting which be is silent. lie had already himself assumed a right by by proclamation to free much the larger number of slaves in the rebel States, under the authority given him by Congress fo use military power to suppress the rebellion ; and it is quite inconceivable that the Presi dent shoqld think Congee's could vest in uiin a discretion it could not exercise itself. I its the more unintelligible from tho fact that, except, in respect to a small part of Vtrghiia and Louisiana, the bill coveredjonly what the proclamation covered—added a Congressional title and judicial remedies by law to the disputed title under the proc lamation, and perfected the work the Presi dent professed to be so anxious to accoui plish. Slavery as an institution can be abolished only by a change of the Constitution of the United States or of the law of the States; and this is th principle of the bill. It required the new Constitution of the State to provide for that prohibition, and the President, in the face of his own proclamation does not venture to object to insisting on that condition—yet he defeaed the only pro vision imposing it ! But when he describes himself, in spite of this great blow at emancipation, as "sincere ly hoping and expecting that a con stituti onal amendment abolishing slavery throughout ihe nation may be adopted," we curiously inquire on what his expectations rest, after the vote of the House of Representatives at the recent session, and in the face of the po litical complexion of more than enoogh of the Sta'es to prevent the possibility of its adoption within any reasonable time ; and why he did not indulge his sincere hobes with so large an installment of the bleaing ii hi* approval of tbe bill would bare secar ed. After this assignment of hi* reason for preventing the bill from becoming a law, the President proceeds to declare his purpose to exet.ute it at law by ait plenary dictato rial power. lie says :• Nevertheless, T am fully satisfied with the system for restoration contained in the bill as one veiy proper plan for the l>yal people of any State cboosi.ig to adopt it : and that 1 am, and at alt tunes shall be, prepared to give the Executive aid and assistance to any such people ?o soon as the military resistenet: to the United States shtll have beeu sup pressed tn any such State, and people tbereol shall have sufficiently returned to their obediance to the construction and the laws of the United States ; in which caes Military Governors will be appointed, with directions to proceed according to the bill. A more studied outrage on the legislative authority of the people has never been per petrated. Congress passed a bill; the President re fused to approve it, and then by proclama tion puts as much of it tn force as hs sees fit, and proposes to execute those parts by offi cers unknown U> tbe laws of the United States and nut subject to the coufirmat on of'be Senate ! The bill directed the appointment of Pro visional Governors by and with the advice and con-ent of the Senate. The President, after defeating the law, proposes to appo.nt without la.and with out the advice and consent ol" the Senate Military Government for the rebel States ! He has already exercised this d c aturial usurpation in Louisiana, and he defeated the bill D> prevent its limitation. Henceforth we must regard the following precedent as the Ptesidenual law of the teb ! States : E.VErpTiVR MANSION, I WASHINGTON, March 15, 18C4. 5 His Excellency, Michael llahn, Governor of Louisiana : Untii further orders, you are hereby invest ed wiili the powers exercised hitherto by the Mtllitary Government of Louisiana. Yours, ABRAHAM LINCOLN This N|ichaei Uihn is no officer of the United States, the President, with >ut law without the advice and consent of the Senate by a private note not even countersigned by the Secretary ol State maaes him dictatorof Louisiana ! The bill provided for the civil administra tion of the laws of the State—till it should be in t fit temper to govern itself— repealing all laws recognizing slavery, aud making all mfli equal before the law. These beneficent provi-ions the President has annulled- People will die, and marry and transfer property, and buy and sell— and to these acts ol civil life courts and otfi cers of the law are necessary. Congress i< g islated for theso necessary things and the President deprives them of the protection of the law ! The Presiden''s purpose to instruct his Mditarv Governors "to proceed according to the bill"—a makeshift to calm the disap pointment its defeat has occasioned—is not merely a grave usurpation but. a transparent delusion. lie cannot' proceed according to tbe bill" after preventing it from becoming a law. Whatever is done will beat his wili £nd, pleasure, by persons responsible to no law and more iuterested to secure the interests and execute the will of the President than of the people ; and the will of Congress is to be ' ( h-ld for rought," "unless the loyal people of the rebel States choose to adopt it." If they should graciously prefer the fstyln gent bill to the easy proclamation, still the registration wilj be made under no legal sanc tion ; it will give no assurance that a majori ty of the people of the States have taken the oath ; if administered, it will be without le gal authority, and void ; no indictment will lie for false swearing at tho election, or for admitting bad or rejecting good votes ; it will be tho farce of Louisiana and Arkansas acted over again, under the forms of this bill, but not by authority of law. But when we come to the guarantees of fu ture peace which Congress meant to enact,the forms, as well as the substance of the bill, must yield to the President's will that none should be imp sed. ■ It was the solemn resolve of Congress to protect the loyal men of the nation against three great dangers (I) the return to power of the guilty lealers of the rebellion, ( .) the continuance of slavery, and (3) the burden ol the rebel debt. required assent to those provi sions by the Convention of the State ; and if refused, it was to be dissolved. The President ''holJs for naught" that re solve of Congress because he is unwilling "to be inflexibly committed to any one plan of restoration," and the people ol the United States are not to be allowed to protect them selves anless their enemie* agree to it. The order to proceed according to the bill is therefore merely at the will of the rebel Ststes ; and they have the option to rrject it, accept the proclamation of the Bth of Decern ber, and demand the President's recognition! Mark the contrast ! The bill requires a majority, the proclamation ia satisfied with 9D teDtb ; 'thi k'*lf requires not cath, the TXIH.MS: S2.OOPBn AZOTCTTX2UC | proclamation, another; the bill ascertain* i voters bv registering, the proclamation bf guess; the bill exacts adherence to existing territorial limits, the proclamation admits of others; the bill governs the rebel States by lair, equalizing al before it,the proclamation commits them to the lawless discretion of military Governors and provost marshals; the ! bill forbids electors lor President, the procla mation and defeat of the bill threaten us with civil war f.> lb? admission or exclusion of such votes; the bill exacted exclusion of dan gerous enemies from power and the relief of the nation from the rebel debt, and tho pro hibition of slavery forever, 90 that the aup p resworn of the rebellion will double our re* sources to bear or pay the national debt, free the masses from the old domination of the rebel leaders, and eradicate the cause of the war; the proclamation secures neither of these guarantiee. It is silent respecting the rebel debt and the political exclusion cf rebel leaders : leav ing slavery exactly where it was by law at the ou break of the rebellion, and adds no guaranty even of the freedom of the slaves ho undertook to manumit. It is 6umined up 111 an illegal oath, without a sanction and therefore void. The oath is 10 support all proclamations of the President during the rebellion having ref erence to slaves. Any Government is to be accepted at the hands of one-tenth of the people not contra vening that oath. .uai Now that oath neither secures the aboli tion of Slavery nor adds security to the free dom of the slaves the President declared freo. It does not secure the abolition of slavery ; for the proclamation of freedom merely pro , ftssed to free certain slaves while it recog j nized the institution. s Every Constitution of the rebel State* at , the outbreak of the rebellion toay be adopt-* ed without the change of a letter ; for aona of them contravene that proc'aniation ; npne of them establish slavery. It adds no security to the freeu'om oftha slaves. ... For their title is the proclamatioi 1 of free dom • If it be unconstitutional, an oath to tap port it is void. Whether constitutional or not, the oath is without authority of law, and t here fore void. „ , j If it be valid and observed, it j enactment by the Srate, either in law- or CoßSiitutiup, to add a State guaranty to the proclamation title; and the right of a slave to freedom is an open question before..the .State courts on the relative a u thorily ofifa# State law and the proclamation. If the oath binds tho one- fenth wh<p take it, it is not exicted ef tue ot.ber nine tenths who succeed to tho control of the Sta'e Gov ernment, so that it is anuulled instantly by the act of recognition. ! ~ M What the State court 9 wouM say of the proclamation, who car. doubt ? But the master would not go into court he would seize his slave. What the Supretye Court would fay, who can tell ? When and how is the question to get, there ? No habeas corpus lieV for him in a United States court, and t'.e President defeated with this bill its extension of that writ to this case. are the fruits of this rash and fatal act 6t .'.he President—a blow at tho friends of his administration, at the rights of humanity, and at the principles of republiaan govern ment. The President has greatly presumed on the torbearance which the supporters of bis Administration have so long practiced, in view of the arduous conflict in which we fro engaged, and the reckless ferocity of our po litical opponents. But he must understand that our support is of a cause and not of a man ; that the au thority of Con.-ress is paramount and must be respected ; that the whole body oftr Union men of Congress witl not sabm it 8 be impeached by hun of rash and uncon tutional legislation ; and if he wishes support, he must coufine himself to hi OUr ecutive duties—to obey and execute s - * make the laws—to suppress by arms ' " ot rebellion, and leave political ro-orgat *f aa *<i to Congress. flpMon If the supporters of tho Governr to insist on this they become respo n the usurpation which they fail , or and are justly liable to the indif dat-oa 9 ' people whose rights and Securi ty, co o ' he to their keeping, they sacrifice." ' JUmt ed Let them consider the remedy f or th usurpations, and, having found it, fearioali? execute it. B. F. WADE, Chairman Senate Committee. H. WINTER DATIS, Chairman Committee House of sentaiives on the Rebellious £>tata a IT has appeared in eviden „ •*> triat Mr.. efy member .. • Conere.. pri.U.ge o[ , .0 W..lnr,U mphMi , OTt 0( .inpluyiMnt , 0 his department. TMi accommodating, truly Some bvrd-hctrM Copperhead calls Cha&o the keeper vf Republican harem cv->*ae^ vi" y V r OL. 4 NO. 2
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