VOLUME 3. COPPERJOHNSON CONVENTION. |t<>Molu(ions Adopted by the Jolm*on <'onve«lloii H* PhiladolplitH. 1. We hail with gratitude to Almighty God the end of the war and the return of peace to ai. alU.clcd and beloved land. [Applause] 2. The war just closed has maintained the uuh irity ot the Constitution, with 4111 the powers which it confers and all the restrictions which it imposes upon the General Government, unabridged and unaltered, [feeble applause accompanied iiy a slight whistle,J and it has preserved the t'nioii with the equal right', dignity, and tlie authority of the .States perfect and unimpaired. [Tremendous applause, during which the convcution rose iu a body arid cheered enthusiastically ] The Chairman rapped to order and re quested delegates to take their seats. A delegate stated that when such doctrine as that was announced ho could not help cheering The Secretary then proceeded : 3. Representation in the Congress of the United States and the Electoral Col lege is a right recognized by the Cotrsti tution as abiding in every State and as a duty iui posed upon its people, fundamen tal iu its nature and essential to the ex istence of our republican institutions and neither Congress nor the General Gov ernment has any authority or power to deny this light to any State or to with hold its enjoyment under the Constitu li >ll from the people thereof. [Great ap plau-e.] 4. We call upon the people of the United States to elect to Congress as members thereof none hut men w ho ad mit the fundamental right of representa tion, and who will receive to seats there in loyal representatives from every State 111 allegiance to the United States, subject to the constitutional right <javh house to judge of the election returns an I qual ideations of is own members. 5. The Constitution of the Unite! StntM mid the laws made in pursuance thereof are the supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstan 1- ing. All tiio powers not conferred by InC Constitution upon the General G >v i rnment, nor prohibited by it to the States, ate reserved to tho States or t.> the i eoplo thereof; and among the rights i litis reserved to tho States is the right l" 1 rcseribe qualifications fur the elective lraucliisc therein, Willi which light ('on- cannot interfere. [Applauso] No State or enmbination of States has the right to withdraw Irom the Uni m. [.Teat applause,] or to exclude through their netioii hi Congress i r ( therwise any otli or State or States from the I nion. (lie, lifiWi d cheering.) ihe I nion of these States is perpetual, and its Government has all supreme authority w'.t-Uin the re strict oris and limitations ol the Consti tution. (j. Such nniondnicnts to the Cwistiiu tion (if the Unite J State* may be made by the people thereof as they may deem expeiieut, \iut only ii the mode pointed oat uy i:.s provisions ; and in propo* iu ,-IK'II amcndnie its, whether by Congress or by a convention, and in ratify.ng the si me, all the Staes of llie Uni in have un i|Uu: and an indefeasible right to a voice and a Vote tliercjl. (Tremendous applail'C.) (The 7th resolution was omitted by the Sfccreiary, no doubt accidentally, an 1 was not read until after the series had been gone through with an 1 adopted, a sepa late vote being taken on it. We give it however in its proper place.) 7. Slavery is abolished and forever pro hibited, and there is neither desire nor purpose ou the pnttof ilie Southern Slate* ili.it it *h oild ever be vc established upon tlesiil or within the jurisdiction of the United States,and the enfranchised slaves in all the Sta es of the Uui ui sh iuld re eoivc, in common with all thoir inliabi tints, equal protection in every right of person and propelty. 8. While we regard as utterly invalid aud never lobe assumed or made of bind ing force any obligation incurred or un dertaken in making war agaunt the Uni ted States, we hold the debt of the nation to be saered and inviolable—and wc pro claim our purpose in discharging this, a< in performing nil other national obliga tions, to maintain unimpaired aud uniui peached the honor and the faith of the Republic. S. It is the duty of the national Gov ernment to iccognize the services of the Federal soldiers aud sailor* iu the contest just closed by meeting promptly and ful ly ull their just and rightful claims for the services they have rendered the na tion, and by cxteuding to those of them who have survived, and to the widows and orphans of those wdio have fallen, (he most generous and cousiderato care. loth and last. In Andrew Johnson, Presideut of the Uuited States, who in Jiis great office has proved steadfast in his devotion to the Constitution, the laws, and the interests of his country, unmov ed by persecution and undeserved re proach, having faith unassailable in the people and in the principles of a fiec Government, wc recognize a Chief Mag istrate worthy of the natiou and equal to the great crisis upon which his lot is cast; and we tender to him in the discharge of his high iud responsible duties our pro found resppct aud assurance of our cor dial aud sincere support. The Chairuiau. Gentlemen of the con ycntion, you have heard the resolutions. Those in favor will siy aye. A tremcn uous shout. Those opposed will say no. No one answered. They are unanimous ly carried. • Thomas 0. Me' lowcll, of Pennsylvania,, then proposed three cheer. 3 for Senator AMERICAN CITIZEN, Cowan, by whom the resolutions had been reported. The cheers were accordingly given, and were followed by loud cries for a speech. ID response to these calls Mr. Cowan rose aud said : " Gentlemen of the convention, I claim to be the host of the convention. One of my distinguished guests will now ad dress you by virtue ol authority unani mously derived from the Committee tfu Resolutions and Address—The lion Mr. Raymond." Applause, including cheers for Raymond. The Chair then announced that the Hon. Henry J Raymond, of New York, would lead the address, which had re ce ved the unanimous apptoval of the Committee on Resolutions and Address. Mr. Raymond stepped forward and read the address, ot which tiic following is a synopsis THE ADDHE6B Invokes the people of the United States to remeii.bcr th»t the war has ended, and that the nation is again at peace, slid to accept with all their legitimate conse quences tho political results of the war. first, it has established beyond all fur ther controversy, and by the highest of all human sanctions, the absolute su premacy of the national Government as ■iefiued and limited by the Constitution, and the permanent integrity aud indisso lubility of the Federal Union as a neces sary consequence. And, second, it has put an end finally and forever to the ex istence of slavery upon the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United States I lie Government of the United States maintained by force ol arms the supreme authority over all territory and over all States an ] people within its jurisdiction which the Constitution confers upon it; but it acquired thereby no new power, no enl aged jurisdiction, no rights either of territorial possession or of civil authority which it did not possess before the rebel lion broke out. '1 he. Constitution is to day precisely as it was before the war — the supreme law of the land—anything in the constitution or laws of the States notwithstanding ; and to-day, precisely as before the war, all powers not conferred by the Constitution upon the General Government, uor prohibited by it to the Slates, urO leserve', to the several S'ates or to the people thereof. During the war every Kxeeutive message and procla mati' II explicitly declared that the sole purpo.t of the war was to maintain the authority of the Coustitut on and pre serve ihe integrity of the Union, and Con gress ratified this solemn declaration.— Congress lias tince proclaimed that the Government has ttie right of conquerors to subject the territory conquered and its inhabitants to such penalties as the legis lative department may sec lit to impose Under this claim the clause of the Con stitution declaring that tio State without its consent shall be denie-1 equal suffrage in the Senate has been annulled, anil 10 Mt\ es are deprived of representation, al though ihe Federal courts are reopened and taxes imposed. This claim so co lored iuvuives as fatal an overthrow of tiic * > usii;u ion as that sought to bo ef 'ected by tin Stale* ■ u rebellion. The light asset to >1 is that Congress, iu formul l>. sse.-siin ol u' v l\u ity, may exclude any Stales from tepriseiilaliou until they comply with such conditions as they die tale Alter controverting radical doc ri:ies ilie address says: "We do not hesitate to a<n>tu that there is no section ot tile country where the Const tution aud laws ol the United States find more prompt and entire obedience than in those States and auoug ih >sc people who were i rely in a uis against them, or where is less purpose or danger of any 112 uture attempt to overthrow tlicir authority."— In clo-ing, the address alludes to the ap preach,ng congressional elections and says : '• i\ c call upon you in every eon gre.-sional district of tvery State to sc euro the election of members who, what ever other differences may characterize tlicir political action, will unite in recog nizing the right of every Sla!e of the Union to representation iu Congress and who will a ltuit to seats in either branch every loyal representative IV tn every Stale.n allegiance totheUovcrnnicnt who may bo found by each bouse, in the exer cise of the power conferred upon it by the Constitution, tj have been duly elect ed, returned, and qual fied for a scat therein. When this shall have been done the •Governtnent will have been re estab lished in its full supremacy, and ths Ameiican Union will have again become what it was designed to be by tho-c who fortyed it—a sovereign nation, composed of separate Slates, each, like itself, mov ing iu * distinct and independent sphere, exercising powers deffneil and reserved by a common Constitution, and teeing upon the assent, the confidence and co-opera tion ot all the States and all the people subject to its authority Thus reorgan ized and restored to tlicir constitutional relations, the States and the General Gov eminent can enter in a fraternal spirit, with a common purpose and a common interest, upon whatever reforms security of personal rights, enlargement of popu ular liberty, and the perfection of our republican institutions may demand." —lt is stated on good authority that cne of the President's organs in Wash ington is about to collapse for want of support. Being unable to pay for its news, the agent of the Associated Press has refused to furnish it anj more tele grams, and it made its appearance on Tuesday with tuch dispatches only as were published in tile evening papers of the previous day. Prom this it is evident that supporting Policy" is not a pay ing busiuess,at least at the National Cap ital. —This will do then ! "Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end,dare to do our duty as we understand it"-- A. Liftoout BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 29, 1866. THE (SSUE. Great Speech of General Logan. At Chicago, Tnciday; G.vtnllt|, Ang 14 Major General John A. Logan had an enthusiastic reception nt tho Gycra House in Chicago, on the evening of the 14th inst. After the usual preliminaries, he spoke as follows : LADIES AND GENTLEMEN —I tender you my sincere thanks for the manner in which I havr been reie veJ in the city of Chicago by its citizens. It is not alto gether a eortipliincnt to myself. lam not vaiu enough so to consider it; but a com p'iment to the principles enunciated in the platform of that party which has placed me upon its ticket for Congress man at large. I look upon this as a great gn.und swell among the people in this partof the coun try, showing a true, pure aud patriotic devotion to loyal sentiment aud to the true interests of the natiou, ami that trea son has no interest in the hearts of the pc.ople of the great city of Chicago, [Ap plause.] On occasions of this kind we can better judge the feelii gs of the people in pefer enco to the qucstius that are presented before Ihe country, by the manner of their assembling together, by the interest they seem to take. And in eliscussing the questions that are presented by the par tics of the counlry to the people for their decision, I hope that I may be able to make myself understood; and that I may be able to present to this audience 'hose questions iu a fair, just, and ju'oper man ner, so that they themselves, t.s well as 1, may judge as to the right, and when we once form judgment as to the rijd:t, it then becomes, as is well known, ojr duty to perform it.and act in accordance with that judgment. There never has been a time when the questions presented to the people by the political partiesot the country were more easily understood than those that are now to be sulmitted, if they properly invest igate aud attempt to undeisiuud them. The question that we have to decide at the November election is nothing less than the great question we have been battling lor—the great issue we have bceu battling lor for the last, five years, [cheers] —a question that the loyal peo ple of the United States in their dreams, in their hopes,and in their beliefs thought 'tis the great question of liberty, of freedom, of the rghts of the loyal people of this country, aad of the forfeiture of the rights of traitors in this land (cheers] this great question they thought had bem settled by force of arms. We had thought this question had been submit ted tii the people of ibis country and de etded by wager of battle. We had flat tered ourselves that those great questions that we were battling for in this country were forever settled, and would forcvci >leep in silence. But lor some reason ui.kniwn tome, and I presume unknown to you, the same questions are now pre sence i iu a difl'cieut form. Heretofore they we; e presented to you by men in arms halt iing against the Hag of the coun try. trampling the Constitution undr foot, defyiDgthc authority of the people of the United States of Auicrisa. They were presented by armies in battle, by men associating iheniselvia together, forming what they called a government, aud for tho purpose of its destruction, for the purpose of establishing a form of govern incut to their own tastes and their own notions, aud intended for the destruction ot this mighty fabric. The manner in which it is presented to us is different. Then it was presented in the shape of battle, in the shape ol war. But it is presented now as a polit ical question for us to decide at the polls lor you and I to discuss, and for you and I to decide. It sometimes is well enough for us to enquire, how did this question again get before the people? We had fought for four years for this great principle of lib erty aud the integrity of the w hole Union; wc had fought against the right of scccs- against treason aud rebellion iu tl.is laud—for the purpose of showing that the men of this country must be obedient to law, must observe the Constitution, aud must bow down to the maucla'es of ihc majority aud the will of the people of this jjreut and mighty Republic.— [Cheers J And, too, as I remarked, ac cording to the laws us wc interpret tlicui aud t ho Cons'ltiutibn of the cauqtiy, those who rai.-ed the arm of rebellion against the Union ought to bo deprived of every right, \>oth civil and political, that they eujoyed under the Constitution and the law* of the land. And why, uiy friends? By their act ol treason, and by the crime* that are embodied within that act of trea son itself, they have not only forfeited their civil and political rights—all the rights that pertain to the people—but, having done that, they could set ap no claim to participate in the affairs ot the government. nor could they exercise any right, civil or political, except such rights ' as the people of the United States iu their estimation should decide to confer upon them, through their representatives at the proper time. If they decide to reclothe, to rehabilitate them, to reconfer upon them these rights, why it is within the magnanimity of the people of the United States, aud not under the justice or discretion of thbse men who fought against the Government, and thereby for feited their rights. (Cheers.) Having been taught this, aad learned it, having fought for it, and won the bat. tie; having fought for the country and saved it; having fought for the preserva tion of the Vuion and not only saved it; but planted it proudly aud defiantly in every town, hamlet and village, on every hill top and on every plain, from the lakes in the North to the Gulf iu the South, and from the Atlantic to the Pa cific ocean; the men who had done this, who had performed this great duty re quired at their hands towards the Gov ernment of the United States—they, when this duty was performed to th.e Government, had placed in their hands the right, aud the only right to decide in lelerence to this question and to dis pose of it. [Cheers ] Hut, unfortunately for the people of this country, in the selection of a candi dal! 8 for President and Vice President,at the last elcctiou, we selected a ma;i aud placed him ufion the ticket, who was elected Vice President. lie bceaiue President, and is now the accidental Pres ident, made so not by the will or the wish or desire of the loyal people of the Uni ted States of America, but made so by the bun 1 of treason, which lifted its bloody dagger for the purpose of destroy ing the life of this great nation. By that act aud that unfortunate occurrence, this apostate was placed iu the Presidential chair. (Cheers.) lie is an apostate Ju das to the Constitution of the Uuited States, who had kissed the cheek of lib erty that he might betray her into the bauds of treusou. [Prolonged Cheers.] He has presented to this country an issue lor you. uuu'me, aud the people of this country to decide, lie has again present ed the issue that wc bad thought forever decided and settled; and inasmuch as we have had the power to settle it by our own strong arms, by our own will, by our own power, and by our own strength, wc will again settle it by that same will, that, same power, and that same strength, and we will make it manilest so that the issue will remain settled forever. [Cheers. \\'e remember that during the bloody tragedy that was being enacted before the eyes of the civilized world, this man declared that traitors must be impover ished; that their lauds must be distribu ted among the loyal, lie declared, too, that loyalty itself did not reside in the heart of the white man; but iu the State ol'Tennessee, at bis home in Nashville, he declared that it lived in the bosom of each and every innn that loved hid. coun try, uo matter what his complexion, or station, or situation iu life was. [Cheers.] He declared, further, that he would be the Moses of the unfortunate men (laugh tcr) who had their limbs hung by the chains of slavery for centuries gone by; thar as their Moses lie would lead them through the lied Sea of their trials aud tribulations until they should be placed in a laud of safety—in a land of univer sal liberty—where they themselves might enjoy the privileges and rights of citizens, tliOsSame rights before the law as any body else; that he himself would take upon himself to perform that great, gi gantic job— if you might call its act. which is a preferable word; that he would take this duty, it beiug incumbent upou some man in the United States, ami he would assume to do it ou his own part. Hut it seems to me methinks, some liuies, instead of finding this man at the head of the unfortunate children, and leading them out from the bond age of their tyrants aud oppressors, that lie has missed his road, aud to-day he is lound at the head of the rebel hordes that have been lashed uutil they laid down their arms and were willing to beg tor mercy, and he has attempted to lead tlieui to the promised laud. [Cheers.] lieu lie was sworn in as I'residcnt oi the United Status in place of the tuau whose memory will ever live in the minds and hearts of the people of the Uuited States (cheers), and in tho hearts of the people of all civilized and christianized countries—a man of gigantic intellect, a man of great heart; the man who com passed all that was necessary for man t. do by his grfeat mind; who understood the wants of the people, the institutions ot the people; the man who understood what loyalty meant, what treason was; thcuiau who could interpret the laws and Constitution correctly, and had the nerve to execute and sec that they were faithfully carried out; the man who, when the whole couutry stood in awe and trembled before the mighty hests of this rebellion, when the whole country seemed as thuugh they were willing to give up the struggle and strike for peace, i mistake, not the whole "country, but a great portion > 112 the people, encugh to have alaimed almost ever., ma i- this man had faith in the flag of the country; he had faith in the Constitution; he had faith in God, and believed that in His providence »ll things would be brought about in the right way, treason would be Anally crushed and loyalty would tinally triumph. [Applause] I<ut when he pas-ed from the stage of action, and this man took the oath of oflice, he said, in a little speech that he made then, that treason must be made odious, and trait ors must be punished. Well, I do not understand «hat lie meant by that.' 1 woul£ mean if 1 had the power to say that treason must be punished. 1 know what you would mean, but what he meant I cannot divine. If we were to have the power to-night to say "treason must be made odious," what would wc mean? We would mean that it must bo banished; that it must bo marked so that it would become hated aud despised, not only Uj the people of this great Republic, but by the whole civilized world. That would be what we would mean by making it "odious. When we would say that traitors should be punished, what would we mean by Mint? We would mean that they must receive the punishment the law itself prescribes they shall receive. What is that according to the (institution of the Uuited states and the laws of the land? If u man commits treason against the Government of the Uuited States he for feits his life. This is the punishment we mean in regard to [cheers] the men we intend to puuish as an example for the rest; that they have forleited their lives,- aud that they pay that forfeit in. or der to satisfy the law, in order to satisfy the people. [Applause ] \\ hat has he done to make treason odious? lias he put a mark upon treas on iu this laud? Has he strotched out his baud to the poor loyal man of the South and said, "Come up a little high er," aud at the same time turned upou traitors, and said, "sir, you must go back a little further." lias he done that?— No, instead ol that he has given the trait or hit hand, and he has raised him up u little higher, aud he has attempted to sink loyal meu lower iu the scale of the esti mation ef the country. That is the man ner iu which he has punished treason.— He has punished it by turning out this man C. C. Clay, for whom he offered $-5 00U or aU.UOO reward, iu order that he might be puuished for complicity iu the assassination of Mr. Lincoln, aud he walks through the laud a paroled man, at liberty togo where he pleases. So he has with the others that have been ar rested and putin prison. Alexauder 11. Stephens, Vice President of the Confed erate States, instead ol living in Fort La fayette, where he ought to be [cheers,] is to-day, or was u tew days before the adjournment of Congress, in Washington City with a pardon iu one pocket and a certificate of election in another, claiming a seat iu the United States Senate. We find he has punished treason in the State of Mississippi, and hew it becu done? liy allowing people to elect a rebel Gen eral Governor of the State, and as soon as he was elected he pardoned him so that be might take the office. So it has been iu ea'jh aud every one of the States that were iu rebellion; as fflgt as they elected a rebel to office as Governor he seut tlieui their pardons, so that they might accept the office and perform the duties of the same. That is the manner iu which treason has been made odious by this man. Can you point your finger to a loyal man that has been placed in the Gubernatorial chair in one of'he nine Stales, taking Arkansas a if Tennessee as exceptions; but iu the other Stales can you poiut your linget to a solitary man who is loyal that has becu placed iu any of those positions? Not one. And why? Because Mr. Johnson's conduct has been of such a character that loyalty was at a discount,and treason at a premium. [As Sl tit.] He i lieu presented us tUjs issue. The rebels during this war .laimcd, —or attho time this rebellion ceased.—claimed that iu law tliuy bad forfeito I no rights; that they were citizens id' tho United States as much as they ever were. At the time this rebellion was crushed, at the timenf the surrender ol Hubert E. Lee to Gen. Grant; at the time of the surrender of Joseph K. Johnston with his whole army to Gen. Sherman, we looked along thi broad land and believed that this rebel lion was over, aud that treason was crush ed for ever iu this lauu, and that loyalty bad control aud charge of the affairs of this nation. What did we find then?— We found a condition of things as I have remarked before. If we only re fleet and have our attention called totlie time of 'he surrender of Joseph K. Johu ston aud bis rebel army to Gen. Sher man, we remember that Gen. Johnston aud Gen. Sherman made what was culled a convention, they made un agreement liy that agreement Gen. Sherman was to recognize or was to permit the Governors of these rebel States to take the oath of allegiance or the oath under the Const! t tit ion of the United States, and contin ue in office by changing the form of the State Government frjin that of rebel to that of the Uuited States Government. It was sent to the President of the Uni ted States aud his Cabinet for their as scut. Vou all very well remember the manner in which that agreement between General Sherman aud Mr. Johnston of the rebel army was treated. How was it treated? Mr. Jo|iuston, as President, aud his whole Cabinet, decided that it was a recognition of traitors; that it was putting traitors in office, that it was ma king treason respectable, uud Mr. Johu stou said "that treason" must be made odious, and traitors must be punished; and that traitors must not occupy front seats as they were about to do in this agreement betweeu Ueueral and Mr. John-tuu. Tlicy repudiated this agreement. 'lhcy published General Sherman—a gallant officer anl sol lier he is, too, —in every paper almost from or.e end of this k;ud t<) the other, that they could dot tell whether General Sherman had surrendered to Johnston or Johnston had surrendered to Sheimau. That was the statement made public everywhere, and believed by everybody. Well, 1 must confess that there were very lew loyal men in this country that were willing to iudorsc that agreement. This is all true, but at the same tiiuc'tbeir un willingness to iudorsc it was uot because it was made by General Sherman, but they would not have been willing to in dorse it had it been made by President Johnson, or President Lipcoln, ojr Pres ident anybody. (Applause.) Why is it that they refused to indorse that agreeme. t ? Yet iu a few weeks at terward Mr. Johnson turns right round and befriends the very same class of men that (iencral Sherman was gting to rec ognize as Governors of theso different States, lie turns right round and com mences pardoning thise meft'&nd allow ing thctn to be put into office. lie takes the Stute Governments and pretends to organize them, and then turns th m over to tbo traitors and rebels iu ths land, so that they might pursue their bloody deeds and may gloat as much as they are min ded to with their fiendi hne<s upon Union white men and Union black men through out the land. He goes further than that, for he organises these State Governments, or to organize theui, though I con tend that he had nj^authority for it. He did it, and inasmuch as a part of it was recognized by the Congress of lho Uni ted States, afterward, we havis no right to complain of it, and ate willing to admit that probably it was well enough ( inasmuch as it has gone so far. At least' the Congress of the United States wero willing to accept such portions as they thought to be correct and right. I think in their judgment they did the best they could, and iu my judgment it was the best that could be done at that time un der the circumstance?. We find, however, tho President of the United States going on in the same lino and in the same manner that he had fol lowed out with General Sherman, until finally aud at last he says to the contrary that the people of the Southern States are cutitled to be represented in the Con gress o( the United States. He sava to, the Congiess of the United/States,— ' These people have elected t'lieir Repre sentatives to Congress, and you must ad mit them." He says to the people of the United States, "These people are as much entitled to their rights under tho Con stitution ns you are;" and he says to you and me, "Tnese people are loyal people, these people are doing no wiong." He says they are guilty of no crime. They have been guilty of a crime; but now they are loyal and entitled to the same rights, civil aad political, as you and I are cn titled to, aud they must be represented iu the Congress of the United States liut he says that they must send loynl men; aud you must admit these loyal men Then they send such men as ()rr, of South Carolina, one of the rebel Repre sentatives in the Confederate Congress. They putin as Governor of Missis.ppi such a man as those I mentioned a while ago, one who had becu a leader of the rebel armies. They sent no man to Con gress from those nine States that had not been iu the rebel Congress, ot iq full sympathy with tho rebel army ami the rebellion during this war; and yet Mr. Johnson says that these Representatives must be admitted into the Congress of tho United States. Now, my fellow citizens, that is the issue that lie presents to tho country. — We take the opposite ground. We take issue with Mr. Johnson and his Copper head allies, aud we say to him, "Sir, you are President, we will acknowledge; you have been made so not by our choice, but yet you are so; but although you are Pres ideut, you are not tho judge und jury too of this question. (Applause.) The people of this country have somewhat to say in the settlement of these questions. 15ut you, sir, as President, have a duty to perform, and when you go outside of that we will let you know that we make Presidents and unmake them too." We take issue with him, as I remark ed. We say this, that traitors Ijave for feited their rights, and we iutcn'l to say when ive get ready as to whether they shall have these rights returned to them or not. (Applause). We intend to de cide thcie questions lor ourselves, in our owu way, and we do not propose that the President his rebel associates shall decide them tor us. (Applause.) We maiutain this to be the correct principlo. We say to Mr. Johnson : "Sir, your the ory is not correct. Your doetrin J of' tax ation without representation is correct in one sense, but not when it applies to these people. They withdrew their rep resentation from the Congress of the Uni ted Mates without our consent but by their own, aud when they eoriid back it shall be by our consent aud their own too." We say to.this President and his al lies, 1 We fought this the the ory I have stated, that this Union could uot be dissolved ; that the loyal people of the Uuited States intended to main tain the Constitution and the Union ; they intended to put down this rebellion, and, having put it down, they intend that these meu who have committed treason against the Governinet shall be placed iu that position, political and civil, in this country, that the Constitution and the laws of the land place them in—thit is, that they have forfeited their rigliti, and these rights shall remain forfeited until we, the people, of the Uuited States, shall deteruiinc what rights shall be cast upon them again. In forfeiting these rights they forfeit ed the right of representation, the same as any other right that they had. Hav ing iorfeited that right, and the majority of the people ol those States having com mitted treason, thereby forfeiting their lights, civil and political—forfeited their lives, too, if we were minded to take them from thein—they are not cntitled to be represented at all in the Congress of the Uuited State-i unless we delertn ine the fact first and say whether they shall. The theory of the President is well enough, when he says loyal men must be Representatives in Congress. That is right. But when he rsks himself the qutstiou who are tJ elect these loyal men, how are they to &c elected, by whom, afi'd in what manner, he had better ask himself first, whether these people have a right to be represented either by loyal or disloya' men. The question is not who shall lepresout tlu-m, but whether they are entitled to any repreadtotatiop whatever. We say they are not, until we decide that question, and that they are not to decide. Well, but some of these Copperheads of this country say, it is very hard. Why, NUMBER 37 what did Oov-Orr of South Carolina s.iy over here at this strange gathering tha*, ib being brought together in Philadelphia, where that quiet old Quaker city is being, disturbed bj the discordant elements that are brought together there, Johnsonitea, rc bell tea, Copperheads, and forfiitcd Re publicans is not that a good word, to use for them, nnil Ido not know what else come together?—it is a curious mixture it is true. It reminds 1110 a good deal off what they call a happy family „ t a circus (laughter) where >ve find the monkeys and the chickens, and the coon, and ;ho' poksum mid the bear, and everything else t ;'Jl in one cage. Well, you wonde™ why the bear don't cat up' the ehicktfKs, and the coon don't bite the possum, and' tho monkey don't fight the cats, and the: cats don t fight the rats, and nil that sort of thing;Jand if you ask the question why? the riug master will tell }ou that he ar ranges that mutter. Laughter. This man, Governor Orr, of South Carolina, as soon as he leaves tho rebel Congress becomes a candidate for Governor, and the people* down there elect him, and he* gets to be Governor of the great State of South Carolina; and this State, tjiat has ■i white population of 200,000 and has 400,000 negroes, sends Gov. Orr to the Philadelphia circus, or convention,l th>nk they call it. He makes a speech there, and lie talks to the people of Penn- : sylvania. lie says that he'hopes that the loyal people of Pennsylvania will de cide at the olection that theso loyal peo ple in the South shall be admitted into Congress, lie being one of them. Loyal men .' \\ ny, bir, thes<f loyal men that have been olectcd to the Congress of the. United States from the South, go there, not ft* the purpose of creating a disturb ance or doing any wrong, but for the pu?' pose of aiding the people ol the North in making laws such as will bo beneficial to all classes of this country. iVliy he has got to be very patriotic. They stayed' out of Congress for four years, I suppose on account of their lo alty. Laughter. 1 hey withdrew on their own accord, set up another Congress, and undertook to make laws for a few people down South, We went to work and licked thein for that (cheers) and alter we have doue tliat, they propose uovy, at one stride, to just step out of the rebel Congress Info our Congress, or out of tho rebol army into our Congress. They just lay down tho gun and march into Congrejs to help us loyal people make laws for the benefit' of the whole people. Laughter. Well, I can tell Mr. Orr that we lu-acl® very good laws for four years without his assistance. We carr.cd on this war with out his help. We taxed ourselves for the purpose of increasing our revenues. To prosecute the war wo taxed ourselyes. We levied, collected, and disbursed tho taxes ourselves. Wc purchased our own arms, our own munitions of war, furnish ed our own soldierrf, did our own legisla ting, without any of their help; and wheu we want their help wc will give them' due notico; that they may govern them selves accordingly. No sir, we proposed, as I remarked, ta reorganize these States upon a proper basis; not nccording to the dictation of any President, noe according lo the dic tation of Robert K. Lee, or Mr. Orr, or Mr. A. 11. Stephens or any other man belonging to these rebel hordes. Wc do' not proposo to ask them how it shall be done, or the manner in which we shall( pecf'oim our duty toward this whohj co'Uß'- try. Sir, when such men as Lee and Beau regard, and that class of gentlemen, come forward now and dictate to the loyal men of this country the inannerin which thesdl State Governments shall be restored to their proper relations to the Government, we say to them: "Mr. Lee, and Mr. Beau regard, and Mr. Maury, and all the rest of you men who belonged to the army and navy of the United States at the time this rebellion commenced' you were catjd at the charity School of this Gov ernment, you took the oath to bear true allegiance to the country, threw down your swords and took up arms in defense of and in prosecution of treason against ' the Government that had taken you,' when children, and raited you at its own charity school. Not only that, Mr. Lee, but in your elaborate unnsion that you had across the Potomac there there was not a spear ol grass that received nutri ment, or a flower that blushed in your gardcus but what was watered day by day by the tribute of the Treasury of the United States of America." If it wait left to me I would nay, "Take what the Governmeut has' given you.—t We canngt take it back. Keep your own c Hiscieticds. lam sure they goad you well. Keflect upon the blackness of your deeds Let your own minds be constant* ly upon tlie manner in wh*cb you hava performed the duty which you owed to the Government, and that you owed your, selves. Enjoy what you have done; th.it is sufficient for your reflections BO long as yon shall live. But you shall be brand ed, so that the lcist prattling child in this land, as you pass by would point kis fin ger at you and say, there is Kobert K Lee who bears tho mark of treason upon his brow as conspicuously as Cain did the one given him because ho slew his bro ther. As to the men who were not army offi cers, but who weto members, of Congress and leaders of the rebellion, we say the same thing. We say : Gen tlemen. according to your own deeds have you bce» judged, oud the decision has been against you. It is the verdict of the people. It is your own »ct. 10 BE COHCLVDUD IN OVR fKXT :'»j -i "|W J
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers