VOLUME 3.
COPPERJOHNSON CONVENTION.
|t<>Molu(ions Adopted by the
Jolm*on <'onve«lloii H*
PhiladolplitH.
1. We hail with gratitude to Almighty
God the end of the war and the return
of peace to ai. alU.clcd and beloved land.
[Applause]
2. The war just closed has maintained
the uuh irity ot the Constitution, with
4111 the powers which it confers and all
the restrictions which it imposes upon
the General Government, unabridged and
unaltered, [feeble applause accompanied
iiy a slight whistle,J and it has preserved
the t'nioii with the equal right', dignity,
and tlie authority of the .States perfect
and unimpaired. [Tremendous applause,
during which the convcution rose iu a
body arid cheered enthusiastically ]
The Chairman rapped to order and re
quested delegates to take their seats.
A delegate stated that when such
doctrine as that was announced ho could
not help cheering
The Secretary then proceeded :
3. Representation in the Congress of
the United States and the Electoral Col
lege is a right recognized by the Cotrsti
tution as abiding in every State and as a
duty iui posed upon its people, fundamen
tal iu its nature and essential to the ex
istence of our republican institutions and
neither Congress nor the General Gov
ernment has any authority or power to
deny this light to any State or to with
hold its enjoyment under the Constitu
li >ll from the people thereof. [Great ap
plau-e.]
4. We call upon the people of the
United States to elect to Congress as
members thereof none hut men w ho ad
mit the fundamental right of representa
tion, and who will receive to seats there
in loyal representatives from every State
111 allegiance to the United States, subject
to the constitutional right <javh house
to judge of the election returns an I qual
ideations of is own members.
5. The Constitution of the Unite!
StntM mid the laws made in pursuance
thereof are the supreme law of the land,
anything in the constitution or laws of
any State to the contrary notwithstan 1-
ing. All tiio powers not conferred by
InC Constitution upon the General G >v
i rnment, nor prohibited by it to the
States, ate reserved to tho States or t.> the
i eoplo thereof; and among the rights
i litis reserved to tho States is the right l"
1 rcseribe qualifications fur the elective
lraucliisc therein, Willi which light ('on-
cannot interfere. [Applauso] No
State or enmbination of States has the
right to withdraw Irom the Uni m. [.Teat
applause,] or to exclude through their
netioii hi Congress i r ( therwise any otli
or State or States from the I nion. (lie,
lifiWi d cheering.) ihe I nion of these
States is perpetual, and its Government
has all supreme authority w'.t-Uin the re
strict oris and limitations ol the Consti
tution.
(j. Such nniondnicnts to the Cwistiiu
tion (if the Unite J State* may be made
by the people thereof as they may deem
expeiieut, \iut only ii the mode pointed
oat uy i:.s provisions ; and in propo* iu
,-IK'II amcndnie its, whether by Congress
or by a convention, and in ratify.ng the
si me, all the Staes of llie Uni in have
un i|Uu: and an indefeasible right to a
voice and a Vote tliercjl. (Tremendous
applail'C.)
(The 7th resolution was omitted by the
Sfccreiary, no doubt accidentally, an 1 was
not read until after the series had been
gone through with an 1 adopted, a sepa
late vote being taken on it. We give it
however in its proper place.)
7. Slavery is abolished and forever pro
hibited, and there is neither desire nor
purpose ou the pnttof ilie Southern Slate*
ili.it it *h oild ever be vc established upon
tlesiil or within the jurisdiction of the
United States,and the enfranchised slaves
in all the Sta es of the Uui ui sh iuld re
eoivc, in common with all thoir inliabi
tints, equal protection in every right of
person and propelty.
8. While we regard as utterly invalid
aud never lobe assumed or made of bind
ing force any obligation incurred or un
dertaken in making war agaunt the Uni
ted States, we hold the debt of the nation
to be saered and inviolable—and wc pro
claim our purpose in discharging this, a<
in performing nil other national obliga
tions, to maintain unimpaired aud uniui
peached the honor and the faith of the
Republic.
S. It is the duty of the national Gov
ernment to iccognize the services of the
Federal soldiers aud sailor* iu the contest
just closed by meeting promptly and ful
ly ull their just and rightful claims for
the services they have rendered the na
tion, and by cxteuding to those of them
who have survived, and to the widows
and orphans of those wdio have fallen,
(he most generous and cousiderato care.
loth and last. In Andrew Johnson,
Presideut of the Uuited States, who in
Jiis great office has proved steadfast in his
devotion to the Constitution, the laws,
and the interests of his country, unmov
ed by persecution and undeserved re
proach, having faith unassailable in the
people and in the principles of a fiec
Government, wc recognize a Chief Mag
istrate worthy of the natiou and equal to
the great crisis upon which his lot is cast;
and we tender to him in the discharge of
his high iud responsible duties our pro
found resppct aud assurance of our cor
dial aud sincere support.
The Chairuiau. Gentlemen of the con
ycntion, you have heard the resolutions.
Those in favor will siy aye. A tremcn
uous shout. Those opposed will say no.
No one answered. They are unanimous
ly carried.
• Thomas 0. Me' lowcll, of Pennsylvania,,
then proposed three cheer. 3 for Senator
AMERICAN CITIZEN,
Cowan, by whom the resolutions had been
reported. The cheers were accordingly
given, and were followed by loud cries
for a speech.
ID response to these calls Mr. Cowan
rose aud said :
" Gentlemen of the convention, I claim
to be the host of the convention. One
of my distinguished guests will now ad
dress you by virtue ol authority unani
mously derived from the Committee tfu
Resolutions and Address—The lion Mr.
Raymond." Applause, including cheers
for Raymond.
The Chair then announced that the
Hon. Henry J Raymond, of New York,
would lead the address, which had re
ce ved the unanimous apptoval of the
Committee on Resolutions and Address.
Mr. Raymond stepped forward and read
the address, ot which tiic following is a
synopsis
THE ADDHE6B
Invokes the people of the United States
to remeii.bcr th»t the war has ended, and
that the nation is again at peace, slid to
accept with all their legitimate conse
quences tho political results of the war.
first, it has established beyond all fur
ther controversy, and by the highest of
all human sanctions, the absolute su
premacy of the national Government as
■iefiued and limited by the Constitution,
and the permanent integrity aud indisso
lubility of the Federal Union as a neces
sary consequence. And, second, it has
put an end finally and forever to the ex
istence of slavery upon the soil or within
the jurisdiction of the United States
I lie Government of the United States
maintained by force ol arms the supreme
authority over all territory and over all
States an ] people within its jurisdiction
which the Constitution confers upon it;
but it acquired thereby no new power, no
enl aged jurisdiction, no rights either of
territorial possession or of civil authority
which it did not possess before the rebel
lion broke out. '1 he. Constitution is to
day precisely as it was before the war —
the supreme law of the land—anything
in the constitution or laws of the States
notwithstanding ; and to-day, precisely as
before the war, all powers not conferred
by the Constitution upon the General
Government, uor prohibited by it to the
Slates, urO leserve', to the several S'ates
or to the people thereof. During the
war every Kxeeutive message and procla
mati' II explicitly declared that the sole
purpo.t of the war was to maintain the
authority of the Coustitut on and pre
serve ihe integrity of the Union, and Con
gress ratified this solemn declaration.—
Congress lias tince proclaimed that the
Government has ttie right of conquerors
to subject the territory conquered and its
inhabitants to such penalties as the legis
lative department may sec lit to impose
Under this claim the clause of the Con
stitution declaring that tio State without
its consent shall be denie-1 equal suffrage
in the Senate has been annulled, anil 10
Mt\ es are deprived of representation, al
though ihe Federal courts are reopened
and taxes imposed. This claim so co
lored iuvuives as fatal an overthrow of
tiic * > usii;u ion as that sought to bo ef
'ected by tin Stale* ■ u rebellion. The
light asset to >1 is that Congress, iu formul
l>. sse.-siin ol u' v l\u ity, may exclude any
Stales from tepriseiilaliou until they
comply with such conditions as they die
tale Alter controverting radical doc
ri:ies ilie address says: "We do not
hesitate to a<n>tu that there is no section
ot tile country where the Const tution
aud laws ol the United States find more
prompt and entire obedience than in those
States and auoug ih >sc people who were
i rely in a uis against them, or where
is less purpose or danger of any 112 uture
attempt to overthrow tlicir authority."—
In clo-ing, the address alludes to the ap
preach,ng congressional elections and
says : '• i\ c call upon you in every eon
gre.-sional district of tvery State to sc
euro the election of members who, what
ever other differences may characterize
tlicir political action, will unite in recog
nizing the right of every Sla!e of the
Union to representation iu Congress and
who will a ltuit to seats in either branch
every loyal representative IV tn every
Stale.n allegiance totheUovcrnnicnt who
may bo found by each bouse, in the exer
cise of the power conferred upon it by
the Constitution, tj have been duly elect
ed, returned, and qual fied for a scat
therein. When this shall have been done
the •Governtnent will have been re estab
lished in its full supremacy, and ths
Ameiican Union will have again become
what it was designed to be by tho-c who
fortyed it—a sovereign nation, composed
of separate Slates, each, like itself, mov
ing iu * distinct and independent sphere,
exercising powers deffneil and reserved by
a common Constitution, and teeing upon
the assent, the confidence and co-opera
tion ot all the States and all the people
subject to its authority Thus reorgan
ized and restored to tlicir constitutional
relations, the States and the General Gov
eminent can enter in a fraternal spirit,
with a common purpose and a common
interest, upon whatever reforms security
of personal rights, enlargement of popu
ular liberty, and the perfection of our
republican institutions may demand."
—lt is stated on good authority that
cne of the President's organs in Wash
ington is about to collapse for want of
support. Being unable to pay for its
news, the agent of the Associated Press
has refused to furnish it anj more tele
grams, and it made its appearance on
Tuesday with tuch dispatches only as were
published in tile evening papers of the
previous day. Prom this it is evident
that supporting Policy" is not a pay
ing busiuess,at least at the National Cap
ital.
—This will do then !
"Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end,dare to do our duty as we understand it"-- A. Liftoout
BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 29, 1866.
THE (SSUE.
Great Speech of General Logan.
At Chicago, Tnciday; G.vtnllt|, Ang 14
Major General John A. Logan had an
enthusiastic reception nt tho Gycra House
in Chicago, on the evening of the 14th
inst. After the usual preliminaries, he
spoke as follows :
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN —I tender
you my sincere thanks for the manner in
which I havr been reie veJ in the city of
Chicago by its citizens. It is not alto
gether a eortipliincnt to myself. lam not
vaiu enough so to consider it; but a com
p'iment to the principles enunciated in
the platform of that party which has
placed me upon its ticket for Congress
man at large.
I look upon this as a great gn.und swell
among the people in this partof the coun
try, showing a true, pure aud patriotic
devotion to loyal sentiment aud to the
true interests of the natiou, ami that trea
son has no interest in the hearts of the
pc.ople of the great city of Chicago, [Ap
plause.]
On occasions of this kind we can better
judge the feelii gs of the people in pefer
enco to the qucstius that are presented
before Ihe country, by the manner of their
assembling together, by the interest they
seem to take. And in eliscussing the
questions that are presented by the par
tics of the counlry to the people for their
decision, I hope that I may be able to
make myself understood; and that I may
be able to present to this audience 'hose
questions iu a fair, just, and ju'oper man
ner, so that they themselves, t.s well as 1,
may judge as to the right, and when we
once form judgment as to the rijd:t, it
then becomes, as is well known, ojr duty
to perform it.and act in accordance with
that judgment.
There never has been a time when the
questions presented to the people by the
political partiesot the country were more
easily understood than those that are now
to be sulmitted, if they properly invest
igate aud attempt to undeisiuud them.
The question that we have to decide
at the November election is nothing less
than the great question we have been
battling lor—the great issue we have
bceu battling lor for the last, five years,
[cheers] —a question that the loyal peo
ple of the United States in their dreams,
in their hopes,and in their beliefs thought
'tis the great question of liberty, of
freedom, of the rghts of the loyal people
of this country, aad of the forfeiture of
the rights of traitors in this land (cheers]
this great question they thought had
bem settled by force of arms. We had
thought this question had been submit
ted tii the people of ibis country and de
etded by wager of battle. We had flat
tered ourselves that those great questions
that we were battling for in this country
were forever settled, and would forcvci
>leep in silence. But lor some reason
ui.kniwn tome, and I presume unknown
to you, the same questions are now pre
sence i iu a difl'cieut form. Heretofore
they we; e presented to you by men in
arms halt iing against the Hag of the coun
try. trampling the Constitution undr foot,
defyiDgthc authority of the people of the
United States of Auicrisa. They were
presented by armies in battle, by men
associating iheniselvia together, forming
what they called a government, aud for
tho purpose of its destruction, for the
purpose of establishing a form of govern
incut to their own tastes and their own
notions, aud intended for the destruction
ot this mighty fabric.
The manner in which it is presented
to us is different. Then it was presented
in the shape of battle, in the shape ol
war. But it is presented now as a polit
ical question for us to decide at the polls
lor you and I to discuss, and for you and
I to decide.
It sometimes is well enough for us to
enquire, how did this question again get
before the people? We had fought for
four years for this great principle of lib
erty aud the integrity of the w hole Union;
wc had fought against the right of scccs-
against treason aud rebellion iu tl.is
laud—for the purpose of showing that
the men of this country must be obedient
to law, must observe the Constitution,
aud must bow down to the maucla'es of
ihc majority aud the will of the people
of this jjreut and mighty Republic.—
[Cheers J And, too, as I remarked, ac
cording to the laws us wc interpret tlicui
aud t ho Cons'ltiutibn of the cauqtiy, those
who rai.-ed the arm of rebellion against
the Union ought to bo deprived of every
right, \>oth civil and political, that they
eujoyed under the Constitution and the
law* of the land. And why, uiy friends?
By their act ol treason, and by the crime*
that are embodied within that act of trea
son itself, they have not only forfeited
their civil and political rights—all the
rights that pertain to the people—but,
having done that, they could set ap no
claim to participate in the affairs ot the
government. nor could they exercise any
right, civil or political, except such rights '
as the people of the United States iu
their estimation should decide to confer
upon them, through their representatives
at the proper time. If they decide to
reclothe, to rehabilitate them, to reconfer
upon them these rights, why it is within
the magnanimity of the people of the
United States, aud not under the justice
or discretion of thbse men who fought
against the Government, and thereby for
feited their rights. (Cheers.)
Having been taught this, aad learned
it, having fought for it, and won the bat.
tie; having fought for the country and
saved it; having fought for the preserva
tion of the Vuion and not only saved it;
but planted it proudly aud defiantly in
every town, hamlet and village, on every
hill top and on every plain, from the
lakes in the North to the Gulf iu the
South, and from the Atlantic to the Pa
cific ocean; the men who had done this,
who had performed this great duty re
quired at their hands towards the Gov
ernment of the United States—they,
when this duty was performed to th.e
Government, had placed in their hands
the right, aud the only right to decide
in lelerence to this question and to dis
pose of it. [Cheers ]
Hut, unfortunately for the people of
this country, in the selection of a candi
dal! 8 for President and Vice President,at
the last elcctiou, we selected a ma;i aud
placed him ufion the ticket, who was
elected Vice President. lie bceaiue
President, and is now the accidental Pres
ident, made so not by the will or the wish
or desire of the loyal people of the Uni
ted States of America, but made so by
the bun 1 of treason, which lifted its
bloody dagger for the purpose of destroy
ing the life of this great nation. By that
act aud that unfortunate occurrence, this
apostate was placed iu the Presidential
chair. (Cheers.) lie is an apostate Ju
das to the Constitution of the Uuited
States, who had kissed the cheek of lib
erty that he might betray her into the
bauds of treusou. [Prolonged Cheers.]
He has presented to this country an issue
lor you. uuu'me, aud the people of this
country to decide, lie has again present
ed the issue that wc bad thought forever
decided and settled; and inasmuch as we
have had the power to settle it by our
own strong arms, by our own will, by our
own power, and by our own strength, wc
will again settle it by that same will, that,
same power, and that same strength, and
we will make it manilest so that the issue
will remain settled forever. [Cheers.
\\'e remember that during the bloody
tragedy that was being enacted before
the eyes of the civilized world, this man
declared that traitors must be impover
ished; that their lauds must be distribu
ted among the loyal, lie declared, too,
that loyalty itself did not reside in the
heart of the white man; but iu the State
ol'Tennessee, at bis home in Nashville,
he declared that it lived in the bosom of
each and every innn that loved hid. coun
try, uo matter what his complexion, or
station, or situation iu life was. [Cheers.]
He declared, further, that he would be
the Moses of the unfortunate men (laugh
tcr) who had their limbs hung by the
chains of slavery for centuries gone by;
thar as their Moses lie would lead them
through the lied Sea of their trials aud
tribulations until they should be placed
in a laud of safety—in a land of univer
sal liberty—where they themselves might
enjoy the privileges and rights of citizens,
tliOsSame rights before the law as any
body else; that he himself would take
upon himself to perform that great, gi
gantic job— if you might call its
act. which is a preferable word; that he
would take this duty, it beiug incumbent
upou some man in the United States, ami
he would assume to do it ou his own
part.
Hut it seems to me methinks, some
liuies, instead of finding this man at the
head of the unfortunate children, and
leading them out from the bond
age of their tyrants aud oppressors, that
lie has missed his road, aud to-day he is
lound at the head of the rebel hordes
that have been lashed uutil they laid
down their arms and were willing to beg
tor mercy, and he has attempted to lead
tlieui to the promised laud. [Cheers.]
lieu lie was sworn in as I'residcnt oi
the United Status in place of the tuau
whose memory will ever live in the minds
and hearts of the people of the Uuited
States (cheers), and in tho hearts of the
people of all civilized and christianized
countries—a man of gigantic intellect, a
man of great heart; the man who com
passed all that was necessary for man t.
do by his grfeat mind; who understood the
wants of the people, the institutions ot
the people; the man who understood
what loyalty meant, what treason was;
thcuiau who could interpret the laws
and Constitution correctly, and had the
nerve to execute and sec that they were
faithfully carried out; the man who,
when the whole couutry stood in awe
and trembled before the mighty hests of
this rebellion, when the whole country
seemed as thuugh they were willing to
give up the struggle and strike for peace,
i mistake, not the whole "country, but a
great portion > 112 the people, encugh to
have alaimed almost ever., ma i- this man
had faith in the flag of the country; he
had faith in the Constitution; he had
faith in God, and believed that in His
providence »ll things would be brought
about in the right way, treason would be
Anally crushed and loyalty would tinally
triumph. [Applause] I<ut when he
pas-ed from the stage of action, and this
man took the oath of oflice, he said, in a
little speech that he made then, that
treason must be made odious, and trait
ors must be punished. Well, I do not
understand «hat lie meant by that.' 1
woul£ mean if 1 had the power to say
that treason must be punished. 1 know
what you would mean, but what he meant
I cannot divine.
If we were to have the power to-night
to say "treason must be made odious,"
what would wc mean? We would mean
that it must bo banished; that it must bo
marked so that it would become hated
aud despised, not only Uj the people of
this great Republic, but by the whole
civilized world. That would be what we
would mean by making it "odious.
When we would say that traitors should
be punished, what would we mean by
Mint? We would mean that they must
receive the punishment the law itself
prescribes they shall receive. What is
that according to the (institution of the
Uuited states and the laws of the land?
If u man commits treason against the
Government of the Uuited States he for
feits his life. This is the punishment
we mean in regard to [cheers] the men
we intend to puuish as an example for the
rest; that they have forleited their lives,-
aud that they pay that forfeit in. or
der to satisfy the law, in order to satisfy
the people. [Applause ]
\\ hat has he done to make treason
odious? lias he put a mark upon treas
on iu this laud? Has he strotched out
his baud to the poor loyal man of the
South and said, "Come up a little high
er," aud at the same time turned upou
traitors, and said, "sir, you must go back
a little further." lias he done that?—
No, instead ol that he has given the trait
or hit hand, and he has raised him up u
little higher, aud he has attempted to sink
loyal meu lower iu the scale of the esti
mation ef the country. That is the man
ner iu which he has punished treason.—
He has punished it by turning out this
man C. C. Clay, for whom he offered
$-5 00U or aU.UOO reward, iu order that
he might be puuished for complicity iu
the assassination of Mr. Lincoln, aud he
walks through the laud a paroled man, at
liberty togo where he pleases. So he
has with the others that have been ar
rested and putin prison. Alexauder 11.
Stephens, Vice President of the Confed
erate States, instead ol living in Fort La
fayette, where he ought to be [cheers,]
is to-day, or was u tew days before the
adjournment of Congress, in Washington
City with a pardon iu one pocket and a
certificate of election in another, claiming
a seat iu the United States Senate. We
find he has punished treason in the State
of Mississippi, and hew it becu done?
liy allowing people to elect a rebel Gen
eral Governor of the State, and as soon
as he was elected he pardoned him so
that be might take the office. So it has
been iu ea'jh aud every one of the States
that were iu rebellion; as fflgt as they
elected a rebel to office as Governor he
seut tlieui their pardons, so that they
might accept the office and perform the
duties of the same. That is the manner
iu which treason has been made odious
by this man. Can you point your finger
to a loyal man that has been placed in
the Gubernatorial chair in one of'he nine
Stales, taking Arkansas a if Tennessee
as exceptions; but iu the other Stales can
you poiut your linget to a solitary man
who is loyal that has becu placed iu any
of those positions? Not one. And why?
Because Mr. Johnson's conduct has been
of such a character that loyalty was at a
discount,and treason at a premium. [As
Sl tit.]
He i lieu presented us tUjs issue. The
rebels during this war .laimcd, —or attho
time this rebellion ceased.—claimed that
iu law tliuy bad forfeito I no rights; that
they were citizens id' tho United States
as much as they ever were. At the time
this rebellion was crushed, at the timenf
the surrender ol Hubert E. Lee to Gen.
Grant; at the time of the surrender of
Joseph K. Johnston with his whole army
to Gen. Sherman, we looked along thi
broad land and believed that this rebel
lion was over, aud that treason was crush
ed for ever iu this lauu, and that loyalty
bad control aud charge of the affairs of
this nation. What did we find then?—
We found a condition of things as I
have remarked before. If we only re
fleet and have our attention called totlie
time of 'he surrender of Joseph K. Johu
ston aud bis rebel army to Gen. Sher
man, we remember that Gen. Johnston
aud Gen. Sherman made what was culled
a convention, they made un agreement
liy that agreement Gen. Sherman was to
recognize or was to permit the Governors
of these rebel States to take the oath of
allegiance or the oath under the Const!
t tit ion of the United States, and contin
ue in office by changing the form of the
State Government frjin that of rebel to
that of the Uuited States Government.
It was sent to the President of the Uni
ted States aud his Cabinet for their as
scut. Vou all very well remember the
manner in which that agreement between
General Sherman aud Mr. Johnston of
the rebel army was treated. How was
it treated? Mr. Jo|iuston, as President,
aud his whole Cabinet, decided that it
was a recognition of traitors; that it was
putting traitors in office, that it was ma
king treason respectable, uud Mr. Johu
stou said "that treason" must be made
odious, and traitors must be punished;
and that traitors must not occupy front
seats as they were about to do in this
agreement betweeu Ueueral and
Mr. John-tuu. Tlicy repudiated this
agreement. 'lhcy published General
Sherman—a gallant officer anl sol lier he
is, too, —in every paper almost from or.e
end of this k;ud t<) the other, that they
could dot tell whether General Sherman
had surrendered to Johnston or Johnston
had surrendered to Sheimau.
That was the statement made public
everywhere, and believed by everybody.
Well, 1 must confess that there were very
lew loyal men in this country that were
willing to iudorsc that agreement. This
is all true, but at the same tiiuc'tbeir un
willingness to iudorsc it was uot because
it was made by General Sherman, but
they would not have been willing to in
dorse it had it been made by President
Johnson, or President Lipcoln, ojr Pres
ident anybody. (Applause.)
Why is it that they refused to indorse
that agreeme. t ? Yet iu a few weeks at
terward Mr. Johnson turns right round
and befriends the very same class of men
that (iencral Sherman was gting to rec
ognize as Governors of theso different
States, lie turns right round and com
mences pardoning thise meft'&nd allow
ing thctn to be put into office. lie takes
the Stute Governments and pretends to
organize them, and then turns th m over
to tbo traitors and rebels iu ths land, so
that they might pursue their bloody deeds
and may gloat as much as they are min
ded to with their fiendi hne<s upon Union
white men and Union black men through
out the land.
He goes further than that, for he
organises these State Governments, or
to organize theui, though I con
tend that he had nj^authority for it. He
did it, and inasmuch as a part of it was
recognized by the Congress of lho Uni
ted States, afterward, we havis no right
to complain of it, and ate willing
to admit that probably it was well enough (
inasmuch as it has gone so far. At least'
the Congress of the United States wero
willing to accept such portions as they
thought to be correct and right. I think
in their judgment they did the best they
could, and iu my judgment it was the
best that could be done at that time un
der the circumstance?.
We find, however, tho President of the
United States going on in the same lino
and in the same manner that he had fol
lowed out with General Sherman, until
finally aud at last he says to the contrary
that the people of the Southern States
are cutitled to be represented in the Con
gress o( the United States. He sava to,
the Congiess of the United/States,—
' These people have elected t'lieir Repre
sentatives to Congress, and you must ad
mit them." He says to the people of the
United States, "These people are as much
entitled to their rights under tho Con
stitution ns you are;" and he says to you
and me, "Tnese people are loyal people,
these people are doing no wiong." He
says they are guilty of no crime. They
have been guilty of a crime; but now they
are loyal and entitled to the same rights,
civil aad political, as you and I are cn
titled to, aud they must be represented
iu the Congress of the United States
liut he says that they must send loynl
men; aud you must admit these loyal men
Then they send such men as ()rr, of
South Carolina, one of the rebel Repre
sentatives in the Confederate Congress.
They putin as Governor of Missis.ppi
such a man as those I mentioned a while
ago, one who had becu a leader of the
rebel armies. They sent no man to Con
gress from those nine States that had not
been iu the rebel Congress, ot iq full
sympathy with tho rebel army ami the
rebellion during this war; and yet Mr.
Johnson says that these Representatives
must be admitted into the Congress of
tho United States.
Now, my fellow citizens, that is the
issue that lie presents to tho country. —
We take the opposite ground. We take
issue with Mr. Johnson and his Copper
head allies, aud we say to him, "Sir, you
are President, we will acknowledge; you
have been made so not by our choice, but
yet you are so; but although you are Pres
ideut, you are not tho judge und jury
too of this question. (Applause.) The
people of this country have somewhat to
say in the settlement of these questions.
15ut you, sir, as President, have a duty
to perform, and when you go outside of
that we will let you know that we make
Presidents and unmake them too."
We take issue with him, as I remark
ed. We say this, that traitors Ijave for
feited their rights, and we iutcn'l to say
when ive get ready as to whether they
shall have these rights returned to them
or not. (Applause). We intend to de
cide thcie questions lor ourselves, in our
owu way, and we do not propose that the
President his rebel associates shall
decide them tor us. (Applause.) We
maiutain this to be the correct principlo.
We say to Mr. Johnson : "Sir, your the
ory is not correct. Your doetrin J of' tax
ation without representation is correct
in one sense, but not when it applies to
these people. They withdrew their rep
resentation from the Congress of the Uni
ted Mates without our consent but by
their own, aud when they eoriid back it
shall be by our consent aud their own
too."
We say to.this President and his al
lies, 1 We fought this the the
ory I have stated, that this Union could
uot be dissolved ; that the loyal people
of the Uuited States intended to main
tain the Constitution and the Union ;
they intended to put down this rebellion,
and, having put it down, they intend that
these meu who have committed treason
against the Governinet shall be placed iu
that position, political and civil, in this
country, that the Constitution and the
laws of the land place them in—thit is,
that they have forfeited their rigliti, and
these rights shall remain forfeited until
we, the people, of the Uuited States,
shall deteruiinc what rights shall be cast
upon them again.
In forfeiting these rights they forfeit
ed the right of representation, the same
as any other right that they had. Hav
ing iorfeited that right, and the majority
of the people ol those States having com
mitted treason, thereby forfeiting their
lights, civil and political—forfeited their
lives, too, if we were minded to take
them from thein—they are not cntitled
to be represented at all in the Congress
of the Uuited State-i unless we delertn
ine the fact first and say whether they
shall.
The theory of the President is well
enough, when he says loyal men must be
Representatives in Congress. That is
right. But when he rsks himself the
qutstiou who are tJ elect these loyal men,
how are they to &c elected, by whom,
afi'd in what manner, he had better ask
himself first, whether these people have
a right to be represented either by loyal
or disloya' men. The question is not
who shall lepresout tlu-m, but whether
they are entitled to any repreadtotatiop
whatever. We say they are not, until
we decide that question, and that they
are not to decide.
Well, but some of these Copperheads
of this country say, it is very hard. Why,
NUMBER 37
what did Oov-Orr of South Carolina s.iy
over here at this strange gathering tha*,
ib being brought together in Philadelphia,
where that quiet old Quaker city is being,
disturbed bj the discordant elements that
are brought together there, Johnsonitea,
rc bell tea, Copperheads, and forfiitcd Re
publicans is not that a good word, to use
for them, nnil Ido not know what else
come together?—it is a curious mixture
it is true. It reminds 1110 a good deal off
what they call a happy family „ t a circus
(laughter) where >ve find the monkeys
and the chickens, and the coon, and ;ho'
poksum mid the bear, and everything
else t ;'Jl in one cage. Well, you wonde™
why the bear don't cat up' the ehicktfKs,
and the coon don't bite the possum, and'
tho monkey don't fight the cats, and the:
cats don t fight the rats, and nil that sort
of thing;Jand if you ask the question why?
the riug master will tell }ou that he ar
ranges that mutter. Laughter. This
man, Governor Orr, of South Carolina,
as soon as he leaves tho rebel Congress
becomes a candidate for Governor, and
the people* down there elect him, and he*
gets to be Governor of the great State of
South Carolina; and this State, tjiat has
■i white population of 200,000 and has
400,000 negroes, sends Gov. Orr to the
Philadelphia circus, or convention,l
th>nk they call it. He makes a speech
there, and lie talks to the people of Penn- :
sylvania. lie says that he'hopes that
the loyal people of Pennsylvania will de
cide at the olection that theso loyal peo
ple in the South shall be admitted into
Congress, lie being one of them. Loyal
men .' \\ ny, bir, thes<f loyal men that
have been olectcd to the Congress of the.
United States from the South, go there,
not ft* the purpose of creating a disturb
ance or doing any wrong, but for the pu?'
pose of aiding the people ol the North in
making laws such as will bo beneficial to
all classes of this country. iVliy he has
got to be very patriotic. They stayed'
out of Congress for four years, I suppose
on account of their lo alty. Laughter.
1 hey withdrew on their own accord, set
up another Congress, and undertook to
make laws for a few people down South,
We went to work and licked thein for
that (cheers) and alter we have doue
tliat, they propose uovy, at one stride, to
just step out of the rebel Congress Info
our Congress, or out of tho rebol army
into our Congress. They just lay down
tho gun and march into Congrejs to help
us loyal people make laws for the benefit'
of the whole people. Laughter.
Well, I can tell Mr. Orr that we lu-acl®
very good laws for four years without his
assistance. We carr.cd on this war with
out his help. We taxed ourselves for
the purpose of increasing our revenues.
To prosecute the war wo taxed ourselyes.
We levied, collected, and disbursed tho
taxes ourselves. Wc purchased our own
arms, our own munitions of war, furnish
ed our own soldierrf, did our own legisla
ting, without any of their help; and wheu
we want their help wc will give them'
due notico; that they may govern them
selves accordingly.
No sir, we proposed, as I remarked, ta
reorganize these States upon a proper
basis; not nccording to the dictation of
any President, noe according lo the dic
tation of Robert K. Lee, or Mr. Orr, or
Mr. A. 11. Stephens or any other man
belonging to these rebel hordes. Wc do'
not proposo to ask them how it shall be
done, or the manner in which we shall(
pecf'oim our duty toward this whohj co'Uß'-
try.
Sir, when such men as Lee and Beau
regard, and that class of gentlemen, come
forward now and dictate to the loyal men
of this country the inannerin which thesdl
State Governments shall be restored to
their proper relations to the Government,
we say to them: "Mr. Lee, and Mr. Beau
regard, and Mr. Maury, and all the rest
of you men who belonged to the army and
navy of the United States at the time
this rebellion commenced' you were
catjd at the charity School of this Gov
ernment, you took the oath to bear true
allegiance to the country, threw down
your swords and took up arms in defense
of and in prosecution of treason against
' the Government that had taken you,'
when children, and raited you at its own
charity school. Not only that, Mr. Lee,
but in your elaborate unnsion that you
had across the Potomac there there was
not a spear ol grass that received nutri
ment, or a flower that blushed in your
gardcus but what was watered day by
day by the tribute of the Treasury of the
United States of America."
If it wait left to me I would nay, "Take
what the Governmeut has' given you.—t
We canngt take it back. Keep your own
c Hiscieticds. lam sure they goad you
well. Keflect upon the blackness of your
deeds Let your own minds be constant*
ly upon tlie manner in wh*cb you hava
performed the duty which you owed to
the Government, and that you owed your,
selves. Enjoy what you have done; th.it
is sufficient for your reflections BO long as
yon shall live. But you shall be brand
ed, so that the lcist prattling child in this
land, as you pass by would point kis fin
ger at you and say, there is Kobert K Lee
who bears tho mark of treason upon his
brow as conspicuously as Cain did the
one given him because ho slew his bro
ther.
As to the men who were not army offi
cers, but who weto members, of
Congress and leaders of the rebellion,
we say the same thing. We say : Gen
tlemen. according to your own deeds
have you bce» judged, oud the decision
has been against you. It is the verdict
of the people. It is your own »ct.
10 BE COHCLVDUD IN OVR fKXT
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