VOLUME 3. THE ISSUE. Great Speech of General Logan. At Chicago, Tufiiay K»tnl»g, An* I*. CONTINUE!! If ROM LAST WEEK. You may pass free thro'the world until your time shall come to be called hence, but during that time you may have this consoling reflection, if it is any consola tion to you, that your own hands were reddened by the blood of your own breth ren for the purpose of destroying this country, and that you yourselves have written in blood the verdict against you, and that verdict is that this mark of treas on shall remain upon you so |OI\JJ as you live, and never again shall you be in trusted with public or political trust by the people of the United States Govern ment. That belongs to loyal men, not to you. Then, my fellow-countrymen, we pre sented the issue on our side in the form of an amendment to the Constitution of the United State*. The Congress of the States have this <|iies tion for some eight months—and they did wisely to deliberate in reference to it — have presented, according to the forms of the Constitution,a proposition foritsown amendment. That proposition, when it becomes a part of the Constitution, is the fixed law of the land. The bare majori ties of Congress cannot repeal it. No President can veto it or revoke it. It becomes then a part of the law he has jworn to support, that he has sworn to execute and maintain, and the cold veto power earn >t then be employed by the man who is so faithful to the exercise of that power which is delegated to him. What are these propositions ? The first ooe is, that all persons boru in this couu try, except Indians not tax payers, shall be citizens of the United States, as well as those boru in foreign lands who come 4iere and take the oath of allegiance We are all ekisens. A citizen is entitled to certain privileges and rights. Those rights arc called civil rights. Certain other rights can be conferred upon them, called political rights. This fact of l>e (ng a citizen give* him the right of ree jocomotion, to own property, to sue and be sujd, and have his rights decided the Mime as anybody else in this country. 1 pelicvc there is no man m this country who lives and is a man of proper feeling, jvho would object to any man ; no matter Vj liis :olor might be.) woman or child, being a citizen of the United States, and haying i( right to claim that protection of that starry old emblem of the unity of pur great aud glorious coin:try. [Cheers ] is first , section of this amendment confers this right upon the people, ex cept upon Indians not paying taxes. And now it docs seem to me that a man who could iu his heart s»y that a poor man. because he was a colored man, that served faithfully in the army of the United States, should never be called a citizen ; should never have the right togo into the courts of his country fyud there con teud for his rights as other mon ; should never enjoy the pr.vilogc of going from one State to another; should never have tho privilege of collecting his debts; (should never have the security ot life or the protection of his property aud the rights that are cast upon a citizen by his merely being a citiaeu. The man who wuld refuse that to one who had sus tained the flag aud the Constitution o| (lis country —that man is tilted for an asso ciation of traitors, with Andrew Johnson at its head. [Cheers.] The next proposition in this amend ment to the Constitution of the Uuited States is this : It is cqoaliiing the rep reseutation betwecu the different States. According to our present basis of repre sentation, each State is now entitled to representatives according to its popula tion, counting one member to every 125,- J)00 voters. That is the nuuibfcrj I be jieve, Judge Trumbull ? [A little over that, 1 believe.] Well, we will say over that. I think it is a little aouiethiug over, but say upon that basis, they, the rebels, have gained, in their representa tion, by the rebellion. Because, while slavery existed, the slaves counted as only three-tilths. {-"ire slaves counted as three white men in the basis of representation. But now, inasmuch as slavery is abolish ed, under the present law and under the J resent Constitution, unless that Cousti utioo is changed, tho representation is upon the whole population. The five slaves who counted onjy as three white men will now count as live white men.— Now we propose to change that Consti tution so as to male the representative Jmsis equal. But let us see how it will be doug. In Illinois, in 1860, we had seventeen hun dred thousand population, I believe. In South Caroliua they had a little ovpr sev. en hundred thousuud population. In South Carolina, according to the basis of repre sentation now, on that leveq hundred thousand population, they would be enti* AMERICAN CITIZEN lied to six representatives Congres;.— Take the seven hundred thousand of our population—don't count the seventeen hundred thousand, but couiU seven hun dred thousand, go as to uiako u,s equal— how many representatives would that give us? It would give us six ; and we would have six, and thb State of South Carolina six. Hut out of our seven hundred thous and population they would all be white people. We only had seventeen thousand colored jieoplo in 1800, in the whole State of Illinois, out of nearly two millions of people. Our seven hundred thousand would be nearly all white men. Out of that take the voters —one voter to every five—and we would have twenty thousand voters to each thousand of the population. Then, out of hundred thousand of po'pulation, we would hat'e one hnndred and forty thousand voters, because our people all vote —all the white people. Hut io the Siate of South Carolina how would it be ? In South Carolina they bad over four hundred thousand blacks, and a little over two hundred thousand whites. Now, the blacks don't vote ! Count your two hundred thousand whites over, and how many do you have? Counting, as before, tweuty thousand vo ters to each one hundred thousand of their voting population, you would have forty thousand voters They have, then, forty thousand voters in the State of South Carolina, and they would elect six Representatives to Congress. And Illi nois would one hundred and forty thousand voters, and would elect six Rep resentatives in Congress. It would take then the votes of one hundred and forty thousand men—loyal men of the State of Illinois —to count for as much as the votes of forty thousand traitors in the State of South Caroltmv Now, tell me, where is the loyal man in this country, I don't care whether he calls himself a Democrat or a Republican if he means to bo a loyal man, who will teil me l.a don't think his vote ought to count as much in electing members of Congress as the vote of a rebel in the Slate o'' South Carolina? If there is any Copperhead iu the city of Chicago who says this, if he will own to being a traitor, 1 am perfectly willing he shall reconcile that to his own conscience.— [Cheers J And the man in this country who is opposed to this provision of the amendments id' tin- Constitution, that uian says by liis opposition to it, — 'l am not as good as a traitor." That is the reasoning. ami they cannot get out of it; because,"there Is the proposition ; there are lift proofs. You take the census and examine it. There is the basis o.' reprt sentation. These are the facts. If the Democrats in this country think the reb els arc so better than they that it takes seven Democrats to make one rebel, we say that there arc not Democrats enough in Sout(i Carolina to make one good loyal man in Illinois. [Cheers.] — And we propose that the Constitution of the United States shall not be a slander for the Northern people. [Cheers.] Tt shall not stand there and say to us aud to the people of the country. You saved the country in iu terrible trial ! You have ever stood by tho Constitution uud the Union ! You have sustained the flag! You have poured out your blood and treasure freely for the of the Government' But, although you have done all that, yet you are not going to couut as much as a traitor who sought to destroy tho couutry, when you come to vote for member ol Congress and when you come to have your votes in the Elec toral College counted ; when yon come to have your votes counted for the President of the United States. I know it would be a very ui(;c thing at the next election, provided these States are allowed to vote. 1 dou't know whether they will bo or not. That is a question for Congress to de termine, nocorditg to inv judgment.— They may be, and they may not be en titled. [Cheers.] But if they do have the opportunity of voting, why I suppose that those who are friends of the Copper heads, and friends of the rebels, ?nd friends of the President, would like very well to couut South Caroliua six votes in the Electoral College, when, according to a fair count, she would be entitled to but two. I suppose Andy would like very well to count forty thousand rebel votes against one hundred and forty thousand loyal votes. I suppose he would be agaiust the one hundred aud forty thous and loyal votes. They vfcoijld be against him. [Cheers.] Now, this is the only reasoning there is ■ • •• . ■ about it. Every knows there is no fairness in this speoies of representation as it exists uow, aud there is upf a Dem ocrat in this laud that can deny it. There is na man can say it is just. He caunot doit in any qoinuiuuity whufs the people Ljve auy sense of justice. He cannot "Let us have Faith that Right Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end, dare tod« our duty as we understand it"— A. LINCOLN. BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1866. say so. If he says he is opposed to this constitutional amendment, it is because he knows the loyal people oi this country are more than the traitors, and thoy uinst count the rebels three times as much as they are, or else their cause is decided against them, and thoy go ont of court. Now, what are their rt>»i9ou,s for opposing this amendment? How do they oppose it? Well, the President of the United States oppoied it by saying, "Well, I don't think it is a good time to amend the Constitution just now." Weill just before a Presidontia' ejection perhaps it would not be, if he expected to be a candidate. It perhaps is so. (Cheers.) The rebels say. "Well, the constitution is good enough as it is." Well, I suppose that is a fact. One of the Oublnet said that the men wlio want ed to amend the Constitution were "Con stitution thinkers," and all such talk as that. Well, now. that is the argument they make against these Constitutional amendments. They don't come up and face the matter and discuss it fairly, but thuy say it is no time to amend the Con stitution of the United States—that we had better get through w»th our little troubles first, and then amend the Consti tution of the United States. Why, my fello'V-countrjmen, the way to get thro' this trouble is to amend the Constitution of the United States, to amcud the Constitution so that we shall never again have any troubles as we havo bad during the past four years. (Cheers.) I want to know if there is a soldier in this house to night [Cries, "l'lenty of ,liem !"] who served four vcars for bis country [Cries, "Planty of them ! Plenty of them !"] who is willing to admit for one moment that he shall not coutiy as much as a traitor. [Cries, "Not one, uoi one."] 1 want to know who he is. If thctc was a soldier of that kind who served under ine I want to sec what kind of a looking man lie is. (Cheers.) I know that no soldier served under me,-and in this war I commanded over sixty odd thousand when it ended, as good men as ever shoul dered ninskets —I know there is not one. I dpu't care who he is or what his name may be—who has not forgotten himself, who lias not lost his manhood entirely, but what to-day can stand out boldly and defiantly before the country and before his God, and say I performed my duty to my country, and he who attempts to make a traitor to the land my equal in the Gov ernment, that man does mo an injury that 1e u never forgive! (Prolonged ap plause.) The next proposition or amendment to the Constitution that is proposed, is in reference to the leading rebels of the South holding office, either Slate or Fed eral, hereafter. It proves that no person who had taken the oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and afterward, 1 believe, voluntarily entered into this rebellion, or gave it aid, comfort or assistance, shall overbold office under the State or Federal authority. Now, 1 want any man to tell uc why he is op posed to this part of the constitutional amendment. Has a man by serving in the rebel at my four years qualified him self to be an officer of the U. <»• Govern mcnt? It seems tome that that is a poor school togo to for the purpose of becoming qualified to be a member of Congress ! I think so. Why then is it that our oppouenU defend hiin and say lie is entitled to hold office—that he has a right to participate io the uffaits of this Government? What has he done since this rebellion is over in order to give him a cliirn upon the people of the United States foj (his groat trust that they arc to impose upon him ? Why, it does seem to tnc that the man who has been loyal throughout nil this struggle is a better qualified loan to hold tho offices of the country than the man that has been a traitor throughout the struggle. [Chccra] It seems to me so. We then propose to act according to the plan o£ Andrew Johnson wheu he said to the people of Tennessee that "None but loyal men shall vote, none but loyal men shall hold office." That is what he said. He said so to Gov. Uolden, of South Carolina, when he garo him his instructions—that none but men who had been loyal to the United States of America must be members of their State Convention. He gave this kind of instructions, and «rc arc willing to take that part of An drew Johnson's pint form to stand on- We propose to do it. We say none tut the loyai in this land shall place their hands upon the Bibles of this Govern ment again to take the oaths of office, or have charge of its affairs at any time.— [ Applause, j Hut Mr. Orr that "we joyal uicn." that is, we rebels who have become loyal very recently, that these men are to come forward to be placed in office. As I said in the commencement of these desultory remarks of rniue, we believe this Govern ment must be placed in the hands of the men who saved it—the civillians at home and the soldiers in the field. (Applause.) The people of this country shall be tcr evcr pi need-beyond the reach of traitors, or uicu who have conspired to destroy it. You have soldiers in the field, you have civilians at home, whom you can trust, you can always find soldiers you can trust. (Cheers.) We have plenty of loyal men, both civillians and soldiers, who did save the country once, and can'save it again, at home and on the battle field. These are the men we propose to trust, and we propose by tin's' constitutional amend ment to say so to Jeff. Davis, and to llobert E. Lee, and Beauregard, and Alexander 11. Stevens—the man that is put up by the Copperheads now-a days as a man who is loyal to the Union of the United States. He is held up as a paragon of perfection—ho is man from whom you are to learn loyalty ; the Vice President of the pretended South ern Confederacy ; ho aud Toombs, Sli dell, Mason, and Breckinridge, who was Vice President of this noble Govern ment pncif—kc who forfeited his oath, his life, and everything else, according to the laws of the land, and escaped from his country to bo a man hated and des pised in all the nations of the earth whciever he may go. And our Copper head friends here say we must not place any restriction. There must be no con ditions precedent. These men are loyal now. Why ? Because they are not in rebellion. Why, tliey are obeying the laws just the same as apybody else.— They are quiet, are tliey not ? Yes, very quiet.- VoVy quiet down in New Orleans a few days ago—quiet at Memphis; in quite a number of places they have been peaceable and quiet. They say they arc not arming theinselvos against the Gov ernment now; they arc not rebels now.— They have laid down their arm?; hence, they civillians; they are citizcnsjthey are loyal men because they obey the laws of the laud. Well, you obey the laws of the lar.d too. You are a loyal man without having been a rebel. You have \jpen a loyal man all tii* time. You have obeyed tlio laws all the time, and I would like to ask some of these Copperhead friends this juestiou : Suppose a man steals a horse to-day and you scud him to jail to-morrow, is lie any less a horse thief to-morrow than he was to day— ' laugUter and cheers)—l wuik; like to know? lie obeys the law. He-is in jail and he cannot violate it. (Great laugh ter.) Ho obeys the law just precisely as these rebels do. They laid down their arms. Why? llecause they lovod the Constitution ol the Uuited States?— [laughter.] We think not. llecause they loved ? It seems to mo if they had thoy would have had it in place of tlici r own. Was it because they loved the Government of the Uuited States ? If they had, they would not have tried to establish one of a different form. Why was it they laid down their [arms? — Just as the horse thief went to jail—be cause he could not help it! [Cheers.] — Hence, they obey the law because they aro compelled to obey it—not because they love it. They obey the edicts of this country, not because they love the country, but becaus? they cannot help it. That is the only reason. Tliey are loyal, our Coppprher.d friends say, because they obey the law. We don't exactly under stand ii in the same light they do. We have obeyed the law all the time. We are making these chaps obey the law.— They cannot help themselves; and we to keep on making tbcin obey the law until they come to be very good law abiding citizens. We will let fliein know if we have any use for them, and if we have anything in Congress for them we will send then; word aud give thcui notice. (Laughter.) Why, Jeff. Davis is a good, loyal man now, according to the Copperhead idea, and according to Mr. Johnson's thcorv. While a man obeys the law he is a loyal man. Jeff, is obeying it, I believe.— I have not heard of any disobedience while he has been down there. He sub mits not very willingly, but yet he obeys because he cannot helj) it. Well, ac cording to this theory, Jeff, is a good loy al That looks very strange. If that theory is correct, and another re bellion comes up in this eountry, you had a great deal better be a traitor than a loyal man. Why? Because ifyou arc a Jay a) iuau, and for your country you gain DO credit for it, If you aro a rebel, and ijght apd<wui, you are ail safe. If you lose you have lost nothing, because as you are whipped you lay down guu and you ojjey the law, and you becouio a loyal mau. Then you are entitled to all the rights and pririioges tjjat those men are who have been fighting against you. The rebel comes up aud says, *£l am as loyal a man as you are; you whipped us, that is true; there was more of you than there waß of us, you know. After you whipped us we submitted, we accepted the situation." This is the language of all these Southern chaps. "Wo accept the situat'ou. O yes, wo accept it, we arc williug to obey the law. and we are as loyal as artybody." I want to k'now what a disloyal man loses ? He fights for four years to create an independent govern ment. So soon as he loses the fight.what does he forfeit ? According to the the ory of Mr. Johnson and the Copperheads he loses nothing the very moment he lays down his arms. At this stage of the proceedings Gov. Oglesby appeared upon the platform,and was greeted with enthusiastic cheers.— Gen. Logan resumed as follows: My fellow citizens, as I was remarking the man who is a rebel, if this new the ory that have heard is to be carried out, he loses nothing, if he wins, he wins all. But if he loses, he loses nothing; he can lay down his gun today and be made a loyal man to morrow; be elected to Congress the next day; and, if Mr. Johnson has his will, he will be received and sworn iu and assist to make laws to govern you, and be received in five days after laying down liis arms as a rebel.— He may one day, according to his theo ry, enter the rebel -irmy, and tho. next day bo elected to tho rebel Congress, and perhaps the next day a battle may come of! and the rebel army may surrender,and as soon as it surrenders he may be ap pointed a Governor of a State or elected to Congress, and in less than bix W(?t»k s may be a representative in tho Congres g of the Uni'ed States, then a commander in the rebel army against tho Govern ment, then in the Confederate Congress, making laws for rebels, then a Governor of a rebel State; from (hat he can step into Congress and make laws for the loy. al people of the country, all in the space of six or eight weeks, according to the machine that Mr. Johnson ltiui. Now I do not like this kind of a mill; I think it grinds out loyal men a little too fast out of these men, aud we do not propose to settle it butouo way, and that is, we pioposo to adopt this amendment) as I have stated, that proscribes these men and says to them, ' You have been leading traitors, holding office under this Confederate Government, having taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United States. As u punishment for your treason and to make treason odious, we will braud you by the Constitution of the United States, and mark you so that you will go about the country marked, and branded, too, with treason's strong est brand,so that each and every man,wo man and child may know you tw jou pass by the wayside." (Applause.) That is our side of the question, and what we propose to do, We say, 'Wo have seen these men tested before; when they were tested they proved to the land, and we never will trust them again, nor allow them to govern us.— Now I want to ask you, the people of Chicago, one question. jcars ago, suppose u an should have got up in Chicago nnd Baid that Alexander 11. Ste phens. the Vice-President of tho South ern Confederacy, would be a Senator in the United States Sennte within two years how long do you tlquk that man would have lived here? Now your feelings were in such a condition that no man could have said to you that he intended the President to make Uuitcd States Sen ators of such men as Alcxauder H. Ste phens. as Mr. Orr and such men as Mr. Johuson wants to bo received into the United rotates Senate. No uian could have come into tho city of Chicago o nd advocated any such doctrine two years ago, in my judgment; but yet, to-dayi the great head of the nation attempts to enforce and impose this doctrine upon the people of the United States ofAmer ica. [Qries of "They can't do it."] It seems to me, it is a little too heavy a dose. Ido not think they will take it. Ido not think we will do it. If ihp Cnppei- heads want up.tongreo to that proposition, we will tell them this : "Whenever we get out of loyal men in tbe country, then perhaps we will agree that you u«y send a ft:w of them in, but' not before, and (hey must wait until we do it. As long as loyal picn can bo found to govern it, disloyal taca shall not govern this coun try. That IB what we say. We say to these people that "this war has cost tbo much ; we hip shed too much blood; we baVc incurred too li«avy a debt} and we have cvideuee throughout this land of wjjal treason has doec too jjreat to allow H9 to accept such a proposition." We say, when you ask us to allow th.e lead iiig rebels to make law# ft>* l»s. ''lt surprises us' as being such an astounding thing that it is j revolting to Har senses. We cannot agree j to such proposition." •" t \ * ' • No, sir, we say'that wo iutend to put this amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and we intend to etand by It, paying that no man who was one of the leading rebels shall ever bo one of the- Leaders in the Legislative department of our Government, or be iu the Judicial de partment, or in the Hxocutivo depart ment. (Cheers.) We say farther, that after we pass this amendment to the Constitution, and excludes these men, what else will we do? We will keep upoi* our statute, books an oath that every man must swear to when he enters the portals c 112 the Congression al Hall of the United States, as a proof "that he never has aided or encouraged this rebellion, or hold office or sought of fice under it;" and we will make him swear. Loyal men liavo to take that oath. We have to take it. So we \jill require these gentlemen to take it; and if they come up there and do take it, and com «unt perjury, knowing that they do oom mit perjury, what else will we do? (Ilang them.) If we knew that they were in the rebel army, or commit perjury right there before 119, what will we do ? Why, the Congress of the United States will ex pel such men because tbey are uat fit to have seats in the couucilsof the nation. There is another thing proposed as a part of this amendment. That is this: the peoplo shall never be taxed to pay the rebel debt. You and I shall never pay any portion of tluit indebtedness that any of these rebellious States contracted with Great Britain or France, or with anybody else, to, them in destroying the Government of the»c Vnitcd States. .By this declaration we say this: Wo say to England, "You shall uotbc paid;" and wo say to the rebels,"You shall pay her." They were willing to assist the rebel ar mies against this Government; furnished them arms and munitions of war. Now let them go and take it out of the'e.ffects of Jeff. Davig, or take it out of the rebel bonds if they can find they can make money out of tliem. We do not care to tax the peoplo to it, and we have, more respect even for rebels than to al low them to be taxed for it [laughter]; but we do to Mr. Rebel, that "you have got to pay this littli debt up horo. You have caused us to incur it on account of your treasou. You claim to be citi zens now; we are going to lax you, and wo arc going to make yoO help us pay the debt that you caused us to become liable for; we l\ave that much respect for you that we intend you to assist in main tuing the Government. You say thatyou are loyal; we propose to have you help, inasmuch asjouicuoive protection. JWe are geing to protect you against England in collecting this debt of yours; we are not going to allow her to do so, but you must help to pay our debt; it is part of your debt, and it is part of our debt, and if t'ley do not do it willingly we hive a way of sending u map round and collec ting the taxes. We will make them do it. There is no use in being mealy mouthed about these things, you know. There is no use in dodging the question; we might just as ,/ell make them do it as to say we will try to make theni do it, because wo intend it shall be done.— VVe have the power, and we intend to exercise it, and intend they shall be made to pay it; at least this is my opinion. Now, I want to know where is the loy al man who is not iu favor of these four sections, which make up this amenduient to the Constitution of the United States. Where is the man can-object to tlirni?— This is the issue before the people. We have made it our platform. We are go ing to stand by it. Our members of Con gress were eight morths in presenting it to the people. I tell you that I think they did wisely in dclayinjg it, so that they might mature iheir plan and study it well before they presented it to the people. I think it a good j>lan. I think it is a just one. lam iu favor of it, and there is no loyui man in the land who can refuse to support and misin-n it, so as to make it a part of the Constitution of the United State.-. It may not be quite as lar iu soiuc par ticnlars as we would desiro it togo, but yet it went sq, far, and only so far, that tfe,could concentrate the whole fo/ce of Union ibfavdr ff k, hence it is the best thing that could be adopted. I, think it is a very wise'thing too, for the reason that the Coppei heads and opposi tion are agajn.-j it, and that is the Usue, my fellow citizens, that we 'have to de cide this fall, whether ur not loyal men shall be considered better tl.au tiaitors; whether loyal men ahall eeuirol this gov ernment, aid leading trailers be disfran chised, or disqualified, which is a better tcriii, or whether tlily uliall rule it; wheth er our del>t shall be paid and the rebel debt shall lpjj* paid ; whotbpr or not (lie representation of liiis eountrj shall lie so equalized that each and ercry man NUMBER 3& ' ' u w'h count for as njuoh an a man in the South, that the advantage shall be on neither side, but that one shall be considered as good a voter as another, We My to tbMe men at the Bouth, we intend to amend the Constitution in this manner, and if yuu djsire nioro repre- the Constitution gives it to you. There is a way by whioh you can have iX How is that ? Make more voters, end.' 'hen you will have more \ ou can do that by enfranchising certain men. If you do not, it is none of our business. You have a right to do qr_ not, just aa you see proper. If you en franchise yoar negroes they will havo representation. If you do not, you are eutitled to the same Representation pro-' cisely as the people of tho North are, ac cording to the number of votes polled at the election—no more. And this is the issue upon whioh we propose to mako fight. Now, my fcljlow citizens, can there be a question as to whioh side we ought to he on in this great time ? \\ Lij, it does seem to mo that there can be no doubt at all as to the side which the peoplo of Chicago ought to take. This constitutional amending is ip favor of loyalty as against treason, in favor <ji justice as againtt wrong, T?hv then ought not each and every man to bo for it i It seoins to mo that no soldier ought to hesitate for a moment whieh side of the question he would be on. I want to ask a soldier who has fought in this war, who. has crossed many bloody plains, and stormed many a rugged who has planted the banner of his coun try upon any rebel stronghold, well forti fied, and l.cld by rebel guns, why he could bo opposed to this proposition we present as the platform of the party. Hir, if you were a soldier, with whom do you act, whom do you support, is it yom brothers in arms and the loyal men who stood by you while you were sleeping the cold greund, while you were pene trating thickets, marching through pines, in the storms which came from the hcav i ens day after day; while you wefe on the battle plains; while perhaps your blood was flowing freely, while perhaps you were raising the flag that your brotk er had dropped because his last blood was issuing out of his veins ? The men that, prayed for you, sympathised with "you) wept when you wept, and sang songs of joy when you achieved a victory;'who glorified in your success and wept at your defeat, and over the graves of your fa thers and brethreo, are the men to-day standing by this proposition and this con stitutional amendment, —they are tfeu ones. Why is it then thai the this time has doubts as to where hi* duty oaflp him'/ Why is it that be can ask for a moment where he shall go? Will thai brave man who was willing to risk his life that the country might live, turn his eyes to the White House today and say, " Perhaps if I turn against my friends,' if I repudiate the men who Btood by me in my hour of trial, in the lonely moment when I had none to console me, a com mission may be placed in my hands by which, if kept for two fleeting yean, 112 may be Postmaster at some cross roads, a collector, or an assessor. But shall I, a, war-worn veteran, repudiate the princi ples for which I fought, and the interest that I have in my friends, aud grasp for the shadow of power when the substance is not there ?" * I say no, I believe no soldier will do it. They may accept office- Of that Ido not complain. They can do that if they choose, but at the name time the true veteran soldier says, when he cornea i6 the ballot box and goes lo vote, " I vote' as I fought—on the side of loyalty against treason." He can say that, but he can say nothing else. •. ' There is no reason why we should not succeed and insure the triumph of the right Wo can do it. If that policy of right courjuers—if we go forward iu the same fine that we havo marked out fpj ourselves—then we will finally attain the glories I have described. Let us then g'o forward. Let liberty, freedom, and Civ ilization, intelligence and Christianity, our watchwords. r*3t us take no steps backward, aud at last we will reach the climax, so Aat •ich and every bian, and each and every nation, shall view ouf condition, aud wish that all the nations of the earth were similarly hituated.' * Let, too, that mouument to liberty in this laud that' we commenced' to rea{ when wn killed treason, and when its last agonies of douth were brer, and its shrieks were hoard long and far, go on,' and bt of us bring a particle tb i make this monument stil( higher. Let be more beautiful as it goes higher, uutit , (iually, it siiallkias the clouds, and recbive theismiljs, and tke blessings of Heaven. Then will its light be #•" brilliant that all the civilitci nations of the earth shall be thereto, and shall draw in-' spiration therefrom until the fires of uni« verwl liberty shall burst forth in the bostjto of dvery man, wbuian and child the world until throne* shall totter and' be crushed beneath their own' weight, and aery shall go fr<yn the ends of fhe rivets to the ends of'the earth " Freedom, freedom to all mankiadj" '<
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers