: - JarvEßTlßlThEmairEtk e i n waki j _ _ are , 4 _ _ One insertion . Tb'One month.c.-..-r. 4 - 7,51) Two insertions.... 1,251Tvr0 months 11,06 Three insertions_ I,sC,Thres months..... 13,75 Four insertions.... 1.90 Four months .... 13,00 Five insertions.... 2,20 Five months...... 14,00 Chn3. 1 4 1 ! z e1g ; —.......... ix monthe. 20,76 One square changeable ones s week I year.s3o,oo DAZLY POk3T, Single subscriptions by mall, $B,OO per year. Deliveredi in the city, at 18 cents per week WEEKLY 1.. 0 . S an. aiStionritionk .42 OD .9- • • t'r , ell, each - 1,60 Twenty copies, each, (and one to !fetter up,) 1,26 Forty r, l,lO One Hundred " " `` 1,00 JAS.,E.BARR, Editor and Proprietor )ht post ADfIRESS. Fellow Citizens :—The Democratic par ty has had the ailing, entire administra tion of the Federal Government since the beginning of the present century, and has thereforb 'become used to the attitude of the action ofself-detense, and though it is now out of power, it is forced to oc eupyi the l saw poaillon sell, ancLl for one, accept it willingly. rbave no love for aggressive war fare,and . do not intend tp attempt it on . this occasion. I shall make ho other 'assault upon our oppon ents than such is necessarily involved in the very act of defending our position against what we consider their unjust charges. I know that in this I shall give new offence to all the passionate oppo nents of our principles or of our party ; but this cannot be avoided—the fact of defence implies a belief of wrongful : lig gresSion4 and those who are passionate will resent the implication passionately and somewhat tyrinnically. Passion is always tyrannical, antl tyranny is gene rally_patsionate ; it cannot-bear with pa tience that its victiins"should even strug gleiti.its grasp, much less attempt to, as sert their riguts. The wolf stnks, his teeth and his claws deeper and growls anew with every motion of his prey, and we mast-expect no better treatment from the passionate partisans who are opposed to us. The more powerfully the nation struggles fur its freedom, the tighter the grip.find the louder the growl of its op pressisr. I use this figure in no spirit of resent ment, but only as an apt illustration ; my heart is too sad, and my hope for the future-boo muck-depressed to indulge in 'ittiuncltion.' I mean' not to call all` - persons' our enemies who are op posed to our principles; very far from it. The most of, Writ are really.tin. their in tentions, out friends; they think we are mistaken and misled, and would delight to recall us from the error_ of our ways. Their hearts are sad in thinking how far we have, : gone astpky from them in the midst of the perils of our country, and they would gladly win.lts back. , Alerein I acknowledge theirgerteraltY, 'and trust that we have the same feelings in relation to them. Bet they are not our friends, in so far as they refuse to hear our reas ons for the faith that is in us, by restrain ing the freedord of speed; and' of the press ; by continuing the fierce denunci ations and odious names that are show ered upon us; by sanctioning the efforts that are made to degrade our social posi tion and render us suspected of all that is disloyal, dishanoralje, ipimoral and irreligious. This is not generous treat ment,of those who differ from them, and It cif& fielb rgi'Veh only by a large Christian charity ; and this-we ought to-know how to grant without any sacrifice Of princi ple, even though they should spurn the offer of it. It is in no spirit of censoriousness that I would defend the present position of the deniOcraticconservative - men of the coun try, for that is an offensive and derisive spirit, the very spirit that-began our pre sent intestine war, and that now divides the North into two opposite parties, growing, I fear, more and more hostile to each other. And-vet it must stand as charged, that a defense of ourselves means that we think our opponents wrong, for contradictories cannot both be right. If our opponents are right, we are wrong, and if we are right they are wrong. Taking the mass of them, I am sttre they think they are right,. and I have no heart to condemn them. I res pect them most sincerely. And yet I am nox silly enough to sup pose-that any one-can defend the posi tion of the democratic party, however temporately he may do it, withont expo sing himself to all such denunciations as may be thought necessary to destroy his defence. This - is the way of war; and our party debates have already be come, or are fast approaching the condi tion of partywarsrii - nd he that would aid to save his r countirnow, must run the risks of the positimwhich he takes. We stand - upon- : the offensive. We have stood so for more than hatt' a cen tury. Our opponents being out of pow er during nearly all that time have been almost always on the offensive, and have become skillful In offensive warfare: Continually assuming new names for themselves, they have become at least equally skillthl in inventing new and odi ous dentmciationslor us. No doubt we have pommitted many errors ; I am sure we have ; but on the great principles whicnow distract the people, the demo, crati and conservative men stand-as they I have ver stood, in defence of the very bulwarks of the country. So we under stand', and so we declare our position; and yet for this we are denounced as traitoits, and by other odious titles tendl ing tti alienate and intended to frighten us, and all showing dint passion and not. reaso4 guides the - criniise of our oppo uentsl This furnishes cause of grief rathei than of anger, for everywhere arouni us we find men whotuvre have always h'enoretf, and whom we Still honor" as upifight, intelligent and patriotic men,. suppo ling or allowing measures which: we regard is immoral, irreligious, anti-' social, and ruinous. Many of them, hovfeyer, are : beginning to see the evils Of wbj.ch we have carriplaitied,,lmt how' Ilgt hc‘w to escape from them. Weatre denounced as disloyal and un-`, patriciate because we assert that, even in.' the midst of rebelllotr, the administra tion it. subject to the constitution. l need not tell you how much that sacred instruenfliisibeen-dishonored ; ho* of ten a eels to it have been put down by' the c rpf',tbutt,ernutn, and "copper -1 i t . heal ed,det,J. We insist on • the ppinei pie th t a strict obedience to is demanded. on ast sacred duty inlaw, polities, moral , and religion . Vi c e stand religious a. .4 gri L he sacredness of social compacts and dOsire honestly to fulfil our contract duties.-• . / " ' '. ' ' Rot let me say, I am not seduced by the absurd theoriee pf the social compact annthhided by suc h men as Hobbs, Rous seau, and especially by . several modern English radicals, who are favorites with many of-our radical opponents. -There never was a social compact in which each man 4ontracted for himself as we do buyl*: and selling property, • and , -,is bouria shily by his own consent. Society is a product of nature, grow:- ing.out ot. men's social disposition ; and its institutions are natural and proper onl3rowhen they are the true expression. of ibid.:disposition so far as it has been developed. What- is tatted the social compact is tusually.only the -agreement or concord,'Cof • society with its institutions, or the fitness Of institotionalb-the;shale ty of people to which. they Woo& accov ding to:theirs interligende , civilization 8111: , 4111 , 001tes•;EttarftepplAlgreadthfr - 4re , ~ hunteT A , F4 t uk ki t t i , rap, agriculturists, tie.. demi. ?go. Savages and eivilizeikteiopl, =net c line* different there ine different social compacts or agreements. It is not the will of each, but the opinions and customs of the ag gregate of society that institute the social compact of a state. In our country this social compact or common bond of social concord, has been put into the form of positive law, and called constitutions. These contain which we have declared and socially agreed to be the fundamental princi ples of State and Federal association, and assent to them is a condition of cit izenship to every one of us, and therefore we are all parties to these compacts, and we believe that the blessing of God does in very deed belong to all persons who, in such matters "walk uprightly and speak truly, who backbite not with the tongue, now take up a reproach against their neighbors, and who swear even to their hurt and yet change not." The very first written constitution.that is known inthe history of the wbrld Was of this very character, and was adopted more than thirty-three centuries ago, and in it God himself descended to make him self a party with his people, and it there fore is divine as well as human. It is sometimes called the law of the Lord, because he approved and gave it; and sometimes the covenant between God and his people Israel, because they did freely assent to it is a proper law for them; it was intended only for them and was fitted for no other people, though with fundamental principles, which are com mon to all human societies. That grand tranaaction announces the principle that even God himself imposes civil lawinpon his creatures only acdording to their pre paration for it, and that no law can be divine that isnot so stilted to the social life, the customs, intelligence and aspi rations of the people as to be spontane ously and freely accepted by them. It is not by law, but by faith that people grow up to a higher civilization. Faith is the principle of growth, and law and order the principle of government. That Mosaic constitution was first adopted in the wilderness of Arabia, and after wards renewed when the people became settled in Canaan; and let it be noticed that this reneWal was - after the Is raelttes had enslaved the Gideonites, and that they were no parties to the renewal, because they were no part of the state— they- were under it, not of it. And when, some two or three centuries later, this constitution was no longer adapted to the needs of the people, God himself ! consented to a radical change of it, by I the institution of the monarchy, accord- 1 ing to the general wish of the people, though he warned them that this change would not heal their divisions. All political association therefore in volves the idea of social agreements, which may be called compacts, coven ants or constitutions, because they, in their motive, require to be adapted to the ! people, in all the varieties of their pur- I suits, customs, usages, and relations; but not because every dne may reject an in stitution to which he has not individual ly assented. It is the social conscience that expresses and accepts social institu tions, and it cannot possibly express or accept any that is not adapted to it, or all those of which each individual con sciences is constituted. The individual conscience that cannot allow this liberty to the social conscience, can have no part in social institutions—it is essentially disorderly, and nature itself requires its subjugation or banishment. All political associations therefore in volve the idea of federation or covenant allowance of differences, in the sense that all the usual family relations true to their usages, all existing forms of reli gion, and all orderly means of improve ments shall be respected and left free. And when different states associate, it becomes our essential element of union that the peculiarities of each shall be re spected, except so far as changed by corn mon consent.- No social union can ever be formed or- maintained by common consent without - the admission of these principles. No law is morally valid that disregards them. No constitution can stand or has a right to stand that is not the expression of a free social agreement of those who constitute the state, in ac cordance with the life of the people and allowing for their social varieties. Buell constitutions are the solemn covenants of the people, and nothing in social life is so dangerous a , the violation of them; and hence the Bible aboands in its warn ings to obey the covenant, and its.solemn curses on all covenant breakers. It is of their very nature that such A*3410.0118 produce social disorders, divisions and disaolntions. They divided and destroy ed the people of Israel. This agreement between the govern ment and the governed, or between all the citizens of a state, this fitness of laws and institutions to the people who con stitute the state, belongs to the very na• ture of all sound political unions; it is naturally implied before it can be posi tively declared, and the violation of It, whether it be implied or expressed, must always be productive of social tyranny and disorder. Thisprinciple, though di vinely revealed, remained unknown for more than three thousand years, and therefore-as a prinelipla-ratirer than: as it developed and recogi - iffed dew, it was continually violated, and ifenco, nearly. all the political,-disorders °file world, Read the. history of the world, and you will see the prtriciple gradually and even instinctively growing up in the social conscience. At first every ruler acted as though his will or his conscience was the : only rule of duty, and this answered very well wen, the ruler was in real sympathy with the people who con stitn ted.the state, for this sympathy was the nearest equivalent to- a social compact. And so it Was When -the ruling power consisted of many persons or of ,prke among many united and confederated States; if it was in sympathy with all the elements of the whole sOclety, this sym pathy stood for a constitution, and the government was. ; justly ,a4lPitlisP 3 r 4 44, But When the ruling power, whether one or many, took - its own conscienee as the law of governntental action, then -came oppression, cianfuisioa and ruin. It was thus that Athens lost the headship of the Grecian confederacy:and brought on the Peloponesian war, and destroyed the union and itself too. Thus too ended the_he n dship of Sparta and Tileties t all the numerous confederacies of Maly, dy violation of the express or implied social compact. It was thus the house of Stuart Wet the .crowns of Great Brit ain and-Philip lid the governmentof Hol anfLeeorge ilid the government of these * States. The private or local conscience'of the ruler was set above the social conscience add compact of the Slate or of -the confederacy, and disor der and dl.ssolaition were the consequen ces. _ . Solomon violated - the social conscience or cowed% by the grievous - rule Imposed according to his own will or conereenee, And thus on the accession of his son, caused the rebellion of ten of the twelve tribes. 'And when the people assembled with the great rebel Jeriboam at their lead, and• demanded a redress of griett— PITTSITUItGR. MONDAY, AUGUST 15, 1864. tutees, the sage counsellers of the late king advised Rehoboa.m to grant it. "be kind to this people and please them and speak good words to them, and - they will be thy servants forever;" but the young and foolish advisers said no; andit wfts refused. And when Rehoboaniamine to suppress We rebellion, the Lord said no; "ye shall not fight against your bile thren," and the separation remained for ever, which kindness or a regard for the general conscience of the people might have prevented. Gradually this necessary sympathy be tween the ruler and the people took the form of coronation or inauguration oaths, wherein the ruler engaged to rule ac cording to the customs of the country, and these were true social compacts. Municipal charters were another form of the same kind. Such documents as Mag na Charta, and our American Constith tions are more matured developments of the same principle, being true social compacts and furnishing the very stand ard of morality and duty In the relations between the different elements of political society. Whether this standard he em bodied in official oaths, or great charters, or constitutions, or left to be dictated by sympathy between the government and the governed, that is, whether the princi• pie be distinctly formulated or not, it is violated when the sympathy ceases, whenever the social conscience, or any recognized division of it, is encroached upon by the ruling part of it, or by the individual conscience and nothing hilt disorder can be expected. It is to the misunderstanding is disregard of this principle that all the political disorders and oppressions of the world are charge able. The histories of all nations are full of illustrations of its violation by church and state, monarchies, aristocra ties and republics and popular partle4. It caused thousands of revolutions in Greece, Rome, Italy, France, England and all Europe. It mained for centuries almost continual civil war, between the Guelphs and Ghibellines in Germany, and especially in Italy. It our rulers understood this, how could the North be divided as it is? We think therefore that history, phi,- losophy, religion and common honesty announce the sacredness of the social compact of the Constitution; and that we are bound to Insist upon it as the true and only standard of governmental ac:- tion, until it shall be changed by a fait and honest application of the means which it has itself provided. lam very much afraid that there is now a schenn for procuring an alteration of It which the morality of calm reflection will here after characterize as a dishonest trick of partisan warfare. A part of that solemn compact Is that the federal association has no authority that is not granted in it, and by that we stand. The great charter of the Union contains no more sacred condition, and none more deeply founded in the very nature of society. It is a necessary con cession to the great variety of opinions, customs, pursuits, and relations that con stitute any State, and especially all great States or combinations of States. There can be no State union without it, none that does not admit and, protect all usages and customs which the given so ciety deems reasonable. All of them are protected as against federal power, be cause no authority is granted over them, and therefore morality forbids its inter ference with them It forbids it also, because a union, formed on condition of admitting these varieties cannot honestly use its power for the purpose of suppress: ing them. Some of these social usages and cus toms are expressly protected in our State constitutions, and others of them by a' weight of social opinion that would crush any public man that would dare to inter- I fere with them. The law of the fatally, for instance, is protected by no constitu tion ; yet who would dare to propose that polygamy should be allowed, or that the marriage bond should depend on the will of the parties, or that the State should take the charge and training of our chil dren? The language of the country ; who would dare attempt to change it by legislation? There are thousands of mere social customs that are not at all political, and that are not intrusted to the direction of the State. It is founded on them and not they on it; just as law follows and depends upon our morals and intelligence and not they on it. It is so cial usage that settles what is becoming. in conduct, dress, houses, language, ea, ucation. It is it that fixes the prices of all articles of commerce and even sets the value upon men. Value Is a crew ture of society in all its 'special applica lions. The State has no value, except: as a protector of social interests; it can, not be respected il:1 violating them; it can neither create nor direct them. It is the organization of attained social .princi,• pies, and not a shell, made before hand; to put them in. .It is on theie social customs, social morality, social intelli gence, and social values that the State is founded, it - is the form of them ail united and harmonized, and one of the greatest wrongs the State can do is to meddle with its own foundations, except to strengthen them; for then the whole social fabric -may be shaken. It does not represent principle of social growth, but of social conservatism and harmony. In relation to the Federal Union, all State institu- Com, are sticial and fundamentZl and are excluded from its action; it cannot change its ewn foundations; the very nature of federation, and the express compact of union forbid it. This compact is violated in its essential spirit when any State institution is mad a subject of agitation as an element of party strife in our federal politica, for no political party can properly propose for federal action any measure or principle that is beyond the sphere of federal ac tion, nor safely agitate in favor of even doubtful ones, if they cause sectional ali engions. The democratic and conser vative n..2n of the country have stood by the compact in endeavoring to exclude the partisan agitation of such questions, and in warning the country that it must produce dissolution; and they were an; with hard names. •-- • Weihave been much traduced o els . or i " being opposed to the substitute of a goy.; ernment paper currency for money, hY making it a legal tender, and thusforeing v. nil men wiend their money - to the . ernment; This - foci :we have'cleCilite t to be a violation-or the:walla-compact, -. cause no" suchpOwer kif!llPe.Oljtviii4e, to the Federal' government. we regard this as immoral, because it is a usurps. Lion of - power, and because . illlitipertses people. from their ettlittiictii; Which are moral obligations, and requires sworn officers to refuse thWtitilmfrinci Lions of compellinglierfOr6atiak:a , aoril tracts according to their 4, intention: 1 It :seems to us therefore to be stateluttitor-! ality encouraging andalmost enforcing individual immorality all througu so ciety. Any one can see the iramom'ity of it in relation to all contracts inade bef9rik the law was passed. They were for the 13 I ' paymentoOents, annuities, dower, mort gages, and other agrpements to be fulfill ed several years after date. The govern ment says' that, inatead of the dollars you promlsed,, you nay pay. in govern ment promisea worth forty cents on the dollar—you may compel your creditor to discharge you and take government as his debtor; and it might as well have said that on a contract for hems you shall ac cept hogs. • Its immorality is further shown by the fact that itexpels the,u Baal standard of pri ces,•gcl,d and silveroldopted by the com. m,on consent of sock jj, and by no political act and subatitutesprbmises which depend for their value ori local orperhaps on par ty estimates, or upon faith in the'perms . : ance and success of a party, and which are therefore a continual 'subject of spec ulation, of real gambling, and which so ciety neoesbarily degrades. It is impos sible that an article of commerce that is continually running up and down can he a wholesome standard of value, for then it must be itself an object 'of speculation. When it, aspaper currency, begins to run down, all people add td the speed of its decline by their fetirs of its value, and by-refusing to buy it except at low and still lower prices, until its 'price is redu ced far beldw what may be its real worth as a permanent investment. Or when it, as gold, l begins , to run up, speculation or undue ettgernessndds to the speed of its rise untilits price is unduly increased, by anticipation of what it may be in the future. t Thus the temporary value of real mon ey and of promisee to pay money may, in relation to each other. he very differ ent, from •tjleir permanent worth, and thereby both become objects of specula tion and commercial gambling. In times' of social excitement even men and insti- tutiono suffer in their present value in a. similar way; lyuch eonrts are then con• sidered better than constitutional ones, and well tratnod men in law, morale, re ligioa or war are ;hot reckless enough for / the passion of the day; such times de- ; mand aWatt Tyler, or a Rienzi in ' politics, a Peter the hermit in the war of the crusades,, a John Bockelson, or John of Leydenain religion and polities and war combined to lead tire .excitement to its ruin; It is guerilla Captains with voice or types, or, sword., and not. - great stateeinen, or philosophers or generals that are wanted, for they move by the wisdom that history teaches and not by I the eager:impulses of passion or offended / pride. All 80 04 and commercial values de-1 pend on aopial estimates, or are social estiMates. told and silver money has a steady value, and is thus fitted for a mea sure or standard, because it depends on the world's estimate. Paper money that is not mire to be redeemed on call, can have but 'a local or a party support, it depends on the estimate of a small re gion or of a State or of a party in it, and ' therefore Pat value is measured by the l extent and fitmness of the faith in it. It is therefore subject to all the vailations of popular and local excitements, and naturally becenies an object of commer cial gambling. If it be made a legal tender, it becomes the standard of val ues, however variable it may be, and real money becomes a mere article of merchandise; coin ceases to be money, and papet takes its piece. Nay, worse; you msy lend a horse to-day and get him back to-morrow; but if you lend $lOO in coin, you must accept tomorrow -in place of it TAU worth of paper money, or -it maybe Iflo. And when that which is used as the standardof value becomes an object of gambling because o f its unsteadiness, then all prices become so, and all commerce becomes demoralized and disorderly. It were better that the paper dollar should stand steady at only let tents, than that It should vary as i& has been doing tor the past year, An unsteady standard demands an uncertain conformity, and thus far a loose morality; every man is compelled to guess at what may be prop er and right, and to take his own judg ment, and not'any settled rule as a stan dard of action. For a while, prices will stand, by mere /habit, nearly as they were before the derangement of the standard; but when the old prices are discovered to be unfitting to the kind of money, then disorder commences, and every man would eel his own prices, that is, there would be no usual price, were it not for our natural dispositiun to follow the mut tande; and the reports of the market help in producing a very variable uni / formity. • It is tlins that no laboring man uow knows what price he ought to get for his work, and no employer what he ought to give; for neither knows what money will be worth- next week. All social and custOmary.reguLatien of prices be come impossible, anti the sharpest man makes the best bargains. Nothing is so -welt calculated, to. increase the chances of thosp who have experience in finan cial disorders, and decrease the chances of those \ho are not thus experienced, and who must ever be thaivast majority of the people. All honorable men of large experience feel this, and want no such ad'vantage of their neighbors. A. foot, ,or a pOund, or a gallon could not be a *astir° or standard ,of quantity, if it were not itself a steady quantity, and no more' can a dollar be a reel / - peas. ure of value without, haviug, itself a reas onablysteady Vette. frit runs fromloo down to 40 in a Year, it can be no, proper measure-of Gold and silver have a steady ambit 'value becatise they tie pend for value tin the customs of the whole commercial world, and not on lo cal and transient estimates. The social and moral latrofinoney is violated when civil law' attempts to • substitute State prOMISee stead. Arid the dernorklization caused by this violation of social or natural law io seen in another form' 'itt the extravagance whicalt every where _causes. causes. .No mattcan' know, what lids Paper money may be worth next week,indWerefo re he is afrai d to keetrit*sitand l te Husband 'Chitty be to to lbse half its value, and'therefore he is in haste tirspendit; and' hence a degree of extra'dagancel in CoMmerelal and o tisehl etpen d i nzres; and' a geh eration o f . ex tia gantintbitk, which ve'ry few will be able-to maintabr; prirhaps also 'of vicious habits which are more serious in their cimsequeneas. -- tspealt - bnly Ofthe morality and constitutionality of such a currency, and not at sll of the reliance to be placed upon its promises. And the government in such cases be comes titiffafthfnl toilis own 'contracts, and thetefore humors), by paying. its . army and - all - its officials in a currency that may not be half equal to the prom ised wages; and thus some of our States and, ptherpn4ic bpdtla 'dying loss tore 4uce All their' paying' ldsi 1 - Fan half their promls j ed.hateresit and salaries. Thus covenant breakers everywhere re ceive the sanction of law. La the great contracts for building vessels of war, hid other public•works, - andifor. tarmy a 'navy supplies, theOfenMientiras• PausiPii2olfer againt4, itself, so as to save contractors from loss; _ _. - -_ .._ _. r ,„ but even this is immoral because it op erates unequally and arbitrarily, aud.not as a flicefd - rule of conduct for all. There is no such power in government in case one of you contract to build a house, and are caught by the falling value , of money. This kind of currency has the same ef feet as if the government were engaged in continually debasing the real- money ot'the country without any one knowing ; how rapidly this is going on, or how, far it is to be carried, and the whole world has for centuries condemned this ask im moral, oven when unable to _giyo_any satisfactory theory of Inquest moral to degrade the credit of the emus, try so that it is compelled to pay. two ,or three prides for all it gets, and thus dom ble or triple the proper debt of the pet). ple. It was a Gothic king who said, more than 1000 years ago "my stamp must guaranty pure money, for nething can be safe, if the kings image and su perscription be stamped on false The English parliament saw what hon esty demanded, and attempted to save, the people front the kings debasement of the coin, by enacting in 1467, "that all debts should be paid in the same, sub stance or quantity of silver as at the time of making the contract." I understand the $186,000,000 which -the government borrowed of the -people in coin three years age, is now to be paid in new pro.. mises worth 40 cents on the dollar equal to the creditors to about $541,600,000. About the year 1400, the duke of,llibin then governing all Lombardy, debased the currency to such a degree that many persons were ruined, many fled the-coun ' try to avoid the taxes, and to avoid being paid their debts in the new money, and a law was passed to prohibit emigration; all genuine money was hid Away, wid. ows and orphans were 'reduced to great_ distress, and the whole land- gr-mined. This state of things' congmied years, and at last, in 1405., i 4 caused the total dissolution of the state. History,, tells of many rulers who were politically! ruined in the same way. The Venitians in their long war with the Turks, in the middle of the 17th cen tury did much better. They resorted to a government paper currency; but it was not long until it, ran-dawn 25 per cent. and began to cause considerable disorder in trade, and thereuPoit they took imme diate steps to restore equality' by-Balling in a large portion of the issue, and-their experience proved that they were gain ers-by the sacrifice. During, the wars of the French Revo lution the British government resorted to a paper currency and continued it for 25 years, but by taking great care and by not makihg it a legal tender, they pre vented it from falling more than about 25 per cent. Even if people should have loose no dons upon the strict obligation of con tracts, statesmen ought to know hpxv penitent it is trstreat them as sacred. The democratic party, certainly, ought not, to he denounced-for insisting on the moral duty of performing them according to their intention. We are perhaps most of all denounced by our opponents because we ob;ect as earnestly and wisely as we know how, to the purpose of the party in power to subjugate the rebellious States, instead of compelling them to submit to thecorr stitutional consequences of their 'hi,: fence. And yet here again we wand upon the compact of federal union, upon the very nature of all unions of States. - The war began for the suppression of the rebellion and the restoration of the authority of the Constitution, ardt could be for nothing else. That was the purpose declared by the President when lie called out the first troops, and he had, no authority to call them out for any other purpose; for that purpose thefeibre the first volunteers for three months and for three years entered the military ser vice of the government. That was the purpose declared by Congress when it met in special session after the rebellion had broken out; and in the very nature_ of the case it could not then or any time since make it a war of subjugation with out treating the rebels as a foreign na tion and thus admitting the validity of their secession, nor without heiug guilty of bad faith in culling out volunteers for one purpose, and using them for a differ ent one. This we insist is treating sol diers as inure instruments with whom no faith need be kept. To treat the rebels as such is to ac knowledge them as still in and of.' the Union. But. to treat them as enemies to be subjugated to the remaining States is to declare them already out of the Union end out of its rights. A war against re hellion means a war to suppress the re bellious organization so that the federal. law may have its due course; but a war for subjugation means a war, for wiping out the ;state institutions of the enemy and therefore their States; and thus ob literating so much of the Federal Union; It is so far a war against the Union-04s der the Constitution the ruilitail .can have no authority over the rebels, except under the direction of the civil authority in subjecting them to the Constituliert and laws; and the eduction of vindicating the offended law - belongs, not itt all to the military, but to the jedicial authori ties of the government. An . this seems plain to us that- we cannot comprehend how any honest limn can deny it, unless his judgment is , dis torted by the influence of aoing-maxim or principle or set of associfitiords whldli blinds him to the true meaning and force of the social covenant l or which,.4e 4 th gar'ds as justifying 'him' in:dispensing himself from its obligationa, tio;veral occasions the Swiss confederacy Ivo ; fallen into the same divisions that, we r now experience, and irione cdae, rtglthe., war was apparently drawing t 0,.. close,, the successful party insisted on keeping the eduntry . gained dining the-war,.itta• conquer i edlerritory, and on this the trip;: ; Warn}, writnigfour centuries afterwnrtla i i. maltea l tida if one confede% ate could-rise On the ruin of another iigh "put 'deatroYing the - principle. of the -con> Mitution, as. if such treatment couldbilge, any other tharilo increase tred 4 ?( 1 4/e; 9 1 i/ering Ruth- 1 4 1 40 1 i .crYPTLY, sentiment of fraternity„alienated-jropi, the Confgderatibe, and driverdt_toc seek ( elsewhere an avengerto aid it:in its (14,, Pair:'? Hard -terms were ituaifse4 44 . therefore Ile war soon broke ; out, anew,. with .thi3 aid, of 'foredinalliess, and flazite4 several year% Od !as ; at last ended„kiy, the rebellious cantons submitting to the supreme confederate tribUnal, which de- . creed that the lands taken during the war should be restored without otimpelio saticm, and harmony was soon re-efstab— fished. But I have•spent so Mach time - on thestiJ l 'points that I cannot finis% the cleaned which I hate undertaken • in the Way intended_ Let me however VOfer other. point; We ;think we woo; Wig tchte democratic _party.. in IntOnded) :ftite oLf moment* eabjvgited- • Uwe, p • • ft power for the opinloMV:Whklif ft I le/ tains; all State rightitrene46s4elo4OVie power of a federal party composed of not 2 9- .1 s e sin, to ~- g i-Ye -put . , oowatPpanco to usurpation, and , :to the • violation, of public anciprivategontraetsA that the rights which we have all been taught from our infancy, to respect, must be-re spected by the,party in power; that it is wrong to refuse the eitizen his Tight to a regular trial fornislibertY, and to-com mit the trial of civil accusations to a court martial; that.the military created by the civil power, shall not•benboveit; and that it is immoral both to assert and to deny State rights as abolition may re quire? Is it sticlifmert that denounce us because we,reaent the exlreme bitterness. of their• party Wattage, and endeavor to allay it, a bitterness that is dividing fare-, ' Hie% and friends and telturt,nes.4o4 the whole people,of_tne liortli,,fast ta,Teni--- . ir4gisystern,of organized 'warfare, and is eyeta now, carried on with ail. We atria, egy, tricitery, and circumstances of war, except its arms, and all the instrunien ' tality ,of party guerillas, scouts, spies, recruiting officers, secret societies and false fUITIOXS to frighten weak men to submit to-violations of, oar covenant lib erties,4and excite their hate against those who contend for the freedom of our fa thersi.aud because we point to the sin i of Shell lader& in inaugurating a system of rallied treatintiagainst the very essence of legislation, byputting the screws of a congressional or legislative caucus upon the Mt/tubers of their party, in order to carry - by conspiracy measures- which could Dot be carried by the fair and open freedom which the rights of-she country demand? .. And- is ,it such men ilat de light in Seeing She churchievery Where driven:on attempted to be driven intothe ' war anti ranks. of party politics and, ex— pected to join' in all its demoralizing stratagemp., its ,fierce denunciations and dividing 'hatreds, contrary fo the !pry spirit and expresS teachings of the gospel? Yes, there are just such men-among our opponents; and how they will ricount - i ter their errors, when their eyes arc open-. 1 ecl, I cannot tell, Ido not judge them., Let us look at some of the consequen ces that seem to its to , be close before us. Whitt faith can be.. put t or permanently mapita - weil ih. the promises or other con duet or a" :gyvernment , that' Iltplits so many of itikOeinn erigitgeitients. When it finds ila.porty "so, often pleased when it substitutes nulltar7 OF civil rule, who can telt tie if mitycarry such degra ding endroachments? , What faith can we have in a government that rules ac cording to the excited conscience of its party, or of its extreme , men, or_of the rulers alone, and not by the com mon con , science of the country ds written in its .laws and qOIISULLILIOne, . 1 L ) W"4" its financial faith decays; day_,,by day for it p:t lackS the comog condirenee of the pea-, ple, No wdritier,all atii Moral standard's begin to,perisb, When our floanci.o atan tlards 4re. de - based, (kir pOlitleat stand— ards Vheated; our social standards stain ed with party hates, and our religious stan,dada bow, approvingly before the fraud's and tricks of .an excited party. warfare:-; If - we Are, to - be condemned for °PI-151,814i guel thiltig,s,:let. the cond,eut nation.come.. Il i Li ne. more than .4P peued ii.,thouSand times. in .the daricagesi, but we - (roped tor ,better Ihingsin, this), age and in - this country, th Tlidi4Oi n i , „„e must .trqe e attitude of tan 'Orgahlzed pliti,Ul party in ord'er to be of res service- to our, countrygn I t 4 cri rti sis olif firr4ir§::ll' . .; we want , PO Puly. sariplatforin. i ttr'e, : insist ou anmecidlar, or cutAed cor,PaTti ti san:pAincipir i s, hut only' -on l a Ch qs,,Vtof' tecsalix a,J,tuil.tvd ui) to th 4 0 1 0 , 'Ol 4 .i: l F/4)114W • ;.)Va . , ,elai4 that - the . 404 tutiou, ts ,the .pnly • ,chaitkr of -racrt4 .P el YM,J.,P4oi4ett IS' Ithe *W I C PAttinfiffincen ,ol t tM g toss And r' lan t e t i llia vi ßl4 ° 9g. -clf iti•Orn4 doAltyl . a o r .upf,,ttt 4 iit4we. i. A.nd, ,relat#e q tir 11:0 - de, 41,pfOsosttliwthe war,, and ) igifii .)irtjag . peace„o r nd ,tit on, we insist r ' ' -Yr_i: 1) 010 *0 2 44 1 44J 1 ~ (Ar'SYnizetf .rtiattan -w i ttFfitie,,,,ttnd l * the ordinary .Pleans' a r t: , 4 ;ponort,'-gxperlopee,pf „the tworTd jAi, seyin)l i great..mvil,disCords.,, ~, The Iva; ta, Upton, lin3 Os e lutist mall .age. -it wil.h,:all, liii„ 1 41. Pia, Nog. rffY ,Q.t whiki 4 v,9, are :e 5 ,, , y q,. 1 A teve x qip . han4fiu:d to tfpoye tuu4 ad. it with, q! one 101a.,'.'-bl T ,PC4 e4O 4,wai dentoeritr, • ling seaee - dentoerats Acec . brclbig, . as ,eir eunitht*ce4 ' and thh , 010' :Of civilized war(krg t OA:O ll :4CifsP OliNAlq *We., It to(ii tiTc . , ,lirllea to?! initiate s ii: : w fi r r, -and It r'aitusaktiPt4l,,t9Al9,4P4*,-.440' •ther can do r!lilikne. We ought Ao :war; 0n1y.J,15 - foippreias'ftie*D4ll, on ,*iii 4'4 1 0 fi targitititte a liii 'lia it cit fdr: sfi, • I , eittiburbi dia. .liszlii.-mv6 H ig ht „ 7 idwalii , • 1 11 '-oi 'akt.gre .40 'terrtis'litf: ."7., iii'ifilniftre'crtrr f PL` ''V . ; 94itrtai ‘. : ••• 001 aytiVnetir totn oe'rif. atty t ihtii i- # ll Pli*erAffiatirnal jealotW Ell,'lliPt-uLittletitu tiedif &id, hittree,: . r S I f' ' Alt . lhiitt " 131OkiPtiitit'lliYviyil, wiik 1 itAi"eire' u'!ivelViettldtll4lterii one lif fleirti . detiVoiinh',o.*ltu*ite off : degrading i 1 nd frittaleit#:lf.'' , e.-• 7o at , 'Lan be liisek_tettii fit* r6iiiiikuitill - .„ lefabicktfo.ooth. No aWkiutito I. orable to us that is to our 1'77.1 1 k - 1 L;:: P. "J 'ff'.. .1,11 ....,.!:-.(..).`,11‘1 more than one-third , of the people of the Union; the true right of the majority must givo way to the , force of a civil and military organization. ,Our warnings of the danger tothefreedeimotour country area denounced as treason; no nameds too hard,for. us; no .motives too base to,be charged against us; no moral gulph too deep to, consign us- to, • Tins•is mere blind passion, unconsciously running so-- qiety into anarchy. .Our 0 9P 0 Oents may thus divide the people into- twe,hostile societies, bat they cannot- exclude any, one frormsociety by sucho course, If it must Rome, -the Oeniocratic , and consarr ! vative people of,. the country are numer ous, enough . ,to conSitute •BoeietY of themselves and : will do spi,:fpr men 'can not be ashameci i of their; own ,apinions. The more.deoided such a distinction be comes; the more hostilelind the better or ganized hecomethe opposing parties, un l til the State becomes internally divided into two ' always watching -each other and[ readyfor.battle with each 01-ltern Thentlicipattiotisin bf e.aeh -has exactly ; opposite ltneitnings---derotion to , their re.spective parties. larsece and-cap,eelai-- ; ly.ltaly more.,4au any other countries have experieneed.tbst state of , atraira., Thousands of time/EOM -hostile parties, such as Quelpletanti..olxibelines Whites and ltlacke, rise, against _each 'other in fraternal hate, .and imurder.eackother in ferocious battlee i ally themselves kindred parties, of *other . Stateli against their ( enemies at home,, drive each ,ether into banishment, confiscate : the property and demohsh the houses of each other; —hundreds- of times ; even .in the saine city. , Is that , toneKproceeding which, has any tendency,to Buell restate And is,it possible that it ls-moral rand. religions and patriotionien that denounce us with : hard names-and attempt, to , put us undefthe.socild bw and .sometimes under militaty,rale, for. stunding.bylithe I solemn covenants of the people, always-, considered sacred-mail this excitement begant,for l defending our and ; their char-. tered,rights? for insisting that we must be generous even. t 4 our•.etminies and. theta . tyrtuanice) treatment of then; can only make them ; toOre,rebelliiims; that it t ry tisti O JZ RNINGOST o ::,---- i ' ni ~ St-' bagiullit, sen% A i • ....._., um & iflTELEVPmanteteri - - Malt If t iileiteTl9l 011 f . . , PLAIN' A - 4ANCY JOB PRINTING ,_ • A- -. 4lhibi;.l. .tiles Ea .F.,imtrr— ,AMttort i . 11.111 .Ta RAILROAD, MERVINEWAND LIGAL:OUNTIN' Our fiseijitfiefor doing - .51051(1V.....'`1'T ig Posters, .Proarranunee, dr.O., l'irr isldlakoiCir itiii..Willuitislitika.* _ • ;"‘ 0 I OunkileattUlirdtglitat/q brethren. We tettist'lleitrildii ourselves and sacrifice mUcli of t& 04ristkan • - ing, if we:atte i niPtito pa : Aga . ,t people of the VOut in suluggstion.; (It rality and religionts welinsVtifiP icy sent: ',W. mo. L 6 "He only imovititirow . to oniqiini.,44ioo knows . hoO7 US forgive." ITlieseyttlfik the wtrrk I.i•gSnzo dic,g/t itati"M* greatest.oratokUe ever•lati,ltit the gieaSttst"Statitsmirq Of his age, *lien,llWeikiled. a great conspiraqtlegiiihseinil perkainald fang- Iy, atid'paifthed , "9titrthdreS4. l 3444kn, the conspirators. , • maghinuftty.opf c94cjy as we}} sruracy, as in -10, 8 4 147 RwmOS eneinies,' Ini - repet4l • throughout Italy.'"Y-;lle'Vtidi-FriteivE humanity pidigttill"py-itre insepar able, and"4ltilePili& ,' fee ?or wisely suPpres 4 ect4tittfTiltidictiiristiessr. ar civil 9oontesis fail.to, ezeiteuV,T I atn...9Rgnej.ff9n4ifi4listhrikllf-t renio acted bh Anis prinetple ius and fliiii - i&etifetftlin grOly hi s country,- it :01111ex - ,1 in 3urelrl /Se raiX Nnalarroo rule , oysirrar-ppoVnirdf i poyirslip9Aw to forgive." I" ~Ildieituigusge of another liiitoka , arlFerdi nand, king of Naples - a contetpporau of Dore&,6/lidhogot forgivitigAreatment. cif (Xs r}3l4. l lrisuP• posed enemies prepard the way for the expulsion o ) itit3. clAresty, r Stql hp uniforni tuneoes olgtoto ono- phy and-oq he in relation to suppressing -and curing civil dissent3lo4is:l of the eountryArame nbrilyr_ispoken, since this war began but their opinions havoainlntain l in i rd.) the rlibels - AiasivArrclitrimi < frpgl fltrsoe cullar course 'which-weyliave opposed. - r i A AT . 1 4VINsr.3L I'ol I 7! (1 0 8? 481 1 . SA, D. IPg pr. IWO §i§ - . g! OA - CIT JIALE.DWA 58 l'Aroo7} . ' g'rREET I • §ign of the CiiihiStirnap,------ ,V....l4;)atlLL.i.ii oI!MTTIt6 .4 I - :434.11R3ACTETrurm, y ' Ihe - aftention' - bYStiddlers; Coach= and De*erkingetteral,lo thfdr.• • , Large and Well Selected` Stick/ COnikOpag In part for Carr Y L lF ° . ' I?4 ,P Lx ! - 0 O3 P13. 2 ,:lol PP. ; ; r;:: I , lfl PaltOXlA.lll,lbli °led Cloth', Dtaxtasiiiwißrotilill • Piiiikei; liblts ' flubs,. etc... • -AA Of ;44•4 1 . 44 4 1 00 0W} net PUEOHASID . be foujid ortVe. Beet Quality, liipaapuell „14 31 4. Dr.)" • Saddlers ateillatrifesi WllLfind gfull arrytcompletettoolt of;,, " IfurnesiLieriathersa.Eladitte Trees: E WelkijEralt Melon:Bl4i Straining' leibit, • • of sM 111unibeia, Etta, Blackleg, : . 9.:V1Dt17`31 StirrOP4, grEalh. TAIVAAbIi“. T , e-T • All of *414 '1 414 ,i 01 14. 1 14 th 0040146-):: prices, Illidzinarfent satiafactioaguatatitf'cV. 10:1:1.1" . I to „rt.,' ~ :IA .1 - P.9:.—Weito atotklehLtLauldleiluid but leave them 'GOODS for ear aShitotharis , .ikv • Wake and eel}, as they propartyitieloair Via= .branch.; • • . • • . r. k InYlghtf , .PDAVAIDAIIILYVE IRON. FOUNDRY : b:lbr:./7 ,pottriDEAV -1114t91.111.141.*1ieDp&-.; and " TWO DVVELLINCk eIATI/ 440. O•ri Corner of itutler.and.Caspo.litreethcifirtp 914fal Ward, on the A. *V. R. It 'Ttifi' mutt e pro. peal,. fronting 12%..feetcin ,Butlairl and 1.04;x: fPet on Caukon, will be sold on favoia Uwe, . 4.14 d post - 415,1t0n givan Egiott. ' - ' 1 For wwtioulats 7 apply tor i n i tee Rnaka & Istuanger_ft , tatii lin: • • je.lo E 49 Foorth st,,Bnykel palldliten. • - • I -4 - T. r? H. D. BREGHT-4--eeF:E . ''' N En AC TU R E t A '•••• 14 , o3ii Zi" • LOOklilZ Gla4gBea J • , • ;129'4 • • Giltottnd RosewociiilottidingiVE • asuii.tlca r gY a iI!P I AOPRONPLKTNIPiIIco :/ Dealenidifreatholiir-Phitytirtitavor •"\t lacon 119ittri No. in street,bqwe'en. F r i4ti li ancL stigh4W.i hill I'll 0, -17 hih 13 t; x. I r is "Lioo It , AN 1 ; • , P.kk..7.211.10 - 11147411 GA, gattlEFOrtrifitiffikg naiitime citietntil with 1 - greiiViiireatust cri nll the neffigt et 1e $ o rGopfl ito •firlit-tlliteartouset.o giniVeDivivankii/ do.thes anoletcrdV ; win Pr+ , eaji 4*‘ errY7.) -itle ova gotxts d 1) Ica. Lao lattli v iC. 4)lete stock bffihitlit#ll,l2o • • 2 1,13..1,211J .1 . oIaEE. Mr Lai:Ur! 4 4. 1 1 •/,?- I atZIM not 1 - 1 .14; f- n ipLic f.• A nt A r 4 ! - j i PAOLgt r ig l itAgiliknal. 1484 1 40bi1d ie ' V a i s e t I SMa =Mt I),Antl, iß 1014*4be, LOW= ..?..)dtlki9l stieidtlefiWesentrigg t.ilidere. " ir kl _'l 3 rlOlgt4farAines• kat witrrigidi ly fiMrW,lAAfreivrtiigi orts:"4 his- - rya ' l - 1d 44 : "Vh, :. • '' ! it acwm u tismns rataisicipriArinimuriAll Dwe kouppor a rmpLit=pti i.. 8 a tetti Pith WIN" 4 11 1,.,;: I,:l,“C i si gi ets I lii al !PAC . 1 :Li/ , orqi " 19alipar* 2 ... all I , lsol4rePris,Pl4 3 l9l4sDif , ali e,,g4 lot -ilirs .- . - 7 - ABE THE .7--la4lT9fi3 NIA I ' I Best IPtitti, ._...,:' a t_.• ..,,, . e oltally,b3nv.),-o:wa,i k...... E-3 ,- 1 ... 1Vi EIr .".,RAMTVW4I ! tfeer ti p,td Or giro. r 0 tiv i i citioti4q iiine* Am rate, at sourrrz a MERTZ. • jedg-1W No. nil REIM 7 ;"fTI{ _.e .:ci;....~ ~,.cubes
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