trie provisions of 1818. Notwithstanding these precautions, the expedition has escaped from our shores. Such enterprises can do no possible good to the country, but have already inflicted much injury both on its interests aad its character They have prevented peaceable emigration from the United States to the States of Central America, which could not fail to be highly beneficial to all the parties concerted. In a pecuniary point of view alone, our eiti*6os hare sustained heavy los sea from the seizure and closing of the transit route by the San Juan between the two (•ceans. The leader of tae recent expedition was arrested at New Orleans, but was discharged on giving bail fir his appearance in the in sufficient sum of S2OOO. I commend the whole subject to the serious .•• • of Congress, believing that oor duty ;r ; or uterest. as well as our national char v •<!" recu* mat we should adopt such mea surcs a- be effectual in restraining our c minuting such outrages. I rvgrtt to inform jou that the President *jf Paraguay has refused to ratify the treaty be the United States and that State as am led by the Senate, the signature of which was mentioned in the message of ray predecessor to Congress at the opening of its session in December, 1853. The reasons as signed for this refusal will appear in the cor respondence herewith submitted. It being desirable to ascertain the fitness of the river La Plata and its tributaries for nav bv steam, the Lnited States Steamer W iter Witch was sent thither for that purpose 1853. This enterprise was successfully ea ried on until February, 1855, when, whilst in the peaceful prosecution of her voyage up Parana river, the steamer was fired upon bv a Paraguayan fort. The fire was returned; as the Water Witch was of small force, and not designed for offensive operations, she retired from ths conflict. The pretext upon which the attack was made was a decree of toe President of Paraguay of October, 1554, prohibiting foreign vessels ef war from navi gating that State. As Paraguay, however, was tic owner of but one bank of the river of that name, the other belonging to Corrien tes, a State of the Argentine Confederation, the right of its government to expect that tt ha decree would be obeyed cannot be ac knowledged. But the Water W itch was not, properly speaking, a vessel of war. She was a small steamer engaged in a scientific enter prise intended for the advantage ef commer cial States generally. Under these circum stances, I am constrained to consider the at tack upon her as unjustifiable, and as calling for satisfaction from the Paraguayan govern ment. Citizens of the United States, also, who were established in business in Paraguay, had their property seized and taken from tbem, and have otherwise been treated by the authorities in an insulting and arbitrary man ner, which requires redress. A demand for these purposes will be mads in a firm but conciliatory spirit. This will the more probably be granted if the Executive shall bare authority to use other means in the event of a refusal. This is accordingly rec ommended. It is unnecessary to state in detail the alarming condition of the Territory of Kan sas at the. time of mj inauguration. The op posing parties then stood in hostile array against each other, and any accident might have relighted the flames of civil war. Be sides, at this critical moment, Kansas was left without a governor by the resignation of Gov. Geary. On the 19th of February previous, the ter r:- rial legislature had passed a law providing for the election of delegates on the third Mon day of June To a convention to meet on the first Monday of September, for the purpose of framing a constitution preparatory to ad mission into the Uaion. This law was in the mam fair and just; and it is to be regretted that all the qualified electors had not regis tered themselves and voted under its provis ions. At ths time of the election fur delegates, an extensive organization existed in the Ter ritory, whose avowed object was, if need be, to put down the lawful government by force, and to establish a government of their own under the so called Topeka constitution. The persons attached to this revolutionary organ ization abstained from taking any part in the •lection. The act of the territorial legislature Lad emitted to provide for submitting to the peo ple the Constitution which might be framed Ly the convention; and in the excited state of public feeling throughout Kansas an appre hension extensively prevailed that a design existed to force upon them a constitution in reiatien to slavery against their will. In this emergency it became my duty, as it was in v unquestionable right, having in view the union of ail good citizens in support of the territorial laws, to express an opinion on the true construction of the provisions concerning slavery contained in the organic act of Con gress of the 20th May, 1854. Congress de clared it to be " the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it there from, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic in "'notions in their own way." Under it Kan -I*. " when admitted as a State," was to "be - ved into the Union, with or without sla _ ■-.% their constitution may prescribe at • me of their admission." xd t/ongress mean by this ianguage that tne delegates elected to frame a constitution -u-.uid have authority finally to decide the question of slavery, or did they intend by leaving it to the people that the people of Kan sas themselves should decide this question by a direct vote? On this subject 1 confess I had never entertained a serious doubt, and there fore, in .ay instructions to Governor Waiker wf the 28th March last, I merely said that when "a constitution 6hall be submitted to the people of the Territory, they must be pro tected in the exercise ef their right of voting tor or against that instrument, and the fair expression of the popular will must not be j interrupted by fraud or violence." In expressing this opinion, it was far from lay intention to interfere with ths decision of the people of Kansas either for or agaiast slavery From this I have always eaTefully anstamed. Intrusted with the duty of takine ' care that the laws be faithfully executed " ' only desire was that the peop'l# of Kansas j furnish to Congress the evidence re / vjd ov the organic act, whether for or •- Ist slavery ; and in this manner smooth passage into the Union. In emerging (the condition of territorial dependence that of a sovereign State, it was their |in my opinion, te make known their it, jy the votes of the *najoi ity, on the di t ct question, whether this important domes tic institution should or should ot continue to exist. Indeed, this was the only possible mode in which their will could be autbenti- j cally ascertain®. The election of delegates to a convention must necessarily take place in separate dis trict®. From this cause it may readily bap- , pen, s® has often been the case, that l ma jority of the people of a State or Territory are on ene side of a qoeetion, whilst a major ity of the representatives from the several dis tricts into which it is divided may be upon the other aide. This ariees from the fact that in seme districts delegates may be elected by sm*ll majorities, whilst in others those of different sentiments may receive majorities sufficiently great not only to overcome the votes £* en the former, but to leave a large majority of the whole people in direct opposition to a majority of the delegates. Besides, our his tory proves that influences may be brought te bear on the representative sufficiently- power i ful to induce him to disregard the will of his constituents. The truth is that no other au thentic and satisfactory mode exists of ascer taining the will of the majority of the people of any State or Territory on an important and exciting question like that of ? !aver - in Kansas, except by leaving it to a direct vote. How wise, tben. was it for Congress to pass I over all subordinate and intermediate agen cies, and proceed directly to the source of all legitimate power under our institutions . How vain would any other principle prove in practice! This may be illustrated by the case of Kansas. Should she be admitted into •the Union. with a constitution either main taining or abolishing slavery, against the sentiment of the people, this could have no other effect than to continue and to exasperate the exciting agitation during the brief period required to rnako the constitution conform to the irresistible will of the majority. The friends and supporters of the Nebras ka and Kansas act, when struggling on a re cent occasion to sustain its wise provisions before the great tribunal" of the American people, never differed about its true meaning on this subject. Everywhere throughout the Union they publicly pledged their laith and their honor that they would cheerfully submit the question of slavery to the decision of the bona fide people of Kansas, without any re striction ©r qualification whatever. All were cordially united upon the great doctrine of popular sovereignty, which is the vital prin ciple of our free institutions. Had it then been insinuated from any quarter that it would be a sufficient compliance with the requisitions for the organic law for th? mem bers of a convention, thereafter to be elected, to withhold the question of silvery from the people, and to substitute their own will for that of a legally ascertained majority of all their constituents, this would Ivavc been in stantly rejected. Everywhere they remained true to the resolution adopted on a celebrated occasion recognizing "the right of the people of all the Territories —including Kansas and Nebraska—acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of actual residents, and whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a constitution, with or without slavery, and be admitted int the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States." The convention to frame a constitution foi Kansas met on the first Monday of Septem ber last. They were called together by vir toe of an act of the territorial legislature, whose lawful existence had been recognized by Congress in different forms and by differ ent onactuients. A large proportion of the citizens of Kansas did not think proper to register their names and vote at the election, for delegates; but an opportunity to do this i having been fairly afforded, their refusal to avail themselves ef their right could in no manner affect the legality of the convention. This convention proceeded to frame a con stitution for Kansa-. and finally adjourned on the 7th day of November. But little dlfficul ty occurred in the convention, except on the ■ubject ef slavery. The truth is that the gen eral provisions of our recent State constitu tions are so similar—and, I may add, so ex cellent—that the difference between them is not essential. Under the earlier practice of the Government, no constitution framed by the convention of a territory preparatory b> its admission into the Union as a State had been submitted to the people. I tru"t, how ever, the example set by the last Congress, requiring that the constitution of Minnesota " should be subject to the approval and rati fication of the people of the proposed State," may be followed on future occasion*. I took it for granted that the convention of Kansas would act in accordance with this example, founded, as it is. on correct principles; and hence my instructions to Walker, in favor of submitting the constitution to the people, were expressed in general and unqualified terms. In the Kansas Nebraska act, however, this requirement, as applicable to the whole constitution, had not been inserted, and the convention were not bound by its terms to submit any other portion of the instrument to an election, except that which relates to the 'domestic institution' of slirerv. This will bi rendered clear by a simple reference to its language. It was 'not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, n>r to ! exclude it therefrom, bnt to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic in>titutions in their own wav.' According to plain construction of the sentence the words 'dometic institutions' have a direct as they have af! appropriate reference to slavery. 'Domestic institutions' are limited to the family The relation be* -ween master and slave and a few others are ' domestic institutions,' and are entirely distinct from institutions of a political char acter. Besides, there was no question then before Congress, nor iudeed has there , since been Dy serious question before the j people of Kansas or the country, except that which relates to the 'doraestio institu tion' of slavery. The convention, after an angry debate, finally determined, by a majority of only two, to submit the question of slavery to the peo< pie, though at the last forty three of the fitly delegates present affixed their signatures to the constitution. A large majority of the convention were in favor of establishing slavery in Kansas.— They accordingly inserted au article in the constitution for this purpose similar in form to those which had been adopted by other | territorial conventions. In the schedule, 1 however, providing for the transition from a j territorial to & state government, the ques- 1 tion has been fairly and explicitly referred to the people, whether they will have & con. j stitution 'with or without.' It declares that, sla very before the constitution adqftted by|thecon | vention 'shall be sent to Congress for admis s'°n into the Union as a State,' an election ' n i e this question, at which ; a the white male inhabitants of the Terri- j ry above the age of -1 are entitled to vote. 1 I bey are te vote by ballot; and 'the ballots cast at said election shall b© endorsed 'con- ' shtution with slavery,' and constitution with slavery. If there he a majority in fa- j vor of tne 'constitution a ith slavery ' then it is to be transmitted to Congress by she presi dent of the convention to its original ferm If, on the contrary, there shail be a majority ; in favor of the 'constitution with no slavery,' ' then the article providing for slavery shall be stricki i from the constitution by the j president of this cocvention; and it is ex pressly declared that 'nu slavery shall exist in the" State of Kansas, except that the right of property in slaves now in the Territory shall in no manner be interfered with ;' and in that event it is made his duty to have the constitution thus ratified transmitted to the Congress of the United States for the admis sion of the State into the Cnioc. At this election every citizen will hare an opportunity of expressing his opinion by his rote 'whether Kansas shall be received into the Union with or without slavery.' and thus this exciting question may be peacefully set tled in the very tn<>de required by the organ ic law. The election will he h*!d order legitimate authority, and if any portion of the inhabitants shall refuse to vote, a fair opportunity to do so hiivmg -been presented, this will be their own voluntary act, and they alone will be responsible for the conse quences. Whether Kansas shall be a free or a slave State must eventually, under some authority, be decided by an election : and the question can never be more clearly or distinctly pre sented to the people than it is at the preent moment, Should this opportunity be rejeted, she may be involved for years in domesti discord, and possibly in civil war, before she can again make up the issue now so fortu nately tendered, and again reach the point she has already attained. Kansas has for some years occupied too much of the public attention. It is high time this should be directed to far more im portant objects. When once admitted into the Union, whether with or without slaverv. the excitement beyond Iter own limits will !-peedily pass away, and siie will then for the first time be left, as she ought to have l>een long since, to manage her own affairs in her own way. If her constitution on the subject of slavery or on any other subject be displeas ing to a majority of the people, no human {Kjwer can prevent them from changing it within a brief period. Under these circum stances, it may well be questioned whether the peace and quiet of the whole country are not of greater importance than the mere temporary triumph of either of the political parties in Kansas. Should the constitution without slavery he adopted by the votes of the majority, the rights of property slaves now in the Territory are reserved. The number of these is very small; hut if it were greater the provision would he equally just and reasonable. These slaves wero brought into toe territory under the constitution of the United States, and are now the property of their masters. This point has at length teen finally decide ! by the highest tribunal of the country—and this upon the plain principle that when a con federacy of sovereign State aequire_a new territory at their joint expense, both equality and justice dem tnd that the citizens of one and all of them shall have the right to take into it whatsoever is recognized as property by the common Constitution. To have sum, uiarily confiscated the property in slaves already in the Territory, would iiare been an act of gross injustice, and contrary to the practice of the older States of the Union which have abolished slavery. A territoral government was established 1 for Utah by act of Congress approved Sept. 9th. 1850, and constitution and laws of the United States were thereby extended . over it so far as the same, or any provisions thereof, may be applicable.' This act pro vided for the appointment by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the 1 Jsenate, of a governor, who was to be ex ffieio superintendent of Indian affairs, a secretary, three judges of the supreme c>urt a marshal, and a district attorney. Suo.-e --quent acts provided for the appointment of j the officers necessary to extend our land and <>ur Indian system over the Territory.— Brigham Young was appointed first gover nor <ri the 20th September, 1850, and has ! held the office ever since. Whilst Governor Young has been both governor and superintendent of Indians af ' fairs throughout this period, he has been at the same time the head of the church called the Latter-day Saints, and professes to gov ern its members and dispose of their prop r ty by direct inspiration and authority from the Almighty. His power has been, there fore, absolute over both Church and State.. The people of Utah, almost exclusively, belong to tins church, and believing with a fanatical spirit that he is gov rnor of the Territory by Divine appointment, they obey | hie commands as if these were direct revela tions from Heaven. If therefore, be chooses that his government shall come into collision with tht government of the United States, the members of the Mormon church will yield implicit obedience to bis will. Un fortunately, existing f iCts leave hut iittlc doubt that such is his.deterinination. With , out entering upon :t minute history of occur rences, it is suffi-dent to say that all the officers of the United States, judicial and ; executive, with the single exception of tw • Indian agents, have found it necs;.r\ for their own personal sat-ty to withdraw from the Territory, and there no longer remains any government in Utah but the despotism uf Brigliam Youug. This Oting the condi tion of affairs in the Territory, I could not mistake the path of duty. As Chief Executive .Magistrate, 1 was bound to restore the supremacy of the Constitution and laws withiu its limits. In order to effect this purpose, I appointed a new governor and - other federal officers for Utah, and sent with i them a military force for their protection, i and to aid as a pout coimtaius, in case of need, in tbe execution of tbe laws. With the religious opinions of the Mormons, as long as they remained mere opinions, however deplorable in themselves and revolt ing to the moral and religious sentiments of all Christendom, I had no right to interfere. Actions alone, when in violation of the con stitution and laws of the United States, become the legitimate subjects fur the juris diction of the civil magistrate. My instruc tions to Gov. Cumming have therefore been framed in strict accordance with these principles. At their Gate a hope was indul ged that no necessity might exist for employing the military in restoring and maintaining the authority of law ; but this hope has now vanished. Gov. Young has, by proclamation, declared his determination to maintain his power by force, and has already committed ncts.of'bostility against tbe United States. Unless he should retrace bis steps the Territory Utah will be in a state of open rebellion. He has committed these acts of hostility, notwithstanding Major Van Vliet, -n officer of the army, sent to Utah by tbe commanding general to purchase provis ions for tLe troops, had given him the strongest assurances of the peaceful inten tions of the government, and that the troops would only he employed as a poue ormituiwi when called on by the civil authority to aid in the execution of the laws. There is reason to believe that Gov. j Young has long contemplated this result. lie knows the continuance of his despotic power i depends upon the exclusion of all settlers ! from the Territory except those who will ac knowledge his divine mission and implicitly obey his will; and that an enlightened pab lic opinion there would soon prostrate insti tutions at war with the laws of God and man. He has therefore for several years, in order to maintain his independence, been industriously employed in collecting and fab ricating arms and munitions of war, and in discipiing the Mormon* for military service. As superintendent of Indian affairs he has had an opportunity of tampering with the Indian tribes, and exciting tneir hostile foel iugs against the Uuited States. Ti-is, ac cording to our information, lie has ucooin plished in regard to sotne of th<*se tribes, while others have remained true to their aiiegtauce, and have communicated bis in trigues to our ludia-i ageots. He baa iaid tn a store of provisions for three y ars, whieh in ease of necessity, as he informed Major Van Yliet/ be will conceal, " and then take to the mountains, and bid defiance to all the powers of the government." A great part of this may be idle boasting: but vet no wise government will lightly es timate the efforts which may be inspired bv such phrensied fanaticism as exists among the Mormons in Utah. This is the first re bellion which has existed in our Territories, and humanity itself requires that we should put it down in such \ manner that it shall be the last. To trifle with it would be to encourage i; and to render it formidable. We ought to go there with such an imposing force as to convince these deluded people that resistance would be vain, and thus spare the effusion of blood. \\ e can in this man ner best convince them that we are their friends, not their enemies. In order to ac complish this object it wiii be neccssarv, according to the estimate of the War Depart ment, to raise four a iditional regiments ; and this I earnestly recommend toUforigress. At the present moment of depression in the revenues of the country 1 am sorry to be obliged to recommend such a measure ; but I feel Confident of the support of Congress, cost what it may, in surpassing the insur rection and in restoring aud maintaining the sovereignty of the constitution and laws over tlie Territory of Utah. I recommend to Congress the establish ment of a territorial government over Arizo na, incorporating with it such portions of New Mexico as they may deem expedient.— I need scarcely adduce arguments in support of tiiis recommendation. We are bound to protect the lives and property of our citi zens inhabiting Arizona, and these are now without any efficient protection. Their present number is already considerable, and is rapidly increasing, notwithstanding the disadvantages under whieh they labor.— Besides, the propo-ed Territory i* believed to be rich in mineral and agricultural re sources, e-pecially in silver and copper. The mails of the United States to Calilornia arc now carried OTer it throughout its whole extent, and this route is known to be the nearest, and believed to be the best to the Pacific. Long experience has deeply convinced me that a strict construction of the powers granted to Congress is the only true, as well as the only sale, theory of the Constitution. Whilst this principle -haii guide my public conduct, I consider it clear tnat under the war-making power. Congress may appropri ate money for the construction of a military road through the Territories of the Uniteu State?, when this is absolutely • ecesaary for the defence of any of the States against foreign invasion. The Constitution has con ferred upon Congress power to *• declare war," to raise and support armies." "to provide and maintain a nary," and u> call forth the mii.tia to " repel invasions." These nigh foreign powers necessarily in volve important and responsible public du ties, and among them there is none so sacred and so imperative as that of preserving our soil from the invasion of a foreigu enemy.— The con-timtion has therefore, left nothing ou this point to construction, bat expressly requires that " the United States shall pro tect each of them (the States) against inva sion." Now, if a military road over our own lerritories be iudispensably necessary to enable us to meet and repel the iuvader, it follows as a necessary consequence not oniy that we possess power, but it is our ilucra tive duty to construct -uch a road. It would be an absurdity to invest a government with the unlimited power to make and conduct war, and at the same tune deuy to it the oniy means of reaching and defeating the enemy at the frontier. Without such a road it is quite evident we cannot " protect" California and our i'acific possessions against invasion. We caonot by any other means transport men and munitions of war from the Atlantic States iu sufficient tune success fully to defend those remote and distant portions of the republic. Experience has proved that the routes a cross the isthmus ot Central America are at best but a very uneert in and unreliable mo le of communication. But even if this were nut the case, they would at once be cio>-'d against u in the event of war with a naval power so much stronger than our own as to enable it. to blockade the Dorts at either end of these routes. After all, there fore. we ean only rely upon a military road through our own territories, and ever since the origin of the government. Congress has been in th'c practice of appropriating money from the public treasury for the construction of such roads. The difficulties and the expense of con sUvucting a military railroad to connect our Atlantic and Pacific States, have been great ly exaggerated. • The distance on the Arizo na route near the 32d parallel of north lati tude. between the western boundry of Texas on the Itio Grande and the eastern boundry of California on tbe Colorado, from the best explorations now within our knowl edge, does not exceed tour hundred and seventy miles, and the lace of the country is in the main, favorable. For obvious reasons the government ought not to undertake the work itself by means of its own agents. — This onght to be committed to other agen cies, which Congress might assist either by grants of land or money, or both, upon such terms and conditions as they may deem most beneficial for the Country. Provision might thus be made not only for the safe, j rapid, and economicaJ transportation of troops and munitions of war, but also of the public mails. The commercial interests of the whole country, both East and West,' would be greatly promoted by such a road ; j 1 and, above all, it would be a powerful ad ditional bond of union. And although ad vantages of this kind, whether postal, com mercial, or political, canuot confer consti tutional power, yet they may furnish auxiliary arguments in favor of expediting a work, in my judgment, is clearly embraced within the war-making poover. For these reasons I commend to the friendly consideration af Congress the subject of the Pacific railroad, without finally committing myself to any particular route. The reoort of the Secretary of the Treasi' ury will furnish a detailed st-ileawot of t hi condition of the public finances and of the respective branches of the public service de volved upon that department of the govern ment. By this report it appears that the amount of revenue received from all sources into the treasury daring the fiscal year end ing the 30th of June 1857, was millions six hundred and thirty-one thousand five hundred and thirteen dollars and sixty seven cents, ($68,631,513*67,) which amount with the balance of nineteen milium nins hundred an 1 one thousand three hundred and twenty-five dollars and forty-five cents, (819,901,3*25*45.) remaining in the treasury at be commencement of the year, made an Fr the service <>f the year of eighty eight mill; <o five hundred and tbirty-two thousand eight hundred aoi thirtynine dollars anl twelve cents. 88,531.839'1*2. The public expenditures for the fiscal year endiog 30tb June, 1857, amounted to seventy million eight hundred and twenty>two thou sand seven hundred and twentyifour dollars and eighty.five cents, ($70,822.(2134,) of which five million nine hundred and forty three thousand eight hundred and ninety six dollars and Li.iiety-one cents ($5,913,890 *9l were applied to the redemption of the puidic debt, including interest and premium, leaving in the treasury at the commencement of the present year on the Ist July, 1857, seventeen million seven hundred and ten thousand one hundred and fourteen dollars and twenty-seven cents, (817.710,114 27.) The receipts into the treasury, commenc ing first July, 1557, were twenty million nine hundred and twenty nine thousand eight hundred and nineteen dollars and eighty-one cents, •$*20,929.819*81,) and the estimated rec-ipts of the remaining three quarters to the 30th June. 1858, are thirty six million seven hundred an ! fifty thousand dollars, ($30,750,000,) making with the bal ance before stated an aggregate of seventy five million three hundred and eighty-nine thousand nine hundred and tbirty-k.ur dol. and eight cents, ($75, 389.934 08,) for the service of the present fiscal year. The actuai expenditure during the first quar ter of the present fiscal year were twenty three million seven hundred and fourteen thousand five hundred and . twenty-eight dollars and thirty-seven cents, ($23,714,' 528 37.) of which three million eight hundred and ninety-five thousand two hundred and tbirty-two dollars and thirty-nine cents ($3,- 895,232*39.) were applied to the redemption of the public debt, including premium and interest. The probable expenditures of the remaining three quarters to 30th June. 1878 are fifty-one million two hundred forty eight thousand fire hundred and thirty dol lars and fur cents ($51.218,530 04. includ ing interest on public debt, making an ag gregate of -eventj-fuur million nine hundred and sixty three thousand fiftv eight dollars and forty one cents, ($7 4,963,Ui8*41. leaving an estimated balance in the treasury at tb* close of the present fiscal year of four hun dred and twenty six thousand eight hundred and seventy five dollars arid sixtv sev--n cents, ($42G,875*G7.) The amount of the pnblic debt at the eom meneement of the present fi*cai year was twenty nine millions sixty thousand three hundre i and eighty six doliars and nicety cents, ($9,000,356 90.) The .-amount redeemed -ince the Ist .>f Ju. ; Iv was three million eight hundred and nine ty five thousand two hundred and thirty two dollars and thirty nine cents <53,895,232*39' —learing a balance unredeemed at this time of twenty five million one hundred and sixty five thousand one hundred and fifty four doiiur- and fifty one cents 's2-5.165,154*51.) The imount of estimated expenditure for the remaining three quarter* of the pre-ent fiscal year will, in a!! probability, be increas ed from the causes s-.-t forth in the report of the Secretary. lli- suggestion, th ref-r--. that authority should be given to supply anv temporary deficiency by the issue ot a limit ed amount of treasury notes, is approved, and I accordingly recommend the passage of sueh a law. -W state I in the report <>f the Secretary, the tariff of .March 3. 1857, has been fn operation for so short a jvriod -jf time, and un Icr ,-ircuiust.inces so unfavorable to a jus: devel ipemcnt of its results as a revenue measure, at least for the present, to under taae its rcvisiuu. 1 transmit herewith the reports made to me by the Secretaries of War and of the Navy, of the lnteaior and of the i'o-tiaaster General. They all contain valuable and important information and suggestions which I Cvoiiuend to the favorable consideration of Congress. I have already recommended the raising of four additional regim-nts, an.] the report <>f the Secretary of War presents strong reasons proving this increase of the army. unJ.-r existing circumstances, to be indispensable. I would call the special attention of Congress to the recommendation of the Secretary of the Nary ic favor of the con struction of ten -mall war steamers of light draught. 4or sme years the government has been obliged on many oocasiotis to iiir.- suoh steamers from individuals to supply its pressing wants. At the present moment we have no armed vessel in trie navy which can peuirate the rivers of Cnina. We have but few which can enter any of the harbors south of X rfoik, although many millions of foreign and domestic commerce annually pass in and out of these harbors. Some of our most valuable interests and most vulnerable points are thus left exposed. This class of vessels of light draught, great speed and heavy guns would be formidable in ©oast defence. The cost of their construction will not be great, and they will require but a comparatively small expenditure to keep them in commission. In time of peace they will prove as effective as much larger vessels and often more useful. One of them should be at every station where we maintain a squadron, and three or fcur should be con stantly on our Atlantic aud Pacific coasts. Economy, utility, and efficiency combine to recommend them as almost indispensable. Ten of these small vessels would be of in calculable advantage to the naval service, and the whole cost ot their construction would not exceed two million three hundred thousand dollars, or $230,000 each. Ihe report ot the Secretary of the Interi or is worthy of grave consideration. It treats of tho numerous, important, and di versified branahes of domestic administration intrusted to him by law. Among these the must prominent are the public lands and our relations with the Indians. Our system for the disDOsa! of the public lands, originating with the fathers of the republic, has been improved as experience pointed tho way, and gradually adapted to the growth and settlement of our western States and Territories. It has worked well in practice. Already thirteen States and seven Territories have been carved out of these lands, and still more than a thousand millions of acres remain unsaid. What a boundless prospect this presents to our country of future prosperity and power ! i We have heretofore disposed of !•; , acres of the public land. " *1 ' Whilst the public lands as a score? eaus are of great importance, tbei tance is far greater as furnishing hardy and independent race ofh os * industrious citizens, who desire to suU culti vats the soil. They ought to be a al tered mainly with a view of wise and benevolent poliey. I B tbem for any other purpose, we ougk,jT even greater economy than if they riifl * converted intn money nd the proceeds, already in the public treasury. T0*,,,.:?! away this richest and noblest which any people have ever enjoyed ap,, jecu of doubtful constitutionality 0r ' ency, would be to violate one of th? ? important trusts ever committed to pie. Whilst I dd not deny to power, when acting bona fide as a prepJJ to gir sway portions of them fr the p, jr . of increasing the value of the considering the great temptations to this power, we cannot be too cautiously exercise. Actual settlers under existing birl t , protected against other purchasers at the 53. iic sales, in their right of pre emption, to* extent of a quarter-section, or 100 land. The remainder may then fc •f at public or eotered at private sal? „ limited quantities. Speculation has, of late years, prevail, a great extent in the pnblic lands. The „ sequence has been thai large portion? of •have become the property of individuals companies, and thu- the price is great!?* banned to thane who denire to purehL actual settlement. In order to limit the** of speculation as much as possible, the q. ti actios of the Indian title and the exited of the public surveys ought only with the tide of emigration. If Congress should hereafter grant sections to States or companies, a- they dune heretofore, I recommend that the mediate sections retained by the govrnunm be subject Ut pre eaiption by actaal seoka It ought ever to be oor cardinal puiitv k| reserve the public lands as ir.neh as mar k for actual settlers, and this at moderate a? ces. We shall thus uot vnly best pronsutesk prosperity of the new States and Territutin and* the power of the Union, but shall *cki homes for our posterity for many geu-ratiuu, The extension of our limits has bruusk within nur jurisdiction many additional p-ipulous tribes of Indian*, a large prop>rti;4 of which are wild, untraceable, and Uifea to control. Predatory and warlike in ib* disposition and habits, it is impossible ah, gether to restrain them from committing!! grtssions on each other, as well at upna ok frontier citizens and those emigrating to r distant States and Territories. Hence ci-<. sive military expeditions are frequent!? . cessary to overawe and chastise toe mutt lawless and hostile. The present system of making them ta#. able presents to influence them to reinnsu peace, ha- proved ineffectual. I: is i*heiu to be the better policy to colonize trim j suitable localities, where they can received rudiments of education and be grudualiv in duced to adopt habits of jndustrv. .So far 111 the experiment has been tried it has wtrtd well in practice, and it will doubtless prw to be less expensive than the present sjstca. The whole number of Indians within ic territorial limits is believed to be. from ik best data iu the Interior lA-nartmenr sbwt 325,000. The tribe* of Cheroke e*, CboctaT*. Chid a saws, and Creeks, settk-d in the territory set apart fur thera west of Arkansas, are rapidly advancing in education a:.J in all the arts of civilization an i self government: and weauj indulge the agreeable anticipation that at as | very distant day they wiii be incorporated is to the L nioii as one <>f the sovereign State*. It will he seen from the report of the IV'- master General that the I'u-t Office Depart m int still continues to deper.j on the treasu ry. a it has been compelled to do f r several years past, fur an important portion of th means of sustaining and extending its open ti>n. I heir rapid growth and expansion an -hvmn by a Js.-eunial statement of the auni ber • f post office*. and the length of pu-i roads, commencing with tiie year 1827. Id that year there were 7,00.' p>t offices: i* 18."!., 11.177; in ]>47. 15.14*5 ; and in 1*57 tbey number 26.596. in this year (,725 P® ls offices have i<-en established and 7"4 discuu tiuued, icaviug a net increase of 1,021. Tin postmasters of '-!Nj offices are appointed bj the l'resident. The length ot p .t roads in 1527 was 105,- 336 miles; in 1837, 141.242 miles; in 1847, 133.M8 miiea: and in the year 1857 there*™ 24*2,601 miies of post rad. including 22,73" mile* of railroad, on which the mails are tran-perted. The expenditures of the depart ment for the fiscal year ending on the3otbuf June. 1501, as aoju-ted L-T the Auditor, amauuted to $11,507,670. To defray these expenditures there was to the credit of tie department on the l-t July, 1556, theuuf ?. $.',599 ; the gross revenue of tlie year, it eluding the annual allowances for the trans portation <*f free mail matter, producel $r . .53,951; and the remainder was by the appropriation from the treasury of $2.250,tw, granted by th act of Coiijjrtfi approved August Ip, 1856, and by theappw priation oi $666,883 made by the act of Marcb 3, 1957, leaving $252.76S to be carried to th credit of the department in the accounts of the current year. I commend to your con sideration the report of the department is reiatian to the establish moot of the overiaad mail route from the Mississippi river to San "t ranci soo, Calfornia. The rou e was selected with my full concurrence, as the sue, in °! judgment, best calculated to attain the im portant objects contemplated by Congresi. fhe late disastrous monetary revulsion o'J have one good effect, should it cause both the government and the people to return to tW practice of a wise and jodicioas ecsnomj, both in public and private expenditures. An overflowing treasury has led ts babiti ef prodigality and extravagance in our leg l '* lation. It has induced Congress to large appropriations to objects for which twf never would hare provided had it been nee* aary to raise the amount of revenue require to meet them by increased taxation or . loans. We are now compelled to our career, and to scrutinize our expendita with the utmoet vigilance; and in P fr^: , al . C ,f this duty, I pledge my co-operation to die, tent of my constitutional competency, j It ought to be observed at the start'"V that true public economy does not csnsu-- withholding the means necessary to acco® plish important national objects us by the constitution, and especially sac may be necessary for th conunon de ' c ''^ ; In the prrseut crisis ef the country n duty to confine our appropriations tv 0 of this character, unless in cases where to individuals may demand a different In all cases care eught to be U^en f tn \j u ;. money granted by Congress shall be f fc " iy and economically applied. g Under the federal constitution, "eve.. (Concluded on secondpape-;
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