Lie No. 2439. rERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION". OVE DOLLAR PER ASIUW, UfADVANCE. For six months, 75 cents. NEW subscriptions must be paid in oce . If the paper is continued, and not within the first month, $1,25 will be charg fnat paid in three months, $1,50; if not j. six months, $1,75; and if not paid in months, $2,00. I papers addressed to persons out of the (¥ ffill be discontinued at the expiration of {me paid for, unless special request is made e contrary or payment guaranteed by some jnible person here. ADVERTISING. mlines of minion, or theirequivalent,con u j 4 quare. Three insertions sl, and 25 ; for each subsequent insertion. e West Branch Insurance Co, Of LOCR HAVE*, PAj ;I'KE3 Stores. Mer andise, Farm PrSy, <y, and other Build jnd their contents, at moderate rates. DIRECTORS. John J- I'earce, Hon. G. C. Harvey, 'g q a |j i T. T. Abram§, les \. Mayer, D. K- Jacbman, les Crist. W. VVi.ite, r Dickinson, Thos. Kitchen. Hon. G. C. HARVEY, Pres. T, T. ABRAMS, Vice Pres. ts. Kitchen , ?ee'y. REFERENCES. oelH, Lloyd, Thos. Bowman, D. D. Winegardner, VVm, Vanderbelt, Mackey, Wm. Fearon, kj. e Dr. J. S. Crawford, sQuiggle, A. Updegraff, W. Mavnard, James Armstrong, Simon Cameron, Hon. Wm. Bigler. sAzent for Miltlin county, G. W. STEW \ Esq. ap23 maity from Less and Damage by Fire, j tl< Pcritt tf Marine and Inland Transportation. [ CONTINENTAL INSURANCE COMPANY. •porat&l ly the Legislature of Petinsylra n'a, with a Pcrjwtual Charter. Authorized Capital, 81,000,000. it 50. 61 Walnut St. above Seeond, Pbila. j re Insurance on Buildings, Furniture, Mer dise, 4c., generally. Marine Insurance Virgoes and Freights to all parts of the '■ Id. inland Insurance on Goods, Arc., by ti. Rivers, Canals, and Land Carriages, to parts of the Union, on the most favorable s,consistent with security. DIRECTORS. re W. Col lad ay, William Bowers, i vf. Coleman, Joseph Oat, mV. Machette, Howard Hinchman, , GEORGE W COLLADAY, President. iLEv vvil s on, Secretary. >Azent for Mifflin county, Wm. P. EL- ! tT, Esq. febl9-ly ISDEHXITY AGAINST LDSS BY FIRE, arikiin Fire Insurance Compa ny of Philadelphia. OSce lG3i Chestnut street, near Fifth. kmnt of Aiseu, $1,827,185 80 January Ist, 1657. ihtd agreeably to ari act of Assembly, be- j , ing. Mortgages, amply secured, $1,519,932 73 • Lute, [present value, $109,- h' cost, 69,114 16 j , present value. $63,881 12,) 71,232 97 ! htc-, 04,121 56 1 $1,827,165 60 ■find ar Limited Insurances made, on every nption of property, in Town and Country. #Mlow as are consistent with security, ice their incorporation, a period of twentv '•tars, they have paid over Three Millions > r, losses by fire, thereby affording ev koi the advantages of insurance, as well > ability and disposition to meet with a;ui all liabilities. Losses by Fire. -■paidduring the year 1656, $301,636 84 DIRECTORS. fi A Liricker, I Mordecai D. Lewis, to Wagner, I David S. Brown, 'MlGrant, Isaac Lea, .Smith, j Edward C. Dale, Richards, , George Kales. .-lARLES X. B A ACKER, President. JH'G- Bascker, Sec'y. y*Azeot for Mitflin county, 11. J. VVAL- Kq., Lewistown. tnar]9 Fouqdry and Machine Shop. ■a public are hereby notified that 1 have the Foundry and Machine Shop in trough of bewistown, known as the "Ju- Uron Works," and the large and general ""■sent of Patterns, late the property of l ,rr and Willis, now of John Sterrett & Willis and that I am prepared ••'i kinds of . tasling, Turning, { 'bortest notice and in the best and most CTYIE. JOHN ZEIGLER. April 17, 1856— tf. VEJW TOYS AND "EAPER THAN EVER ! ?. Assortment Ever Offered. 1 w eai,t '* u l Styles now opening of ' IiOL I k ' j C £ an ' c, d TOYS, Richest Dres dChin.' rV'n Fa " c y Pieces; Wax, Crying *4 IWv China Try?, Jewel Boxes, J Wr p e, j' an d Fanev Article*, n. , 8 ' Confectioners' Rich Boxes, F lw.. ferns- FITRM TS T WI ' LLOW ' &C " OVFER 4 in end! ' oy8 ' <mr 10u0 patterns; tot ar..! ',*V a a n °f other gocU of the Otitis, t 0 "• ra hle styles, for sale in A at V " r >" '" W P™**- of Assorted Toys at $5, *lO, S2O. Xn oi o HLLER, Importer, ■ Vir imi*r 5, iw ' Philadelphia. J H.N Bftpi i |, —-——- !;rs ilt bv~" ' S "~^ an d and hor-e power. * G. FRANCISCUS. J 2 UiIJSS 9 'I?2S2E) SB'ST ZN&TCSQV&ISSip &2BWXESTOWM9 EC2HWWMISJ ip^o ami Munaimm. Oil) WIXTEK IS COMING. BV HAN'S AH K. CiiH'Lll. Old Winter is coining again—alack How icy and cold is he I lie cares not a pin for a shivering hack- He's a saucy old chap to white and to black- He whistles his chills with a wonderful knack, For he coines from a cold country, A witty old fellow this Winter is— A mighty old fellow for glee.' Ho cracks his Jokes on tlie pretty sweet miss. The wrinkled old maiden unlit to kiss, And freezes the dew of their lips—for this Is the nay with such fellows as he! Old Winter's a frolicsome blade, I wot— He Is wild in his humor, and free! lle'd whistle along tor the " want of Ids thought," And set all the warmth of our furs at nought. And ruilit-s the lace by pretty girls bought For a frolicsome old fellow is he! Old Winter is blowing his gust along. And merrily shaking the tree! From morning till night he will sing his song— Xow moaning and short-new how ling and Ung uis voice Is lord, for his lungs are strong- A merry old fellow Is he! Old Winter's a wicked old chap, 1 ween- As wicked as ever you'd sec! Jte withers the dowers so fresh and green. And bites the pert n of the miss of sixteen, As she triumphantly walks in maidenly sheen— A wicked old fellow is he' Old Winter's a tough old f llow tor blows. As tough as ever you'd see! He will trip ap our trotter.-, ari l rend our clothes. And stiffen ou, limbs from lingers to toes- He minds not the crv of his friends or his foes— A tuugh old fellow is he! A cunning old fellow I. Winter, they -a;., A cunning old fellow is he! He peeps in the cr-vlces day by day. lo see how wHjfre parsing our time av ay, And marks all our doings from grave to gay— I'm afraid he is peeping at tne! iiia imsm a a i ® i is. From Arthur'.-. Temperance Tales. "THOU ART THE MAN!" 'Mow can you reconcile it to your con science to continue in your present business, Mr. Muddlerusked a venerable clergy man of a tavern-keeper, as the two walked home from the funeral of a young man who had died suddenly. • I find no difficulty on that score,' re plied the tavern-keeper, i:i a confident t uie: ' business is as necessary to the public as that of any other man.' 1 hat branch ol it, which regards the comfort and accommodation of travellers, I will grant to be necessary. But there is another portion of it which, you must par don me for saying, is not only uncalled for by the real wants of the community, but highly detrimental to health and good mor als.' 'And pray, Mr. Mildinan, to what por tion of my business do you allude V '1 allude to that part of it which embra ces the sale of intoxicating drinks.' 'lndeed! the very best part of my bu siness. But, certainly, you do not pretend to say that I am to he held accountable for the unavoidable excesses which sometimes grow out of the u:c of liquors as a bevcr ' 1 certainly must say, that, in nty opin ion. a very large share of the responsibili ty rests upon your shoulders. You not only make it a business to sell liquors, but you use every device in your power to in duce men to come and drink them. You invent new compounds with new and at- i tractive names, in order to induce the in different or the lovers of variety, to Ire- i quel it your bar-r< om. In this way, yc.u too , often draw the we.ik into an excess of self- ; indulgence, that ends,alas! in drunkenness ; and final ruin of body and soul. You are I not only responsible lor all th is, Mr. 31 ud dler, but you bear the weight, of a fearful responsibility ." '1 cannot see the subject in that light, 1 Mjldinan,' the tavernkeoper said, rath- , er gravely. ' Mine is an honest and hon- I orable calling,- and it i-. my duty to my I Funily and to society, to follow it with dil igence and a spirit of enterprise.' ' May 1 ask von a plain question. Mr. Muddler ?' 'Oh yes, certainly! as many as you please.' j ' Can that calling be an honest and hon orable one which takes sustenance from the community, ami gives back nothing in re turn V '1 do not know that I understand the nature of your question, Mr. Mildmun.' i 'Consider then society as a man in alar- j ger form, as it really is. In this great body, as in the lesser body of man, there are rious functions of use and a reciprocity be tween the whole. Each function receives a portion of life from the others, and gives back its own proper share for the good of the whole. The hand docs not act for it self alone —receiving strength and selfishly appropriating without returning its quota of good to the general system. And so of the heart, and lungs, and every other organ in the whole body. Reverse the order— and how soon is the entire system diseased! Now, docs tluit member of the great, body of the people act honestly and honorably, who regularly receives his portion of good from the general social system, and gives nothing hack in return V To this the landlord made no reply, and Mr. Mildman continued — ' But there i > still a stronger view to be taken. Suppose a member of the human body is diseas* d —a limb, for instance, in a I partial state of mortification. Here there I is n reception of life from the whole sys- THURSDAY, DECEMBER 24, 1857. tern into that limb, and a constant giving i back of disease that gradually pervades the entire body; and, unless that body posses ses extraordinary vital energy, in the end ( destroys it. Jn like manner, if in the lar ger body there be one member who takes bis share of life from the whole, and gives | back nothing but a poisonous principle, j whose efaeet is disease and death, surely be cannot be called a good member—nor hon est, nor honorable.' 'And pray, Mr. Mildinan,' asked the tavcrnkeeper, with warmth, ' where will you fin J, in society, such an individual as i you describe ? The minister paused at this question and looked his companion steadily in the face. 1 hen raising his long, thin linger to give force to liis remark, he said with deep emphasis— -1 Thou art the man ' Me, Mr. Mildinan ! me !' exclaimed the taverukceper, in surprise and displeasure. \ ou surely cannot- be in earnest.' ' T utter but a solemn truth, Mr. Mud- | tiler: such is your position in society!— You receive food, and clothing, and com forts and luxuries of various kinds for yoursell and family from the social body, and what do you give hack for all these A poison to steal away the health and hap piness of that social body. You are far worse than a perfectly dead member— you exist upon the great body as a moral gnu- i grene. Reflect calmly upon this subject, i Go home, and in the silence of your own chamber, enter into unimpassioncd and solemn communion with your heart. Be honest with yoursell'. Exclude the bias of | selfish feelings and selfish interests, and honestly define to yourself your true posi tion.' ' But, Mr. Mildinan ' I he two men had paused nearly in front ; of Mr. Muddler's splendid establishment, ' and were standing there when the tavern- ' keeper commenced a reply to the minister's last remarks. Tie had uttered but the first j word or two, when he was interrupted by a pale, thinly-dressed female, who held a little girl by the hand. She came up bo lore him and looked him steadily in the luce for a moment or two. ' Mr. Muddler, I believe,' she said. Yes, madam, that is my name,' was his ' reply. *1 have come. Mr. Muddler,' the wc*nn then said, with an effort to smile and affect a polite air, 'to thank you for a present I received last night.' ' I hank me, madam ! There certainly must he some mistake. J never made you a present. Indeed, f have not the plea sure of your acquaintance.' 'You said your name was Muddler, I j believe ?' ' Yes, madam, as 1 told you before, that : is inv name.' ' Then you arc the man. You made my little girl, here, a present also, and we have come with our thanks.' ' \ oil deal in riddles, madam. Speak i out plainly.' 'As f said before,' the woman replied, j with hitter irony in her tones,' 1 have come with my little girl to thank you for the pres ent we received last night; a present of wretchedness and abuse.' *1 am still as far from understanding you as ever,' the tqvernkecper said—' L never ! abused you, madam. Ido not even know i yon.' • lint you know my husband, sir! You have enticed him to your bar, arid for his money have given hiui a poison that has , changed him from one of the best and | kindest of men, into a demon. To von, then, I owe all the wretchedness 1 have suffered, and the brutal treatment I shared with my helpless children last night. It is lor this that 1 have come to thank von.' ' Burelv, madam, you must be beside j yourself. I have nothing to do with your , husband.' •.Nothing to do with him!' the woman ' exclaimed, in an excited tone. • Would to heaven that it were so ! Before you open ed your accursed gin palace, he was a sober man, and the best and kindest of husbands —but, enticed by you, your advertisement and display of fancy drinks, be was tempt ed within the charmed circle of your bar room. From that moment began his down fall; and now he is lost to self-control —lost to feeling—lost to humanity!' As the woman said this, she burst iuto tears, and then turned and walked slowly away. 'To that painful illustration of the truth of what I have said,' the minister remark ed, as the two stood once more alone, ' 1 have nothing to add. May the lesson sink deep into your heart Between you and that woman's husband existed a regular business transaction lJid it result in a mutual benefit ? Answer that question to your own conscience.' How the tavern keeper answered it, we know not. But if he received no benefit from the double lesson, we trust that others may; and in the hope that the practical truth we have endeavored briefly to illus trate, will lull somewhere on good ground, *vi cast it forth tor the benefit of our fel low-men. flefit A man should never }>ut. a fence of words around liia ideas, because many who would otherwise give him a lair hearing, lack resolution to climb over such a rugged enclosure. political. MR. DOUGLAS ON' Til 15 KANSAS (IIJESTIOX. Mr. Douglas, after referring to the points assumed in the President's Message and quo ting a number of precedents to show that Congress ought not to recognize the Lecomp ton Constitution, said— J ho President of the United States tells us in Ins message, that ho had unequivocally ex pressed his opinions, in the form of instruc tions to Governor Walker, assuming that the Constitution was to be submitted to the people fir ratification. When we look at Governor Walker's letter ef acceptance of the office of Governor, we find that he stated expressly that he accepted it with the understanding that the President and his whole Cabinet con curred with him that the constitution, when formed, was to be submitted to the people fur ratification. i hen look intc the instructions given by the President of the United States, through General Cass, the Secretary of State, to Gov ernor Walker, and you there find that the Governor is instructed to use the military power to protect the polls when the constitu tion .-hail be submitted to the people of Kan sas for their free acceptance or rejection.— Trace the history a little further, and you will find that Governor alker went to Kansas and proclaimed, iu his inaugural and in his speeches at Tupeka aud elsewhere, that it was the distinct understanding, not wr.ly of him self, hut of those higher in power thau him self—meaning the President and his Cabinet —that the constitution was to be submitted to the people for their free acceptance or re jection, and that he would use all the power at his command to defeat its acceptance by Congress, if it were nut thus submitted to the vote of the people. Mr. President, Jam not going to stop and inquire how far the Nebras ka bill, which said the people sh> uld be left perfectly lree to form their constitution for themselves, authorized the President, or the Cabinet, or Governor Walker, or any other territorial officer, to interfere and tell the Convention of Kansas whether they should or should not submit the question to the peo ple. I am not going to stop to inquire how far tiny were authorized to do that, it being my opinion that the spirit of the Nebraska bill required it to be done. It is sufficient for my purpose that the Administration of the Federal Government unanimously, that the Administration of the Territorial Govern ment, in all its parts, unanimously under- the Territorial law under which the Convention was assembled to mean that the constitution to be lorraed by that Convention should be submitted to the people for ratifica tion or rejection, and, if not confirmed by a majority of the people, should be null and void, without coming to Congress for approval. Net only did the National Government and the Territorial Government s understand the law at the time, hut, as I have already stated, the people of the Territory so understood it. As a further evidence on that point, a large number, if not the majority, of the delegates were instructed in the nominating conventions to -übmit the constitution to the people for ratification. I know that the delegates from Douglas county, eight in number, Mr. Cal houn, President of the Couvention, being among them, were not only instructed thus to submit the question, but they signed and published, while candidates, a written pledge that thy would submit it to the people fur ratification. I know that men in high author ity and in the confidence of the Territorial and* National Government, canvassed every pair of Kansas during the election of dele gates, and each one of them pledged himelf to the people that no snap judgment was to be taken; that the constitution was to be sub mitted to the people, lor acceptance or rejec tion ; that it wouid be void unless that was done; that the Administration would spurn and scorn it as a violation of the principles on which it came into power, and that a Dem ocratic Congress would hurl it*from their presence, as an insult to Democrats who stood pledged to sec the people left free te form their domestic institutions for themselves.— Not only that, Sir, but up to the time when the Convention assembled, on the Ist of Sep tember, so far as 1 can learn, it was under stood everywhere that the constitution waste be submitted for ratification or rejection.— They met, however, on the Ist of September, and adjourned until after the October election. I think it wise and prudent that they should thus have adjourned. They did not wish to bring any question into that election which would divide the Democratic party and weak en our chances of success in the election. I was rejoiced when I saw that they did ad journ, so as not to show their hand on any question that would divide and distract the party until after the election. During that recess, while the Convention was adjourned, Governor Ransom, the Demo cratic candidate for Congress, running against the present delegate from that Territory, was : canvassing every part of Kansas in favor of , the doctrine of submitting the constitution to i the people, declaring that the Democratic par- j ty were in favor of such submission, and that it was a slander of the lllack Republicans to intimate the charge that the Democratic party did not intend to carry out that pledge in good faith. Thus, up to the time of the meet ing of the Convention, in October last, the pretence was kept up, the profession was openly made and believed by me, and I thought believed by them, that the Convention intended to submit a constitution to the peo ' pie, and not to attempt to put a government in operation without such submission. The election being over, the Democratic party be ! iug defeated by an overwhelming vote, the ' Opposition having triumphed and got posses | sion of both branches of the Legislature, and 1 having elected their Territorial Delegate, tho I Convention assembled and then proceeded to j complete their work. Now let us stop to in quire how they redeemed the pledge te submit \ the constitution to the people. They first ge 011 and make a constitution. Then they make a schedule, in which they provide that tho constitution, on the 21st of December—the present month—shall be submitted to all the i bona fide inhabitants of the Territory on that 1 day, for their acoeDtauce or rejection, in the following manner, to wit; Thus acknowledg ing that they were bound to submit it to the . people, conceding that they had no right to put it into operation without submitting it to j the people, providing in the instrument that it should take effect from and after the date of its ratification, and not before; showing } the constitution derives its vitality, in their estimation, not from the authority of the Convention, hut from that vote of the people to which it was to be submitted for 'heir free acceptance or rejection, llow is it to be sub mitted? |t shall be submitted in this form: "Constitution with Slavery or Constitution with no Slavery." All men must vote for the constitution, whether they like it or not, in order to bo permitted to vote for or against slavery. Thus a constitution made by a Con vention that had authority to assemble and ! petition for a redress of grievances, but not jto establish a government—a constitution made under a pledge of honor that it should ] be submitted to the people before it touk ef fect; a constitution which provides, on its j face, that it shall have no validity except what it derives from such submission—is submitted | to the people at an election where all men are at liberty to come forward freely without hin ; drance and vote for it, but no man is pewnit i ted to record a vote against it. That would , be as fair an election as sumo of the enemies I of Napoleon attributed to him when he was j elected First Consul. He is .aid to have call j ed out his troops aud had them reviewed by his officers with a speech, patriotic and fair in its professions, in which he said to them ; j "Now, my soldiers, you are to go to the elec tion and vote freely just as you please. If you vote for Napoleon, ah is well; vote against him, and you are sure to be shot." That was a fair election. (Laughter.] This election is to be equally fair. All men in favor of the constitution may vote for it—all men against it shall not vote at all. AVby nut let them vote against it ? I presume you have asked many a man this question. I have asked a very large number of the gentlemen who framed the constitution, quite a number of delegates, and a still larger number of persons who are their iriends, and I have received the same answer from every one of them. I nev- i er received any other answer. What is that? i hey say if they allow a negative vote the constitution would have been voted down by an overwhelming majority, and hence the • fellows shall net be allowed to vote at all.— ! I [Laughter.] Mr. President, that may be true. It is no j part of my purpose to deny the proposition I that that constitution would" have been voted ! down if submitted to the people. I believe it would have been voted down by a majority of tour to one. I am informed by men well posted there—Democrats—that it would be voted down by ten to one; some say by twen ty to one. But is it a good reason why you j should declare it in force, without being sub mitted to the people, merely because it would have been voted down by live to one if yeu ! had submitted it? What does that fact proTe? ' Does it not show undeniably that an #ver- ; whelming majority of the people of Kansas j are unalterably opposed to that constitution ? ; \Y ili you force it on them against their will simply because they would have voted it down it you had consulted them? If you will, are ( you going to force it upon them under the I plea of leaving them perfectly free to form and regulate their douiestic institutions in 'their ewn way? Is that the mode in which I am called upon to carry out the principle | ot selt-government and popular snvereiguty ; ia the Territories—l force a constitution on the people against their will, in opposition to their protest, with a knowledge of the fact, j and then to assign as a reason for my tyranny that they would be so obstinate and so perverse j as to vote down the constitution if I had given : them an opportunity to be consulted about it? ! Sir, I deny your right or mine to inquire of these people what their objections to that con stitution are. They have a right to judge for themselves whether they like or dislike it. It | is no answer to tell me that the constitution j is a good one and unobjectionable. It is not j satisfactory to me to have the President say ; in his message that the constitution is an ad- i mirable one, like all the constitutions of the 1 new States that have been recently formed, j Whether good or bad, whether obnoxious or not, is none of my business and none of yours, i It is their business and not ours. I care nut what they have in their constitu- j tion, so that it suits them and does not violate ; the Constitution of the United States and the ! fundamental principles of liberty upon which ' our institutions rest. lam not going to argue i the question whether the banking system es- ' tablishcd in that constitution is wise or un wise. It says there shall be no monopolies, j but there shall he one bank of discount in.the ! State, with two branches. All I have to say j on that point is, if they want a banking sys- • tern, let them have it; if they do not want it, j let them prohibit it. If they want a bank with two branches, be it so; if they want j twenty, it is non# of my business; and it j matters not to ma whether one of them shall > be on the north side and the ether on the south side of Kaw River, or where they shall be. While 1 have no right to expect to be consult ed on that point, I do hold that the people of Kansas have the right to be consulted and to decide it, and you have no rightful authority j to deprive them of that privilege. It is no j justification, in my mind, to say that the pro visions for the eligibility for the offices of j Ge.vernor and Lieutenant Governor require j twenty years' citizenship in the United States, i If men think that no person should vote or j hold office until he has been hero twenty years, j they have a right to think so; and it a major- I ity of the people of Kansas think that no man of foreign birth should vote or hold office un- ; less he has lived there twenty years, it is their right to say so, and I have no right to inter fere with them; it is their business, not mine; but if I lived there 1 should uot be willing to have tbat'provision in the constitution without being heard upon the subject, and allowed to record my protest against it. I have nothing to say about their system of taxation, in which they have gone back and I resorted to the old exploded system that we tried in Illinois, but abandoned because we did not liko it. If they wish to try it and get | tired of it and abandpn it, be it so; but if I | were a citizen of Kansas I would profit by the i experience f Illinois on that subject, and de -1 feat it if I could. Yet I have no objection to New Series—Vol. 111, No. 7. their having it if they want it; it is their business, not mine. So it is in regard to the free negroes. They provide that no free ne gro shall be permitted to live in Kansas. I ; suppose they have a right to say so if they ; choose; but if J lived there I should wast to vote on that question. We, in Illinois, pro vide that no more shall come there. We sav to the other States, " take care of your own free negroes and we will take care of ours." But we do not say that the negroes, now there, shall not be permitted t& live in Illinois, ; and I think the people of Kansas ought to | have the right to say whether they will allow them to live there, and if they are not going to do so, how they are to dispose of them. So you may go on with all the different clauses of the constitution. They may be all right; they may be all wrong. That is a question on which my opinion is worth nothing. The •pinion of the wise and patriotic Chief Mag istrate of the United States is net worth any thing as against that of the peopie of Kan sas, for they have a right to judge fur them selves, and neither Presidents, nor Senators, nor House of Representatives, nor any other power outside of Kansas has a right to judge for them. Hence, it is no justification, in my mind, for the violation of a great principle of self-government to say that the constitution you are forcing on them is nut particularly obnoxious, or is excellent in its provisions. Perhaps, Sir, the same thing might be said ef the celebrated Topeka Constitution. Ido not recollect its peculiar provisions. I know one thing: We Democrats, we Nebraska men, would not eyen look into it to see what its provisions were. Why? Because we said it was made by a political party, and not by the people; that it was made in defiance of the authority of Congress; that if it was as pure as the Bible, as koly as the ten command ments, yet we would not touch it until it was submitted and ratified by the people of Kansas, in pursuance of the forms of law.— Perhaps that Topeka Constitution, hut for the mode of making it, would have been unex ceptionable. I do net know ;I do not care. Y ou have no right to force an unexceptionable constitution on a people. It does not mitigate the evil, it does not diminish the insult, it does not ameliorate the wrung that you are forcing a good thing on them. lam not wil ling to be forced to do that which I would do if I were left free to judge and act for myself. Hence I assert that there is no justification to he made for this flagrant violation of pop ular rights in Kansas, on the plea that the constitution which they have made is partic ularly obnoxious. But, Sir, the President of the United States is really and sincerely of the opinion that the slavery clause has been fairly and impartially submitted to the free acceptance or rejection of the people of Kan sas, and that, inasmuch as that was the exci ting and paramount question, if they get the right to vote as they please on that subject they ought to be satisfied; and possibly it might be better if we would accept it, and put an end to the question. Let me ask, Sir, is the slavery clause fairly submitted, 60 that the people can vote for or against it? Suppose I were a citizen of Kan sas, and should go up to the polls and say, '• I desire to vote to make Kansas a Slave State; here is my ballot." They reply to me, " Mr. Douglas, just vote for that constitution first, if you nlease." " Oh, no I answer, " I cannot vote for that constitution consci entiously. 1 am opposed to the clause by which you locate certain railroads in such a way as to sacrifice ray county aud my part of the State. lam opposed to that bankipg sys tem. lam opposed to this Kuownothing or American clause in the constitution about the qualification for office. I cannot vote for it." Then they answer, " You shall not vote n making it a Slave State." I then say, " I want to make it a Free State." They reply, "Vote for that constitution first, and then you can vote to make it a Free State; otherwise you cannot." Thus they disqualify every Free State man who will not vote first for the constitution; thus they disqualify every Slave State man who will not first vote for the con stitution. No matter whether or not the vo ters state that they cannot conscientiously vote for those provisions, they reply, "You cannot vote for or against slavery here. Take the constitution as we fcave made it, take the elective franchise as we have established it, take the railroad lines as we have located them, take the judiciary system as we have formed it, take it-fill as we have tjxed it to suit ourselves, and hat vote for it, or you shall not v*>te either for a Slave or a Free State." \ In other words the il effect ef the sched ule is this: All those\wha are in favor of this constitution may vetihfor or against sla very, as they please; but all those who are against this constitution .are disfranchised, and shall not vote at all. is the mode in which the slavery propositions submitted. Every man opposed to the constitution is dis franchised on the slavery clause. Wow many are they ? They tell you there is a uwyority, for they say the constitution will be y voted down instantly by an overwhelming if you allow a negative vote. This shows thai a majority are against it. They disqualkl and disfranchise every man who is againsjO thus referring the slavery clause to a minoi*3 of the people of Kansas, and leaving a f minority free to vote for or against the sla t I clause, as they choose. Let me ask that is a fair mode of submitting the slavff clause? Does that mode of submitting tfl particular clause leave the people perfecf free to vote for or against slavery as ri choose ? Am I free to vnte as I chous*f the slavery question if jou tell me I vote on it until I vote for the ! law? Am I free to vote on the si*® i tion if you tell me that 1 shall sot"*® way until I vote for a bank? Is u I of election to make your right to voUS* j ene question depend upon the mode in you are going to vote on some other-"* *" which has no connection freedom of election? Is thm®"llumbol i damental principle of self-govjffk lost; i which we combined and | body and throughout the conn J, j as the rule of action in all time t* President of the United btates hasLtojSSf/ remarks in his message which, itSI Trv it would be very appropriate to **, J counectifn. He says: 'O atl I "The friends and supporters of Jen
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