trie provisions of 1818. Notwithstanding
these precautions, the expedition has escaped
from our shores. Such enterprises can do no
possible good to the country, but have already
inflicted much injury both on its interests aad
its character They have prevented peaceable
emigration from the United States to the
States of Central America, which could not
fail to be highly beneficial to all the parties
concerted. In a pecuniary point of view
alone, our eiti*6os hare sustained heavy los
sea from the seizure and closing of the transit
route by the San Juan between the two
(•ceans.
The leader of tae recent expedition was
arrested at New Orleans, but was discharged
on giving bail fir his appearance in the in
sufficient sum of S2OOO.
I commend the whole subject to the serious
.•• • of Congress, believing that oor duty
;r ; or uterest. as well as our national char
v •<!" recu* mat we should adopt such mea
surcs a- be effectual in restraining our
c minuting such outrages.
I rvgrtt to inform jou that the President
*jf Paraguay has refused to ratify the treaty
be the United States and that State as
am led by the Senate, the signature of
which was mentioned in the message of ray
predecessor to Congress at the opening of its
session in December, 1853. The reasons as
signed for this refusal will appear in the cor
respondence herewith submitted.
It being desirable to ascertain the fitness of
the river La Plata and its tributaries for nav
bv steam, the Lnited States Steamer
W iter Witch was sent thither for that purpose
1853. This enterprise was successfully
ea ried on until February, 1855, when, whilst
in the peaceful prosecution of her voyage up
Parana river, the steamer was fired upon
bv a Paraguayan fort. The fire was returned;
as the Water Witch was of small force,
and not designed for offensive operations, she
retired from ths conflict. The pretext upon
which the attack was made was a decree of
toe President of Paraguay of October, 1554,
prohibiting foreign vessels ef war from navi
gating that State. As Paraguay, however,
was tic owner of but one bank of the river
of that name, the other belonging to Corrien
tes, a State of the Argentine Confederation,
the right of its government to expect that
tt ha decree would be obeyed cannot be ac
knowledged. But the Water W itch was not,
properly speaking, a vessel of war. She was
a small steamer engaged in a scientific enter
prise intended for the advantage ef commer
cial States generally. Under these circum
stances, I am constrained to consider the at
tack upon her as unjustifiable, and as calling
for satisfaction from the Paraguayan govern
ment.
Citizens of the United States, also, who
were established in business in Paraguay,
had their property seized and taken from
tbem, and have otherwise been treated by the
authorities in an insulting and arbitrary man
ner, which requires redress.
A demand for these purposes will be mads
in a firm but conciliatory spirit. This will
the more probably be granted if the Executive
shall bare authority to use other means in the
event of a refusal. This is accordingly rec
ommended.
It is unnecessary to state in detail the
alarming condition of the Territory of Kan
sas at the. time of mj inauguration. The op
posing parties then stood in hostile array
against each other, and any accident might
have relighted the flames of civil war. Be
sides, at this critical moment, Kansas was
left without a governor by the resignation of
Gov. Geary.
On the 19th of February previous, the ter
r:- rial legislature had passed a law providing
for the election of delegates on the third Mon
day of June To a convention to meet on the
first Monday of September, for the purpose
of framing a constitution preparatory to ad
mission into the Uaion. This law was in the
mam fair and just; and it is to be regretted
that all the qualified electors had not regis
tered themselves and voted under its provis
ions.
At ths time of the election fur delegates,
an extensive organization existed in the Ter
ritory, whose avowed object was, if need be,
to put down the lawful government by force,
and to establish a government of their own
under the so called Topeka constitution. The
persons attached to this revolutionary organ
ization abstained from taking any part in the
•lection.
The act of the territorial legislature Lad
emitted to provide for submitting to the peo
ple the Constitution which might be framed
Ly the convention; and in the excited state of
public feeling throughout Kansas an appre
hension extensively prevailed that a design
existed to force upon them a constitution in
reiatien to slavery against their will. In this
emergency it became my duty, as it was in v
unquestionable right, having in view the
union of ail good citizens in support of the
territorial laws, to express an opinion on the
true construction of the provisions concerning
slavery contained in the organic act of Con
gress of the 20th May, 1854. Congress de
clared it to be " the true intent and meaning
of this act not to legislate slavery into any
Territory or State, nor to exclude it there
from, but to leave the people thereof perfectly
free to form and regulate their domestic in
"'notions in their own way." Under it Kan
-I*. " when admitted as a State," was to "be
- ved into the Union, with or without sla
_ ■-.% their constitution may prescribe at
• me of their admission."
xd t/ongress mean by this ianguage that
tne delegates elected to frame a constitution
-u-.uid have authority finally to decide the
question of slavery, or did they intend by
leaving it to the people that the people of Kan
sas themselves should decide this question by a
direct vote? On this subject 1 confess I had
never entertained a serious doubt, and there
fore, in .ay instructions to Governor Waiker
wf the 28th March last, I merely said that
when "a constitution 6hall be submitted to
the people of the Territory, they must be pro
tected in the exercise ef their right of voting
tor or against that instrument, and the fair
expression of the popular will must not be j
interrupted by fraud or violence."
In expressing this opinion, it was far from
lay intention to interfere with ths decision of
the people of Kansas either for or agaiast
slavery From this I have always eaTefully
anstamed. Intrusted with the duty of takine
' care that the laws be faithfully executed "
' only desire was that the peop'l# of Kansas
j furnish to Congress the evidence re
/ vjd ov the organic act, whether for or
•- Ist slavery ; and in this manner smooth
passage into the Union. In emerging
(the condition of territorial dependence
that of a sovereign State, it was their
|in my opinion, te make known their
it, jy the votes of the *najoi ity, on the di
t ct question, whether this important domes
tic institution should or should ot continue
to exist. Indeed, this was the only possible
mode in which their will could be autbenti- j
cally ascertain®.
The election of delegates to a convention
must necessarily take place in separate dis
trict®. From this cause it may readily bap- ,
pen, s® has often been the case, that l ma
jority of the people of a State or Territory
are on ene side of a qoeetion, whilst a major
ity of the representatives from the several dis
tricts into which it is divided may be upon the
other aide. This ariees from the fact that in
seme districts delegates may be elected by sm*ll
majorities, whilst in others those of different
sentiments may receive majorities sufficiently
great not only to overcome the votes £* en
the former, but to leave a large majority of
the whole people in direct opposition to a
majority of the delegates. Besides, our his
tory proves that influences may be brought te
bear on the representative sufficiently- power
i ful to induce him to disregard the will of his
constituents. The truth is that no other au
thentic and satisfactory mode exists of ascer
taining the will of the majority of the people
of any State or Territory on an important
and exciting question like that of ? !aver - in
Kansas, except by leaving it to a direct vote.
How wise, tben. was it for Congress to pass
I over all subordinate and intermediate agen
cies, and proceed directly to the source of all
legitimate power under our institutions .
How vain would any other principle prove
in practice! This may be illustrated by the
case of Kansas. Should she be admitted into
•the Union. with a constitution either main
taining or abolishing slavery, against the
sentiment of the people, this could have no
other effect than to continue and to exasperate
the exciting agitation during the brief period
required to rnako the constitution conform to
the irresistible will of the majority.
The friends and supporters of the Nebras
ka and Kansas act, when struggling on a re
cent occasion to sustain its wise provisions
before the great tribunal" of the American
people, never differed about its true meaning
on this subject. Everywhere throughout the
Union they publicly pledged their laith and
their honor that they would cheerfully submit
the question of slavery to the decision of the
bona fide people of Kansas, without any re
striction ©r qualification whatever. All were
cordially united upon the great doctrine of
popular sovereignty, which is the vital prin
ciple of our free institutions. Had it then
been insinuated from any quarter that it
would be a sufficient compliance with the
requisitions for the organic law for th? mem
bers of a convention, thereafter to be elected,
to withhold the question of silvery from the
people, and to substitute their own will for
that of a legally ascertained majority of all
their constituents, this would Ivavc been in
stantly rejected. Everywhere they remained
true to the resolution adopted on a celebrated
occasion recognizing "the right of the people
of all the Territories —including Kansas and
Nebraska—acting through the legally and
fairly expressed will of a majority of actual
residents, and whenever the number of their
inhabitants justifies it, to form a constitution,
with or without slavery, and be admitted int
the Union upon terms of perfect equality with
the other States."
The convention to frame a constitution foi
Kansas met on the first Monday of Septem
ber last. They were called together by vir
toe of an act of the territorial legislature,
whose lawful existence had been recognized
by Congress in different forms and by differ
ent onactuients. A large proportion of the
citizens of Kansas did not think proper to
register their names and vote at the election,
for delegates; but an opportunity to do this
i having been fairly afforded, their refusal to
avail themselves ef their right could in no
manner affect the legality of the convention.
This convention proceeded to frame a con
stitution for Kansa-. and finally adjourned on
the 7th day of November. But little dlfficul
ty occurred in the convention, except on the
■ubject ef slavery. The truth is that the gen
eral provisions of our recent State constitu
tions are so similar—and, I may add, so ex
cellent—that the difference between them is
not essential. Under the earlier practice of
the Government, no constitution framed by
the convention of a territory preparatory b>
its admission into the Union as a State had
been submitted to the people. I tru"t, how
ever, the example set by the last Congress,
requiring that the constitution of Minnesota
" should be subject to the approval and rati
fication of the people of the proposed State,"
may be followed on future occasion*. I took
it for granted that the convention of Kansas
would act in accordance with this example,
founded, as it is. on correct principles; and
hence my instructions to Walker, in favor of
submitting the constitution to the people,
were expressed in general and unqualified
terms.
In the Kansas Nebraska act, however,
this requirement, as applicable to the whole
constitution, had not been inserted, and the
convention were not bound by its terms to
submit any other portion of the instrument
to an election, except that which relates to
the 'domestic institution' of slirerv. This
will bi rendered clear by a simple reference
to its language. It was 'not to legislate
slavery into any Territory or State, n>r to
! exclude it therefrom, bnt to leave the people
thereof perfectly free to form and regulate
their domestic in>titutions in their own wav.'
According to plain construction of the
sentence the words 'dometic institutions'
have a direct as they have af! appropriate
reference to slavery. 'Domestic institutions'
are limited to the family The relation be*
-ween master and slave and a few others
are ' domestic institutions,' and are entirely
distinct from institutions of a political char
acter. Besides, there was no question then
before Congress, nor iudeed has there ,
since been Dy serious question before the j
people of Kansas or the country, except
that which relates to the 'doraestio institu
tion' of slavery.
The convention, after an angry debate,
finally determined, by a majority of only two,
to submit the question of slavery to the peo<
pie, though at the last forty three of the fitly
delegates present affixed their signatures to
the constitution.
A large majority of the convention were
in favor of establishing slavery in Kansas.—
They accordingly inserted au article in the
constitution for this purpose similar in form
to those which had been adopted by other |
territorial conventions. In the schedule, 1
however, providing for the transition from a j
territorial to & state government, the ques- 1
tion has been fairly and explicitly referred
to the people, whether they will have & con. j
stitution 'with or without.' It declares that, sla
very before the constitution adqftted by|thecon |
vention 'shall be sent to Congress for admis
s'°n into the Union as a State,' an election '
n i e this question, at which ;
a the white male inhabitants of the Terri- j
ry above the age of -1 are entitled to vote. 1
I bey are te vote by ballot; and 'the ballots
cast at said election shall b© endorsed 'con- '
shtution with slavery,' and constitution with
slavery. If there he a majority in fa- j
vor of tne 'constitution a ith slavery ' then it
is to be transmitted to Congress by she presi
dent of the convention to its original ferm
If, on the contrary, there shail be a majority ;
in favor of the 'constitution with no slavery,' '
then the article providing for slavery shall
be stricki i from the constitution by the j
president of this cocvention; and it is ex
pressly declared that 'nu slavery shall exist
in the" State of Kansas, except that the right
of property in slaves now in the Territory
shall in no manner be interfered with ;' and
in that event it is made his duty to have the
constitution thus ratified transmitted to the
Congress of the United States for the admis
sion of the State into the Cnioc.
At this election every citizen will hare an
opportunity of expressing his opinion by his
rote 'whether Kansas shall be received into
the Union with or without slavery.' and thus
this exciting question may be peacefully set
tled in the very tn<>de required by the organ
ic law. The election will he h*!d order
legitimate authority, and if any portion of
the inhabitants shall refuse to vote, a fair
opportunity to do so hiivmg -been presented,
this will be their own voluntary act, and
they alone will be responsible for the conse
quences.
Whether Kansas shall be a free or a slave
State must eventually, under some authority,
be decided by an election : and the question
can never be more clearly or distinctly pre
sented to the people than it is at the preent
moment, Should this opportunity be rejeted,
she may be involved for years in domesti
discord, and possibly in civil war, before she
can again make up the issue now so fortu
nately tendered, and again reach the point
she has already attained.
Kansas has for some years occupied too
much of the public attention. It is high
time this should be directed to far more im
portant objects. When once admitted into
the Union, whether with or without slaverv.
the excitement beyond Iter own limits will
!-peedily pass away, and siie will then for the
first time be left, as she ought to have l>een
long since, to manage her own affairs in her
own way. If her constitution on the subject
of slavery or on any other subject be displeas
ing to a majority of the people, no human
{Kjwer can prevent them from changing it
within a brief period. Under these circum
stances, it may well be questioned whether
the peace and quiet of the whole country are
not of greater importance than the mere
temporary triumph of either of the political
parties in Kansas.
Should the constitution without slavery he
adopted by the votes of the majority, the
rights of property slaves now in the Territory
are reserved. The number of these is very
small; hut if it were greater the provision
would he equally just and reasonable. These
slaves wero brought into toe territory under
the constitution of the United States, and
are now the property of their masters. This
point has at length teen finally decide ! by
the highest tribunal of the country—and this
upon the plain principle that when a con
federacy of sovereign State aequire_a new
territory at their joint expense, both equality
and justice dem tnd that the citizens of one
and all of them shall have the right to take
into it whatsoever is recognized as property
by the common Constitution. To have sum,
uiarily confiscated the property in slaves
already in the Territory, would iiare been an
act of gross injustice, and contrary to the
practice of the older States of the Union
which have abolished slavery.
A territoral government was established
1 for Utah by act of Congress approved
Sept. 9th. 1850, and constitution and laws of
the United States were thereby extended
. over it so far as the same, or any provisions
thereof, may be applicable.' This act pro
vided for the appointment by the President,
by and with the advice and consent of the
1 Jsenate, of a governor, who was to be ex
ffieio superintendent of Indian affairs, a
secretary, three judges of the supreme c>urt
a marshal, and a district attorney. Suo.-e
--quent acts provided for the appointment of j
the officers necessary to extend our land and
<>ur Indian system over the Territory.—
Brigham Young was appointed first gover
nor <ri the 20th September, 1850, and has
! held the office ever since.
Whilst Governor Young has been both
governor and superintendent of Indians af
' fairs throughout this period, he has been at
the same time the head of the church called
the Latter-day Saints, and professes to gov
ern its members and dispose of their prop r
ty by direct inspiration and authority from
the Almighty. His power has been, there
fore, absolute over both Church and State..
The people of Utah, almost exclusively,
belong to tins church, and believing with a
fanatical spirit that he is gov rnor of the
Territory by Divine appointment, they obey
| hie commands as if these were direct revela
tions from Heaven. If therefore, be chooses
that his government shall come into collision
with tht government of the United States,
the members of the Mormon church will
yield implicit obedience to bis will. Un
fortunately, existing f iCts leave hut iittlc
doubt that such is his.deterinination. With
, out entering upon :t minute history of occur
rences, it is suffi-dent to say that all the
officers of the United States, judicial and
; executive, with the single exception of tw •
Indian agents, have found it necs;.r\ for
their own personal sat-ty to withdraw from
the Territory, and there no longer remains
any government in Utah but the despotism
uf Brigliam Youug. This Oting the condi
tion of affairs in the Territory, I could not
mistake the path of duty. As Chief Executive
.Magistrate, 1 was bound to restore the
supremacy of the Constitution and laws
withiu its limits. In order to effect this
purpose, I appointed a new governor and
- other federal officers for Utah, and sent with
i them a military force for their protection,
i and to aid as a pout coimtaius, in case of
need, in tbe execution of tbe laws.
With the religious opinions of the Mormons,
as long as they remained mere opinions,
however deplorable in themselves and revolt
ing to the moral and religious sentiments of
all Christendom, I had no right to interfere.
Actions alone, when in violation of the con
stitution and laws of the United States,
become the legitimate subjects fur the juris
diction of the civil magistrate. My instruc
tions to Gov. Cumming have therefore been
framed in strict accordance with these
principles. At their Gate a hope was indul
ged that no necessity might exist for
employing the military in restoring and
maintaining the authority of law ; but this
hope has now vanished. Gov. Young has,
by proclamation, declared his determination
to maintain his power by force, and has
already committed ncts.of'bostility against tbe
United States. Unless he should retrace bis
steps the Territory Utah will be in a state of
open rebellion. He has committed these
acts of hostility, notwithstanding Major Van
Vliet, -n officer of the army, sent to Utah by
tbe commanding general to purchase provis
ions for tLe troops, had given him the
strongest assurances of the peaceful inten
tions of the government, and that the troops
would only he employed as a poue ormituiwi
when called on by the civil authority to aid
in the execution of the laws.
There is reason to believe that Gov. j
Young has long contemplated this result. lie
knows the continuance of his despotic power i
depends upon the exclusion of all settlers !
from the Territory except those who will ac
knowledge his divine mission and implicitly
obey his will; and that an enlightened pab
lic opinion there would soon prostrate insti
tutions at war with the laws of God and
man. He has therefore for several years, in
order to maintain his independence, been
industriously employed in collecting and fab
ricating arms and munitions of war, and in
discipiing the Mormon* for military service.
As superintendent of Indian affairs he has
had an opportunity of tampering with the
Indian tribes, and exciting tneir hostile foel
iugs against the Uuited States. Ti-is, ac
cording to our information, lie has ucooin
plished in regard to sotne of th<*se tribes,
while others have remained true to their
aiiegtauce, and have communicated bis in
trigues to our ludia-i ageots. He baa iaid
tn a store of provisions for three y ars,
whieh in ease of necessity, as he informed
Major Van Yliet/ be will conceal, " and
then take to the mountains, and bid defiance
to all the powers of the government."
A great part of this may be idle boasting:
but vet no wise government will lightly es
timate the efforts which may be inspired bv
such phrensied fanaticism as exists among
the Mormons in Utah. This is the first re
bellion which has existed in our Territories,
and humanity itself requires that we should
put it down in such \ manner that it shall
be the last. To trifle with it would be to
encourage i; and to render it formidable.
We ought to go there with such an imposing
force as to convince these deluded people
that resistance would be vain, and thus spare
the effusion of blood. \\ e can in this man
ner best convince them that we are their
friends, not their enemies. In order to ac
complish this object it wiii be neccssarv,
according to the estimate of the War Depart
ment, to raise four a iditional regiments ;
and this I earnestly recommend toUforigress.
At the present moment of depression in the
revenues of the country 1 am sorry to be
obliged to recommend such a measure ; but
I feel Confident of the support of Congress,
cost what it may, in surpassing the insur
rection and in restoring aud maintaining the
sovereignty of the constitution and laws
over tlie Territory of Utah.
I recommend to Congress the establish
ment of a territorial government over Arizo
na, incorporating with it such portions of
New Mexico as they may deem expedient.—
I need scarcely adduce arguments in support
of tiiis recommendation. We are bound to
protect the lives and property of our citi
zens inhabiting Arizona, and these are now
without any efficient protection. Their
present number is already considerable, and
is rapidly increasing, notwithstanding the
disadvantages under whieh they labor.—
Besides, the propo-ed Territory i* believed
to be rich in mineral and agricultural re
sources, e-pecially in silver and copper.
The mails of the United States to Calilornia
arc now carried OTer it throughout its whole
extent, and this route is known to be the
nearest, and believed to be the best to the
Pacific.
Long experience has deeply convinced me
that a strict construction of the powers
granted to Congress is the only true, as well
as the only sale, theory of the Constitution.
Whilst this principle -haii guide my public
conduct, I consider it clear tnat under the
war-making power. Congress may appropri
ate money for the construction of a military
road through the Territories of the Uniteu
State?, when this is absolutely • ecesaary for
the defence of any of the States against
foreign invasion. The Constitution has con
ferred upon Congress power to *• declare
war," to raise and support armies." "to
provide and maintain a nary," and u> call
forth the mii.tia to " repel invasions."
These nigh foreign powers necessarily in
volve important and responsible public du
ties, and among them there is none so sacred
and so imperative as that of preserving our
soil from the invasion of a foreigu enemy.—
The con-timtion has therefore, left nothing
ou this point to construction, bat expressly
requires that " the United States shall pro
tect each of them (the States) against inva
sion." Now, if a military road over our own
lerritories be iudispensably necessary to
enable us to meet and repel the iuvader, it
follows as a necessary consequence not oniy
that we possess power, but it is our ilucra
tive duty to construct -uch a road. It would
be an absurdity to invest a government with
the unlimited power to make and conduct
war, and at the same tune deuy to it the
oniy means of reaching and defeating the
enemy at the frontier. Without such a road
it is quite evident we cannot " protect"
California and our i'acific possessions against
invasion. We caonot by any other means
transport men and munitions of war from
the Atlantic States iu sufficient tune success
fully to defend those remote and distant
portions of the republic.
Experience has proved that the routes a
cross the isthmus ot Central America are at
best but a very uneert in and unreliable
mo le of communication. But even if this
were nut the case, they would at once be
cio>-'d against u in the event of war with a
naval power so much stronger than our own
as to enable it. to blockade the Dorts at
either end of these routes. After all, there
fore. we ean only rely upon a military road
through our own territories, and ever since
the origin of the government. Congress has
been in th'c practice of appropriating money
from the public treasury for the construction
of such roads.
The difficulties and the expense of con
sUvucting a military railroad to connect our
Atlantic and Pacific States, have been great
ly exaggerated. • The distance on the Arizo
na route near the 32d parallel of north lati
tude. between the western boundry of Texas
on the Itio Grande and the eastern boundry
of California on tbe Colorado, from the
best explorations now within our knowl
edge, does not exceed tour hundred and
seventy miles, and the lace of the country is
in the main, favorable. For obvious reasons
the government ought not to undertake the
work itself by means of its own agents. —
This onght to be committed to other agen
cies, which Congress might assist either by
grants of land or money, or both, upon such
terms and conditions as they may deem
most beneficial for the Country. Provision
might thus be made not only for the safe, j
rapid, and economicaJ transportation of
troops and munitions of war, but also of the
public mails. The commercial interests of
the whole country, both East and West,'
would be greatly promoted by such a road ; j
1 and, above all, it would be a powerful ad
ditional bond of union. And although ad
vantages of this kind, whether postal, com
mercial, or political, canuot confer consti
tutional power, yet they may furnish
auxiliary arguments in favor of expediting a
work, in my judgment, is clearly embraced
within the war-making poover.
For these reasons I commend to the friendly
consideration af Congress the subject of the
Pacific railroad, without finally committing
myself to any particular route.
The reoort of the Secretary of the Treasi'
ury will furnish a detailed st-ileawot of t hi
condition of the public finances and of the
respective branches of the public service de
volved upon that department of the govern
ment. By this report it appears that the
amount of revenue received from all sources
into the treasury daring the fiscal year end
ing the 30th of June 1857, was
millions six hundred and thirty-one thousand
five hundred and thirteen dollars and sixty
seven cents, ($68,631,513*67,) which amount
with the balance of nineteen milium nins
hundred an 1 one thousand three hundred
and twenty-five dollars and forty-five cents,
(819,901,3*25*45.) remaining in the treasury
at be commencement of the year, made an
Fr the service <>f the year of eighty
eight mill; <o five hundred and tbirty-two
thousand eight hundred aoi thirtynine
dollars anl twelve cents. 88,531.839'1*2.
The public expenditures for the fiscal year
endiog 30tb June, 1857, amounted to seventy
million eight hundred and twenty>two thou
sand seven hundred and twentyifour dollars
and eighty.five cents, ($70,822.(2134,) of
which five million nine hundred and forty
three thousand eight hundred and ninety
six dollars and Li.iiety-one cents ($5,913,890
*9l were applied to the redemption of the
puidic debt, including interest and premium,
leaving in the treasury at the commencement
of the present year on the Ist July, 1857,
seventeen million seven hundred and ten
thousand one hundred and fourteen dollars
and twenty-seven cents, (817.710,114 27.)
The receipts into the treasury, commenc
ing first July, 1557, were twenty million
nine hundred and twenty nine thousand
eight hundred and nineteen dollars and
eighty-one cents, •$*20,929.819*81,) and the
estimated rec-ipts of the remaining three
quarters to the 30th June. 1858, are thirty
six million seven hundred an ! fifty thousand
dollars, ($30,750,000,) making with the bal
ance before stated an aggregate of seventy
five million three hundred and eighty-nine
thousand nine hundred and tbirty-k.ur dol.
and eight cents, ($75, 389.934 08,) for the
service of the present fiscal year.
The actuai expenditure during the first quar
ter of the present fiscal year were twenty
three million seven hundred and fourteen
thousand five hundred and . twenty-eight
dollars and thirty-seven cents, ($23,714,'
528 37.) of which three million eight hundred
and ninety-five thousand two hundred and
tbirty-two dollars and thirty-nine cents ($3,-
895,232*39.) were applied to the redemption
of the public debt, including premium and
interest. The probable expenditures of the
remaining three quarters to 30th June. 1878
are fifty-one million two hundred forty
eight thousand fire hundred and thirty dol
lars and fur cents ($51.218,530 04. includ
ing interest on public debt, making an ag
gregate of -eventj-fuur million nine hundred
and sixty three thousand fiftv eight dollars
and forty one cents, ($7 4,963,Ui8*41. leaving
an estimated balance in the treasury at tb*
close of the present fiscal year of four hun
dred and twenty six thousand eight hundred
and seventy five dollars arid sixtv sev--n
cents, ($42G,875*G7.)
The amount of the pnblic debt at the eom
meneement of the present fi*cai year was
twenty nine millions sixty thousand three
hundre i and eighty six doliars and nicety
cents, ($9,000,356 90.)
The .-amount redeemed -ince the Ist .>f Ju. ;
Iv was three million eight hundred and nine
ty five thousand two hundred and thirty two
dollars and thirty nine cents <53,895,232*39'
—learing a balance unredeemed at this time
of twenty five million one hundred and sixty
five thousand one hundred and fifty four
doiiur- and fifty one cents 's2-5.165,154*51.)
The imount of estimated expenditure for
the remaining three quarter* of the pre-ent
fiscal year will, in a!! probability, be increas
ed from the causes s-.-t forth in the report of
the Secretary. lli- suggestion, th ref-r--.
that authority should be given to supply anv
temporary deficiency by the issue ot a limit
ed amount of treasury notes, is approved,
and I accordingly recommend the passage of
sueh a law.
-W state I in the report <>f the Secretary,
the tariff of .March 3. 1857, has been fn
operation for so short a jvriod -jf time, and
un Icr ,-ircuiust.inces so unfavorable to a jus:
devel ipemcnt of its results as a revenue
measure, at least for the present, to under
taae its rcvisiuu.
1 transmit herewith the reports made to
me by the Secretaries of War and of the
Navy, of the lnteaior and of the i'o-tiaaster
General. They all contain valuable and
important information and suggestions which
I Cvoiiuend to the favorable consideration of
Congress.
I have already recommended the raising of
four additional regim-nts, an.] the report <>f
the Secretary of War presents strong reasons
proving this increase of the army. unJ.-r
existing circumstances, to be indispensable.
I would call the special attention of
Congress to the recommendation of the
Secretary of the Nary ic favor of the con
struction of ten -mall war steamers of light
draught. 4or sme years the government
has been obliged on many oocasiotis to iiir.-
suoh steamers from individuals to supply its
pressing wants. At the present moment we
have no armed vessel in trie navy which can
peuirate the rivers of Cnina. We have but
few which can enter any of the harbors
south of X rfoik, although many millions of
foreign and domestic commerce annually pass
in and out of these harbors. Some of our
most valuable interests and most vulnerable
points are thus left exposed. This class of
vessels of light draught, great speed and
heavy guns would be formidable in ©oast
defence. The cost of their construction will
not be great, and they will require but a
comparatively small expenditure to keep
them in commission. In time of peace they
will prove as effective as much larger vessels
and often more useful. One of them should
be at every station where we maintain a
squadron, and three or fcur should be con
stantly on our Atlantic aud Pacific coasts.
Economy, utility, and efficiency combine to
recommend them as almost indispensable.
Ten of these small vessels would be of in
calculable advantage to the naval service,
and the whole cost ot their construction
would not exceed two million three hundred
thousand dollars, or $230,000 each.
Ihe report ot the Secretary of the Interi
or is worthy of grave consideration. It
treats of tho numerous, important, and di
versified branahes of domestic administration
intrusted to him by law. Among these the
must prominent are the public lands and our
relations with the Indians.
Our system for the disDOsa! of the public
lands, originating with the fathers of the
republic, has been improved as experience
pointed tho way, and gradually adapted to
the growth and settlement of our western
States and Territories. It has worked well
in practice. Already thirteen States and
seven Territories have been carved out of
these lands, and still more than a thousand
millions of acres remain unsaid. What a
boundless prospect this presents to our
country of future prosperity and power ! i
We have heretofore disposed of !•; ,
acres of the public land. " *1
' Whilst the public lands as a score?
eaus are of great importance, tbei
tance is far greater as furnishing
hardy and independent race ofh os *
industrious citizens, who desire to suU
culti vats the soil. They ought to be a al
tered mainly with a view of
wise and benevolent poliey. I B
tbem for any other purpose, we ougk,jT
even greater economy than if they riifl *
converted intn money nd the proceeds,
already in the public treasury. T0*,,,.:?!
away this richest and noblest
which any people have ever enjoyed ap,,
jecu of doubtful constitutionality 0r '
ency, would be to violate one of th? ?
important trusts ever committed to
pie. Whilst I dd not deny to
power, when acting bona fide as a prepJJ
to gir sway portions of them fr the p, jr .
of increasing the value of the
considering the great temptations to
this power, we cannot be too cautiously
exercise.
Actual settlers under existing birl t ,
protected against other purchasers at the 53.
iic sales, in their right of pre emption, to*
extent of a quarter-section, or 100
land. The remainder may then fc
•f at public or eotered at private sal? „
limited quantities.
Speculation has, of late years, prevail,
a great extent in the pnblic lands. The „
sequence has been thai large portion? of
•have become the property of individuals
companies, and thu- the price is great!?*
banned to thane who denire to purehL
actual settlement. In order to limit the**
of speculation as much as possible, the q.
ti actios of the Indian title and the exited
of the public surveys ought only
with the tide of emigration.
If Congress should hereafter grant
sections to States or companies, a- they
dune heretofore, I recommend that the
mediate sections retained by the govrnunm
be subject Ut pre eaiption by actaal seoka
It ought ever to be oor cardinal puiitv k|
reserve the public lands as ir.neh as mar k
for actual settlers, and this at moderate a?
ces. We shall thus uot vnly best pronsutesk
prosperity of the new States and Territutin
and* the power of the Union, but shall *cki
homes for our posterity for many geu-ratiuu,
The extension of our limits has bruusk
within nur jurisdiction many additional
p-ipulous tribes of Indian*, a large prop>rti;4
of which are wild, untraceable, and Uifea
to control. Predatory and warlike in ib*
disposition and habits, it is impossible ah,
gether to restrain them from committing!!
grtssions on each other, as well at upna ok
frontier citizens and those emigrating to r
distant States and Territories. Hence ci-<.
sive military expeditions are frequent!? .
cessary to overawe and chastise toe mutt
lawless and hostile.
The present system of making them ta#.
able presents to influence them to reinnsu
peace, ha- proved ineffectual. I: is i*heiu
to be the better policy to colonize trim j
suitable localities, where they can received
rudiments of education and be grudualiv in
duced to adopt habits of jndustrv. .So far 111
the experiment has been tried it has wtrtd
well in practice, and it will doubtless prw
to be less expensive than the present sjstca.
The whole number of Indians within ic
territorial limits is believed to be. from ik
best data iu the Interior lA-nartmenr sbwt
325,000.
The tribe* of Cheroke e*, CboctaT*. Chid
a saws, and Creeks, settk-d in the territory set
apart fur thera west of Arkansas, are rapidly
advancing in education a:.J in all the arts of
civilization an i self government: and weauj
indulge the agreeable anticipation that at as |
very distant day they wiii be incorporated is
to the L nioii as one <>f the sovereign State*.
It will he seen from the report of the IV'-
master General that the I'u-t Office Depart
m int still continues to deper.j on the treasu
ry. a it has been compelled to do f r several
years past, fur an important portion of th
means of sustaining and extending its open
ti>n. I heir rapid growth and expansion an
-hvmn by a Js.-eunial statement of the auni
ber • f post office*. and the length of pu-i
roads, commencing with tiie year 1827. Id
that year there were 7,00.' p>t offices: i*
18."!., 11.177; in ]>47. 15.14*5 ; and in 1*57
tbey number 26.596. in this year (,725 P® ls
offices have i<-en established and 7"4 discuu
tiuued, icaviug a net increase of 1,021. Tin
postmasters of '-!Nj offices are appointed bj
the l'resident.
The length ot p .t roads in 1527 was 105,-
336 miles; in 1837, 141.242 miles; in 1847,
133.M8 miiea: and in the year 1857 there*™
24*2,601 miies of post rad. including 22,73"
mile* of railroad, on which the mails are
tran-perted. The expenditures of the depart
ment for the fiscal year ending on the3otbuf
June. 1501, as aoju-ted L-T the Auditor,
amauuted to $11,507,670. To defray these
expenditures there was to the credit of tie
department on the l-t July, 1556, theuuf
?. $.',599 ; the gross revenue of tlie year, it
eluding the annual allowances for the trans
portation <*f free mail matter, producel
$r . .53,951; and the remainder was
by the appropriation from the treasury of
$2.250,tw, granted by th act of Coiijjrtfi
approved August Ip, 1856, and by theappw
priation oi $666,883 made by the act of Marcb
3, 1957, leaving $252.76S to be carried to th
credit of the department in the accounts of
the current year. I commend to your con
sideration the report of the department is
reiatian to the establish moot of the overiaad
mail route from the Mississippi river to San
"t ranci soo, Calfornia. The rou e was selected
with my full concurrence, as the sue, in °!
judgment, best calculated to attain the im
portant objects contemplated by Congresi.
fhe late disastrous monetary revulsion o'J
have one good effect, should it cause both the
government and the people to return to tW
practice of a wise and jodicioas ecsnomj,
both in public and private expenditures.
An overflowing treasury has led ts babiti
ef prodigality and extravagance in our leg l '*
lation. It has induced Congress to
large appropriations to objects for which twf
never would hare provided had it been nee*
aary to raise the amount of revenue require
to meet them by increased taxation or .
loans. We are now compelled to
our career, and to scrutinize our expendita
with the utmoet vigilance; and in P fr^: , al . C ,f
this duty, I pledge my co-operation to die,
tent of my constitutional competency, j
It ought to be observed at the start'"V
that true public economy does not csnsu--
withholding the means necessary to acco®
plish important national objects
us by the constitution, and especially sac
may be necessary for th conunon de ' c ''^ ;
In the prrseut crisis ef the country n
duty to confine our appropriations tv 0
of this character, unless in cases where
to individuals may demand a different
In all cases care eught to be U^en f tn \j u ;.
money granted by Congress shall be f fc "
iy and economically applied. g
Under the federal constitution, "eve..
(Concluded on secondpape-;