CARLISLE, PA., Thursday Morning, Fol>. (32,1886. J. It. BRATTON & IV. H EDITORS AND PROPRTE’ DEMOCRATIC STATE CONTI The Democratic State Convention for the nomination of a candidate for Gover nor of Pennsylvania, will meet in the hall of the House of Representatives, at Har risburg, on Monday, the fifth (oth) day of March, 1860, at 3 o’clock r. si. The headquarters of this committee are in the Democratic Club Rooms in Har risburg which are open day and evening. Democrats visiting tins city are invited to call. | By order of the Dem. State Committee, WILLIAM A. WALLACE. Chairman. Benjasiin L. Forster, Seo’y. Harrisburg, Jan. 9, 1860. HOWTO SAVE FIFTY CENTS! Our subscribers will find the date to which their subscriptions are paid, im mediately after -their names on the ad dress of their papers. This represents the state of their accounts with the pres en firm, and has no reference to the de counts of Mr. Cornman, or pi the volun teer, prior to December Ist, 1865. Thus “John Jones, 1 Dec. 65” signifies that he is in arears to the present firm from December Ist, 1865; and “Richard Roe 17 Jan. 67,” signifies that he has paid until January 17th, 1867. All those in - arrears, whose subscriptions date from the first of December last, who settle their accounts during the present month of Febuary, will be charged at the rate of $2,00 per anum. After the Isi of March no variation will be made from our published terms, in any instance. All will have fair notice, and we intend to treatallaiike. Subsceibeesinaeeeabs WILL THEEEFOEE SAVE FIFTY CENTS BY PAYING FOE THEIE PAPEES BEFOEE THE Ist of maech. We do not intend this as a dun, but merely as a notice for the benefit of subscribers who are in ar rears. RETCHINGS OF THE HERALD. Last week’s Hemld affords conclusive evidence that Dr. Stevens’ prescription wouldn’t ” stick,” after all. The dose was too nauseating even for the Hei'ald’s stomach ; and after the severest retching and internal agony, the “ American citizen of African ’scfent,” swallowed two weeks ago, was most unceremoni ously ejected. This occurrence surpass es in novelty the vomiting of that large snake by a young gentleman of Ship pensburg, recorded in these columns some time since. The Herald thinks it has been “ mate rially misrepresented once or twice,” but if there has been any misunder standing of its position on pur- part, it has arisen from the Herald’s own incon sistency ; and we must beg it hereafter to be consistent with itself for at least one week at a time. We will then be able to understand its exact position for any given week, by referring to itsm-*- Otherwise we will despair of Keeping pace with its tergiversations. We an nounced, week before last, that the Her ald was out flat-footed for universal and unqualified negro suffrage, and submit ted the evidence on which we based the assertion. We quote from the Herald of February 2d, as to the motive which impels the Republican party in this course: “The great bulk of those who vote with the Republican party are not the especial champions of the negro race. They never did nor do they now belong to the origin al school of Abolitionists. They opposed the extension of Slavery, but the interests of the negro were not the only or even the prominent consideration. The inju rous effects of the system on the interests of the white man, and opposition to the schemes of personal aggrandizement of the slaveholders, contributed almost en tirely the force that gave the anti-slavery party power. 80, also, when the party en dorsed the emancipation measure of the war, the interests of the white man andnot there of the negro were the ruling-motive of the great - majority of its members. In the present instance there can be no 'such motive It is doubtless true that tho Dis trict of Columbia may bo benefited gen erally by. having a majority of voters within its limits who haye not been either actual or constructive rebels, but the de sign of the bill was to benefit the negro—to place him in a position where his voice would be heard in making the laws that were made to govern him and to raise him from a condition of degredalion, to one in which it will be the interest as well as the duty of society to elevate him to the stand ard of good citizenship .” Now, although the Herald has so far backed down from its former position as to declare “ We are not in favor of such legislation in Pennsylvania,” we would ask it, if the design of the Dis trict negro suffrage bill was “to benefit the negro , to place him in a position where he woidd be heard in making the laivs, and to elevate him to the standard of good cit izenship,” whether it is not as just and proper to “ benefit the negro” in Penn sylvania as in Washington City ? If ho is entitled to be “ placed in a position where he would be heard in making the laws” In the District of Colum bia, is he not also entitled to it in Pennsylvania? And if it be the object of the Republican party “ to elevate him to the standard of good citizenship” in one section of the country, must that not be their object all over the country ? We therefore took the liberty of saying that the Herald was in favor of negro suffrage In Pennsylvania and in Cum berland County, and we again take the liberty of reiterating the charge. If it is not, all we Have to say is, it is one of the most notoriously inconsistent and cowardly Republican journals in Penn sylvania. Our neighbor can take either form of the dilemma it chooses. Aye, says the Herald, hut iu the Dis trict and iu the Soutli there are rebels.— What lias that to do with the principle j principle must be tho same in Soutli Carolina as in Pennsylvania. The Her ald itself says, in the very quotation we have given, that in all the previous combats of tho Republican party with slavery, “ the interests of the white man and not those of the negro were the ru ling motive of the great majority of its members,” and then it triumphantly asserts; “ In the present instance there i-can be no such motive .” The interests of the white men of this country, then, have nothing to do with this question of negro suffrage, according to the Her ald’s view of the case. Whether there be rebels in South Carolina or in Penn sylvania, lias nothing to do with the question as the Herald presents it; it is simply a question of “ placing the negro in a position where lie would bo heard in making the laws,” and of “ elevating him to thostandard of good citizenship ?’' and on these issues the Herald has une quivocally declared itself on the side of the black man. If wo have again '‘misrepresented” the Herald, then we confess we are unable to understand the English language. In the face of all this, the Herald has the audacity to declare itself in favor of a “white man’s government.” Now let us see what kind of a white man’s government it want's, and where it would have it. It says: “We are al ways in favor of a white man’s govern ment, except token that imposes a govern ment of felons.” Of course the Herald regards the white men of the South who participated in the rebellion as felons, for it tells us “ they have been guilty of crimes which in strict justice would for feit their lives,” therefore it is not in favor of a “white man’s government” rtt .ihr. Sinuth- Nor is it twrir of n. “white man’s government” in the Dis trict of Columbia, for it favored the pas sage of the district negro suffrage bill, and declares that “ the negroes were about the only loyal resident population there during the war.” And it moreo ver declares itself in favor of the general principle of “ placing the negro in a posi tion where his voice would be heard in making the laws which are made to gov ern.him,” and of “ elevating him to the standard of good citizenship.” The fact is, the Herald, from its own showing, is in favor of a “white man’s govern ment” just nowhere at all. Our neighbor does us great injustice in thinking that we intentionally mis represented his assertion that “ no qual ification was insisted on.” His lan guage was, “ That they are not qualified to be voters, is no argument against the measure. No qualification is Insisted on for any one.” We were under the impression he was sufficiently well ac quainted with the law to know that there were certain “ qualifications ” in variably “ insisted on” in the case of every white voter; and when he used the language quoted, we could only take the latter sentence as applying to the “colored brethren.” The Herald puts this question to us: “ In this connection may we ask our neighbor on whom he would bestow his favors —the white man who would at tempt to take his life or the black man who would rescue him from danger?” In reply w 6 would ask the editor of the Herald on whom he would bestow the hand of a daughter in marriage— “ on the white man who would attempt to take his life, or the black man who would rescue him from danger?” He may reply, “on neither,” butheshould remember that the question of bestow ing the right of suffrage upon white men is not in issue. The white men of this country jwxueci tnu yuvcmuicut—they are part and parcel or it—and until le gally deprived of citizenship by due course of law in purtishment for crime, the white men of the South have as clear a legal right to the elective fran chise as the editor of the Herald has.— It is not a question of “ besioicing favors” upon the white men of this country; they ask none at the hands of the Her ald or its negro friends. The white men of the South do not claim to be restored to citizenship. They have already ex ercised that right in the reorganization of their State governments. If they did not succeed in seceding from the Union, they must still be citizens of the United States. If they destroyed their citizen ship, then must the rebellion have been a success. 3NNEDY IRS. INTION. The Herald thinks the reports of President Johnson, Gen. Grant and Gen. Sherman, on the condition of the South, are not of much account. Well that is a matter entirely between those, distinguished gentlemen and our neigh bor over the way.' They would no doubt feel very much hurt, did they know what a poor opinion the Carlisle Herald has of them. As to the future of the Democracy, we would simply say that we are abundant ly able to take care of ourselves; and that if the intense dissatisfaction mani fested by large numbers of its party at the recent exhibitions of radicalism in the Hei’ald, be one of “ the Indications of popular opinion,” its “political grave” is already dug. “If it desires still further to court destruction, its present course euvices most profound wisdom.” VIOLENCE COUNSELED. The Pittoburg Cfttn o^«fc —cv -pevpov full of treason and the negro—is violent in its assaults upon the President and the “ conservatives,” as it calls those who refuse to go the full length of the negro equality programme. It speaks of the President as a “ dictator,” and hints that if the blacks are to be denied their “ rights,” a second St. Domingo massa cre may bo the consequence. It says: “If the blacks, so encroached upon, should strike hack, at whose door would rest the blame ? They may Book by vio lence what was withheld by force.” The negro 11 rights” about which the Gazette talks so flippantly, is negro equality in Its length and }ts breadth. It favors negro suffrage, and desires to see the negro in the jury box and en dowed with all theprivilegesof the white race, It would see the States regulated by Congress, and the laws what are to govern them such as his Satanic majesty, Thaddeus- Stevens, might dictate. And because the people rebel against this monstrous proposition—a proposi tion that must have eipcnated from the devil himself—we are told that the blacks may seek their “ rights” by vio lence, Ah, gentlemen of the Gazette , be careful how you speak. Should the poor,'ignorant negroes be induced to at tempt a St. Domingo affair in this coun try, God help some men'. The white “boys in blue,” whose valor put down the rebellion sooner than shoddy thieves wanted it put down, -would scent out the disturbers of the peace and hang them higher than Haman, Let that day arrive—a day of massacre by the blacks—a second St. Dimingo war—and the Sumnees and Wades, and Ste vens,’ and Chandlees, and Wilsons, and Chases, will be sent to eternity with halters about their necks. They are the men who are plotting mischief with the negroes, and they, and not the negroes, would first suffer should a war of races break out. The people of Penn sylvania and of the whole North say that the negro shall not be the white man’s equal, and in saying this they take away none of the negroe’s rights. The white man, as a general thing, has no ill-will for the negroe. God made him black, but yet white men will see that he is protected in all his rights. When the Republicans, however, ask white men to give the negro the right of suffrage, the right to hold office, and the right to be considered on an “ equality with the whites,” an emphatic no is the response. Let the negro-equality advo cates threaten as much as they please, they cannot frighten the people. This fall will test the question in Pennsylva nia. Our opponents cannot shirk the issue as they did in 1865. They elected their nesrro-equality candidates last fall by lying and denying their colors. They cunnot repeat that game, for they are now committed. We court the issue, and after the election, if the van quished negro-equality advocates desire to get up a second St. Domingo affair, let them try it ! FORNEY ENTERTAINS THE NEGROES. Col. John W. Forney, Secretary of the United States Senate, proprietor of the Press and the Washington Chroni cle, shoddy contractor, &c., gave a par ty to his “ colored friends” of the Dis trict of Columbia, at his residence on Capitol Hill, Washington, a few eve nings since. His spacious parlors, we see it stated, were filled with sweet scented negroes of both sexes, and the entertainment was got up without re gard to expense. Dancing, music, games, and speechifying were tire amusements of the night. After the rich foreign wines had been freely dispensed, and the entire party felt good and mellow, Col. Forney was called upon for a speech. “ Matilda Jane,’’who was at that mo ment leaning lovingly on the arm of the valiant Colonel, relaxed her hold, and our whilom friend was delivered— of a speech. After telling his sable hearers that Mr. Lincoln had ascended from a theatre to the side of God in heaven, he went on to apologize for former opinions expressed, and to recant and repudiate them. We quote from his remarks: “ When the rebellion closed I was not of those who believed that the Union party of this country would make the civil enfranchisement of manumitted millions part of their policy. In other words, I did not believe that we were strong enough to take ground in favor of what is popularly called universal suf frage, But lam here now to say that I was mistaken. ’ I did not apprehend the full logic and duty of the case; and now, periment which the statesman would be a coward to postpone, and the philan thropist unworthy of his name if he did not meet it.” It appears then that until recently Col. F. has not been an advocate of “universal suffrage;” but he acknowl edges at the same time that it was only because he fear t ed his pie ; bald par ty was not strong enough to take ground in favor of the new dogma. Now he thinks his party strong enough to open ly advocate this detestible principle, and he comes out flat-footed for it, and speaks of those of bis partlzans who re fuse to toe the mark in favor of negro equality, as “cowards,” What a con fession ! Last fall this same Forney pretended to scout the idea of giving the negroes the right to vote. He was opposed to it, he said, and denounced the charge that the Republican party was in favor of this measure, as “ a cop perhead slander.” But now he tells his negro guests that it was only because he leared his party was not strong enough to advocate this idea then that induced him to affect opposition to it. Unprin cipled, sordid and selfish as we know Forney tp he, we did not think him ca pable of self-debasement like this. But Forney is a fair type and sample of his party—a party governed by selfishness, treason and self-aggrandizement. Call ing thplr faction the “ Union party,” when they are flping all they can to prevent a unipn of the States, Is on a par with their conduct during the war, when they betrayed M’Clellan for party, and bellowed for the negro apd called it patriotism. Truly, poor Forney, who was formerly known as “ the President’s dog,” is a fit representative of the dis union negro-equality party. The Ciiambersburg Bill The passage of the bill donating $500,000 to the people of Ohambersburg by both branches of our State Legislature, will be indorsed by tho large majority of the citizens of our Commonwealth. Thus far, although tho bill has been printed for weeks and extensively circulated, not a public journal that we have seen hais said a word against the appropri ation. The Governor, who always keeps a watchful eye over the public treasury, recommended that somepecuniary assis tance should he gjyen to the Chambers burg sufferers; and we understand that he has already signed the bill. SSS* General Grant has issued a circu lar to the department commanders di recting them to furnish Information in regard to disloyal newspapers with a view to the suppression of such. Let Republican editors . look-out, or Grant wljl put J)is foot upon most of them. JtSTMr. Seward was In the United States House of Representatives on Fri day, conferring with the New York del egation. Ho is said to have been severe on the radicals. Too Date.— Our Wnshingtonletterfall ed to reach us in time for publication this week. DAYLIGHT BREAKING!! THE DISUIVIOSfISTS REBUKED ! THE PRESIDENT VETOES THEFREEDMEN’S BUREAU BILL! Hail to tbo Second “Andrew” of Tennessee I ! The telegraph brings the glorious ti dings that President Johnson has vetoed the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill. The veto was sent to the Senate on Monday last, and fell like a bombshell into the radi cal camp. We regret that the message comes to us too late for insertion in this week’s issue, for it will be read with in tense interest by the whole American people, and will exert a powerful influ ence on the public opinion of this coun try. A hundred guns "for our honest, fear less, patriotic President, who has had the courage thus to breast the advan cing tide of fanatical disunionism! Lot the conservative people of the country rally as one man to the “support of the Government” against the disunionlsts who would overthrow it. Let meet ings be called everywhere to endorse the wise and statesmanlike course of the Chief Magistrate of the Nation. Thank God, daylight is at last breaking! THE HAPPY FAMIEY. We are glad to announce, in the set phrase of the Republican papers, that “ there is the completest harmony be tween the Executive and ‘ the friends of freedom.’ ” As an evidence of this fact we have only to refer to the decent speech of Wendell Phillips, at Brook lyn, in which he used the following language: “ The campaign ofjVirginia was fought againstthe representative rebel Lee. The present campaign is fought against An drew Johnson, who leads the hosts of the Confederacy. (Applause.) The question has shifted from the camp into the forum; it has shifted from the cauuuu into ideas ; and the great momentous desorimination needed to-day is where the party lines run. Camps fight well when they are drawn up opposite each other; the diffi culty is when they are mixed. The diffi culty of the present moment is that men are confused as to where the lines run. — I will tell you my idea. Grant headed the Northern host; Lee the Southern.— Lee has been whipped, and the battle settled. To-day Congress heads the Nor thern host, and Andrew Johnson the South,” And again; "We have crushed South Carolina and now the President means to crush Massa chusetts. Well, we accept the war. If he succeeds he shall write his name higher than that of Burr or Arnold, for the trea son which they attempted and failed in he carried; but we will write it side by side with them —the traitor that Med and failed—if we win," So much for Phillips’ opinion of the President.! now for Mr. Johnson’s onini on of Phillipsr in ms recent address to the Virginia Delegation, he spoke as follows: 1 "The Government, in the assertion of its powers and the maintenance of the principles of the Constitution, has taken hold of one extreme, and, with the strong arm of physlcalpower, has put down the rebellion. Now as, we swing around the circle of the Unun, with a fixed and un alterable determlmtiqn to stand by it, if we find the counterpart or the duplicate of the same spirit that played to this feel ing and these penons in the South, this other extreme, whch stands in the way, must get out of i, and the government must stand unshikon and unmoved on its basis.” If this is a sample of the harmony in the ranks of the Itepublican party? jvhiit a fine thing a ILtle discord would be now and then. SSy We have (Iways considered the Pittsburg Past a reliable Democratic journal, and bav( been in the habit of rending ltd columns with interest, and, we hope, profit. We cannot, however endorse the sentiments of its Harrisburg correspondent. Speaking of Gov. Cur tin’s return to the Capital, this letter writer says: ] "He (the Governor) Is looking much improved but is somemiat careworn in appearance, -He Is the simegenial, kind, good-hearted man, wlth|a pleasant smile for all. Long may hejlive, for his ad ministration haslbeen a great success and an honor to the State.” The Governorlmay be “ the same gen ial, klnfj, goomhegrted man, with a pleasant smile fpr all,’.’ but to say that “his administration has been a great success and an hnor to the State,” is mqrp than any pUn who has respect fpr law, the Conatijution or decency, can endorse, During the war, hundreds of the best citizens of the State were ar rested, because pf their politics, and wlfhmit wowant ux‘ luw—w ICliout u hearing and without being told why they were arrested—hurried off to one of Stanton’s baatlles, there to suffer for months, and some of them to die. The Governor’s neiglibors were among the victims thus persecuted, and yet he nev er raised his voice against these damna ble outrages. But, again; Gov. Curtin has pardon ed dozens of men—murderers, thieves, burglars and cut-throats—because of their politics. These are facta which cannot be denied; and yet the corres pondent of the Post will speak of his ad ministration as “ a great success and an honor to the State!” We know, and the people know, to the contrary. The tyrant Stanton, and not Curtin, has ruled Pennsylvania fqr the last' four years or more. Never in the history of our State did its Executive wink at cor ruption, profligacy, brutishness and crime, as did Andrew G. Curtin, He and his officials crept into power through the dark cellars, alleys and hen-coops of the infamous and God-forsaken Know hqthipg faction, pel \yheu they go out, as they will in a fqw months, the peo ple will feel that tire "honor” of our once proud Commonwealth will not suffer much. E&~ A large Northern imigration to Texas is anticipated during the summer. xlli; RATE BEBEI.MOST—SENATOR WIT.- SON. In a speech dellvci’cd before the United States Senate, a few days ago, on the subject of the Freedmen’s Bureau, by the unlettered Wilson, of Massachu- ; setts, he said that the Republicans “ have achieved what' they have fought for, viz—the abolition of slavery.” This, he remarke'd, was the object of the war, and, he said, “wo (the Abolitionists) have triumphed.”- “ But,” he contin ued, “we have something more to do, and wo mean to do it,” and he went on to teH'the country what that something is. It is negro-equality. Nay, it is more than this—it is to compel the white man to labor and pay taxes to support tens of thousands of blacks*in idleness. The so-called “Freedmen’s Bureau,” which is nothing more or less than an enormous negro alms-house, is included in the “ something more” that Wilson and his negro-cquality-disun ion party demand. The object of the war, then, was the Abolition of slavery; but for this we would have had no war—that was what “we fought for,” and “we have tri umphed.” So says Wilson, so say all the leading men of his pie-bald party.— And, yet, will it be believed, that for uttering this very sentiment—for saying that the object of the war was the aboli tion or slavery—Hundreds of men, iu all sections of the country, were arrested by order of Lincoln and Stanton, and in carcerated in loathsome dungeons for months and years. For using this very language—for saying that the war was an Abolition war —wo knew a young officer of the army to be arrested, and tried by a military commission compos ed of Stanton’s tools, and sentenced to the Dry Tortugas for a term of nearly three years. He served out his time, doing menial duty for Abolition officers and scoundrels, and was released’ but a few months ago. The court that tried him considered his language “ treason against the Government,” and yet, now that the war is over and slavery abol ished, Senator Wilson endorses the lan guage of the young officer, and repeats, with emphasis, that the abolition of sla very was the sole object of the war.— For giving expression to this sentiment there was “ applause in the galleries,” but other men had to suffer imprison ment and some of them death, for hav ing uttered the same words. During the war it was “treason” to speak the truth ; now it is “ loyalty.” Senator Cowan, (Republican) of this State, replied to Wilson’s impudent as sertions. From Mr. Cowan’s speech we have only room for the following: Mr. Cowan. —Mr. President, I shall be obliged to apologize for not being able to attain to that sublime height of bragging which has characterized the honorable Senator from Massachusetts, but I will endeavor to state if I can a few plain facts for his consideration and that of the Sen ate. The Senator asserts here in the face of the Senate, and in the face of the Ameri can people, that he and his compeers, for sooth, the Anti-Slavery Society, have de stroyed slavery; that it is the result of their twenty-five years of toil and struggle; that it is the result of their agitation and their speechifying and their extensive knowledge nf the negro and the negro character, and he relates some Incidents. I am not very much in the habit of rela ting Incidents, but I will state one for the benefit of the Senator. Somebody was talking about him and his society the oth er day, and stated that they had “negro on the brain.” Some one who was by said, “Well that may be; but they have not much brain on the negro,” [laughter,] and that, I think, Mr. President, is about the truth of it. Who destroyed slavery, Mr. President? Had the Anti-Slavery Society any agen cy in it? Did the Anti-Slavery Society or its representatives upon this floor at the outset of this war declare that they were going to destroy slavery? No, sir; but crouching behind their shields at that time they resolved unanimously here that they were not going to destroy slavery, that they were going to make war to sup port the Constitution and the laws. How long ago was that? Two days after the battle of Bull Bun, and the starch was all out of the Anti-Slavery Society; it had not a boast; it had not a threat; but, as I said before, creeping do-wn behind its shield, it said to the country, along with us who were honest in our utterances in that resolution, that it made war for tho Constitution and.the laws. I ask you, Mr. President, if the seces sionists of the South, in their great mad ness, in their rage, only akin to this nor thern rage, its antipodes, had not made war upon the Government of the United States, would slavery have been destroy ed? Would all the battle of the Anti- Slavery Society and all its tracts and all its preachings and all its serraoniziugs in the world have ever achieved that great result if it had not been for the folly and madness of the secessionists of the South who went to war? Let the honorable Sen ator stand square up and look that fact in the face. Ho had war at his elbow. Who fought the war? Does the Anti-Slavery Spciety say that if the Army of the Uni ted States had not achieved victory after victory, had not suppressed tljo rebellion, slavery would not pave been abolished? Who thou yas if that abolished slavery ? The gentlemen who talked or the gentle men who aoted ? Tho Senators who wield ed tongue and pen, or the hard-headed and hard-handed soldiers who wielded the sabre and bayonet ? Let the country answer. And a. -nmrH now na Itla nnnvcia arw-1 mine upon this floor. I tell him to-day that he and his set were really—l do not say they intended it—the allies of the re bellion ; they were its main support and strength: and when Jefferson Davis comes to make his dying confession, if I should want him, in that last moment, when the truth comes to be told, to tell who it was that gathered the whole South to a man around the standard of rebellion; who it was that down there infused the bitter ness into that fight which characterized it from end to end; who it was that ena bled that weak people to make such a tre mendous struggle as that the world never saw the like of it, and I will tell you who he will say It was. He will toll you that when he started he had not half the peo ple about him: he will toll you that the secessionists of the South who went into that rebellion were not half of the people. "Who, then, drove the other half to him? The self-same Apti-Slavcry Society that, when we had the cannon roaring and the sabre clashing and the bayonet thrusting, npd the work going on, couldhiot keep its tor'B 110 ! and must op making the people of the South believe that the war, instead of being for the Constitution and the laws, was to abolish slavery. What then? If we bad friends at the outstart of the strug gle, we lost them then. Now, Mr. President, I ask again, who fought this battle? I tell him that it was the Army of the United States that killed the Percy. It was the Army of the Uni ted States that Met this Hotspur of the rebellion, while the Anti-Slavery Society was down upon the field of battle looking out from under its shield and claiming the Constitution and the laws. But now, sir, now after the victory is achieved, af ter the battle is won, you will never meet a member of the Anti-Slavery Society who has not this dead Hotspur upon his back, carrying him out and protending that ho killed him. [Laughter.] And almost every one of them saying, “ If your father will dome any honor so: if not, let him kill the next Percy himself. 1 look to be either earl or.duke, 1 can assure you.” That is the language of this party after the battle is over and the victory won. By the by, they do not give us the same assurance that fat John did, for said he, “If I do grow groat, I’ll grow less; for I’ll purge, and leave sack, and live cleanly as a nobleman should do.” But, Mr. President, instead of when growing great, growing less, they are swollen to such enormous dimensions under the pres sure of this.thing which they suppose they have achieved that they are now well nigh to bursting. The honorable Senator says they are going on; yes, and let everbody get out of the road. That may do for people who can be frightened; but that party has not been given to frightening anybody heretofore, that I am aware of. It is exceedingly fertile' in abuse; it never undertakes to meet a man’s argument except by ridicule and by sneers, and by all that kind of machin ery which a weak man always uses against a stronger. The honorable Senator may go on in his course, and we will go on In our course. We think that instead of his having had to carry us through tlio rebellion we have had to carry him; that if there was any load we had It to bear. Ido not under take to say that the honorable Senator did not intend well enough; but ho has put himself out of the pale of receiving the benefit of that apology which might be made in his favor, by assailing the inten tions of others. Who made him a judge and a ruler over Israel ? Who authoriz ed him to say that I despised the laboring man? I think I could prove by good witnesses that I have done such days of hard, york as. that Senator would have hardly survived. And when he talks about me or the gentlemen with whom I associate hero as not being the friends of the poor and the friends of the humble he speaks without the book. By what right docs ho arraign me as not desiring the prosperity and the greatness of this coun try ? Is it not my country ns welPas his ? Have I not as many interests at stake as he'has, or any other man? Sir, when a speech requires such 'make-weights ns that to extend it over a period of fifteen minutes, it had better not be made at all. Hereafter, when a question is before this body, and is to be met, I hope the ques tion will bo argued, and the question alone. • I have raised a simple question of con stitutional law: and the Senator says that the Constitution has been dinned in his ears for five years. Yes, Mr. President, and you might din it in for twenty, and I doubt whether he would appreciate a single principle which is involved in it. — Is the Constitution to be nothing ? Is the oath we have taken to support it to be nothing? Is Constitutional learning to be sneered out of this Chamber ? Is a conscientious desire on the part of a Sen ator to do hia duty as a man should do it, and to carry out in spirit and in truth that duty which has been intrusted to him by his constituents,, hero to be made a subject of reproach upon this floor.— And is a man not to be supposed to be orthodox, not to be supposed to be patri otic, unless he believes in all the vaga ries and all the whims and the ethnology of the honorable Senator from Massachu setts who has traveled, I suppose, over one hundred and fifty thousand miles, and has made some twelve or fifteen hun dred abolition speeches ? I cannot tell how much a man would know after he had made twelve or fifteen hundred speeches on one side, at one end of a house, where there was nobody to reply to him ; I think he would become so con firmed in his crotchets and so full of his absurdities by that time that it would be utterly impossible to teach him any thing afterward. \V ho arrogated to themselves superior knowledge of the negroes ? We did not; but 1 have and do again arrogate for the men of the South who live among them, who live, with them, a knowledge, of the negroes and of negro character superior to that of a man who lives in a New England State, and sees a negro once perhaps in three weeks or a month. I should think it most extraordinary if such wore not the case. Mr. President, X come back again now to the question before the Senate. It is simply this, whether - , in the first place, we have authority to create this bureau with this jurisdiction at all; and the question arises upon the amendment which I have moved is whether we have a right to extend it Into the loyal States. It may be said, I know, that it is to be extended there simply for the relief of the freodmen. I say that the freedmen of Pennsylvania ask no relief from the Frcedmen’s Bureau. Pennsylvania re lieves her own destitute and her own poor. She is not a pensioner upon the United States Government for any fa vors of that kind. I say, too, that if it is to extend beyond relief, and to adminis ter municipal law there for the benefit of the freedmen, Pennsylvania administers her own municipal law, enforces her own police regulations between those who in habit her borders, and she does not de sire any such contrivance as this, but would rather repudiate it and spew it out of her mouth. Mr. President, I am aware, and I have long been aware, that it is of no use here with certain Senators to appeal to the Constitution. I know that it is of no use to appeal to the past construction which has been put upon that instrument. I know that there are Senators who think certain things ought to be done, and no matter what barrier stands in the way they think they are doing God service ■when they overleap it. When war was raging oyer one half of the Republic, when it required all the energies of the loyal portion of the Union to sustain that war and to support the soldiers in the field, I have often kept silent, and have not, as often as I would otherwise have done, raised my voice against these vio lations of the Constitution. Now I pro pose to give a notice as well as the hon orable Senator from Massachusetts, and it is that from henceforth I will resist as long as I can, in my humble way, every measure, no matter what it may be, that I believe to be a violation of. the funda mental law,of this nation- and which h, me is sacred as the will or the American people. Sir, what is that Constitution but the exponent, the embodiment, of the will of the American people ? Think of it, sir: packed into this small volume [exhibiting a copy of the Constitution] is the will of thirty million people; not the will of a party, not the will of a fac tion, but the will of all parties, the unan imous will of the American people. Who dares violate a provision of it? Who dares thrust in his will instead of that will? Who so arrogant as to assume that they will substitute their will for this great will, which is to be our guide and our rule of action in this body? Gentle men talk of the right, and of God being with the right, and all that kind of.thing; and,yet they forget this sacred truth, that here is our letter of attorney, here is our warrant for what wo do, here is our au thority in the premises, and the man who goes a stop beyond it, the' man who vio lates it, is guilty before that God, to whom the gentleman appeals with such facility, of perjury. The gentleman assumes that God is bn their side, and that God is with them.— .S. a man assume that God was With him when ho acquiesced in any thing that took place in the universe. I suppose the gentleman will hardly deny that whatever does take place in the uni vc j 1 jj°i place in accordance with the will of God, as a whole. He is omnipo tent, and it must be so. * Whoever acqui esces in the decrees of destiny cun very v r eh boast that God is with him of course j but short-sighted, finate mortals as we are, not knowing what destiny is to be in the future, are not authorized in ma king any such boasts. - Advertise in tiro Volunteer, -XKWS-ITEMS, . .. Kir An Imperial train valued at 000 was captured recently i n Mc-sir?' I the llepublicans. 0 "! f CST The order suppressing the j,. monel Kr.amincr has,been revoked the publication of that paper win I siimcd. CST A despatch to the New York c 271-css says the President will eeitl i veto the Frcedmen’s Bureau bill. q CST Many of the cotton plantation,- Texas have been divided by the ow "I and rented to poor people. eti Car At Louisville, Ky,, on i,’ ri(| l morning, the thermometer indicated*! en degrees below zero. ' 'I Over five hundred pardons ofyj and South Carolinians were sent to t? President for signature on Friday, j BST A messenger of the. United St at Express Company, at St. Louis, was J* bed while delivered a satchel on Satuni of $40,000. N Car The South Carolina EpiscoJ Convention have resolved on a reunC with .the Episcopal Church of the UniltJ States. car The safe in the office of the Cout.B ty Treasurer of Berks was blown opem,® Thursday night, but the robbers %| l disturbed before they could secure tli<l contents. ’■ C@r Ithas been proposed to divide yJ York State, placing those counties togeib. er whose interests and politics harmonis A petition for that purpose will, itissali be sent to Congress. > Valentines.— During St. Day and the day following, (Wednesd and Thursday) 63,000 letters, in addit to the regular mail, were conveyed their deStinatipu by the letter oarrir New York city. Heavy Expeess Loss.—The Vicsi Herald learns that the Southern Exj Company suffered a loss of about S3C by the explosion of the W. R. Carter, Address of the l>cmocrnttc State Cei Committee. Democratic State Committee Rooii< Harrisburg, Feb. 9,1866. To the Democracy of Pennsylvania: The events of the last political cai are yet fresh in your minds. You announced your unequivocal dorsemout of the restoration policy President Johnson, and denounced doctrine of negro suffrage. Your opponents affirmed their si of the President, and evaded the issi on the question of suffrage. A powerful organization, large v patronage and an unscrupulous use money, secured to them the victory. The record of the past month strij mask from the face of the victors. They treat with derision the dec policy of the President. They have ced the Government of the Conatiti in abeyance, and its- legislative and i utive functions are usurped by a cal men, who, in obedience to caucus, ern the nation through the forms or rectory. The right of each State to regulate qualifications of its electors is denied: will of the people of the District or lumbia is overridden, and by an r unanimous vote. The Republics! in Congress and the State Legislate cord to the negro equal political ti with the white man. The initial step toward a war of has been taken, and a consolidated eminent looms up in the distance. The tenets of the President- upon points are our cardinal doctrines. I; tabling him we vindicate them. Organize in every nook and eanu the Commonwealth. Organize to sustain the Presidei maintain your principles, to restore Union, to vindicate the supreinnej your race, and to bring in political or ion the men who have been false tc Union, false to their pledges, false t( instincts of their blood, and true aloi the madness that rules the hour. By order of the Democratic Stai tral Committee. William A. Wallace, Chairnm [For the Volunteer.] SCIIOOI EXAIDNATIOM. We had the pleasure of attend]: examination of the school at r Square, in South middleton To taught by Miss Annie M. Flemini house was crouded with visitors, wh to witness the examination. ' At 1 o't the exercises were opened with prnye Eev. B. M. Kevrof Mechanicsburgi’B. Miss. Fleming then entered into aß cr al review of the different branches tat in her school, commencing withthoj ary clmscd, and concluding with the advanced. The school also engagi declamation and dialogues. la branch in which the pupils were e: ed, they acquitted themselves with, to their teacher, and credit to themsel They not only answered the queati given to them by the teacher, but anav ed promptly, a great many propour by Bev. Kerr and others, thus evil that they had been taught practice well as theoretically. When we cc Franklin Square, with the school. tended fifteen years ago", we can well claim “Surely this is an age of imp l ment.” The- method of teachings' present day, is as different from wr was when we entered the Common Sf as were the opinions of the Anciei the revolution of the Earth, fror entertained at the present day. t a school house now-a-days, and y Directors, parents and visitors, seal different parts of the room, watching® ly for a masterly display of one of children, or perhaps a neighbors ( who has been the recipient of six nn instruction by a competent teacher t as South Middleton always endeavo employ;. The exercises were inters] ed with vocal and instrumental runs' Professor HcKeehan, who entertain® 11 audience, with some of his Byron original poetry, set to music. A* close of the exercises, the school was dressed by Rev. Kerr. The patrol Franklin Square, should be glad their “lines have fallen in such pie places.” They have one of the bestsi houses in the county, a first class tci and an energetic corps of Dlrectoj'Si are endeavoring to advance the cai education. The events of the gigantic reh‘ which has iately closed, has fully strated to our people, that the 1 must be educated. Xf our liberties ■ be preserved, the voters must be uii gent. Education, is the great lever moves the world in its onward u iar f ( national perfection. The youth 01 present day will be left to detei whether the boon which the exp® l of more than thirty years haa,P cl ; n us to bestow upon them, shall iucre l become an arid, waste whether a remain “the home of the oppressed 1 nations,” whether law, 'justice, learning shall be elevated, orwheta 1 - mighty conquests which we have a 1;, will be permitted to sink into oun and be reckoned among the things past. b A BPECTA'h 1 "' Feb. loth, 1800. Important to School Director The State Superintendent has tlecl ', 1 that School Directors elected the spring cannot vote for county sup teudeut in Hay, as the term of thirty Directors does not expire until Jun e i hence they are the proper persons to v ° * &
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