CARLISLE, PA.,
Thursday Morning, Fol>. (32,1886.
J. It. BRATTON & IV. H
EDITORS AND PROPRTE’
DEMOCRATIC STATE CONTI
The Democratic State Convention for
the nomination of a candidate for Gover
nor of Pennsylvania, will meet in the hall
of the House of Representatives, at Har
risburg, on Monday, the fifth (oth) day of
March, 1860, at 3 o’clock r. si.
The headquarters of this committee are
in the Democratic Club Rooms in Har
risburg which are open day and evening.
Democrats visiting tins city are invited
to call. |
By order of the Dem. State Committee,
WILLIAM A. WALLACE.
Chairman.
Benjasiin L. Forster, Seo’y.
Harrisburg, Jan. 9, 1860.
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RETCHINGS OF THE HERALD.
Last week’s Hemld affords conclusive
evidence that Dr. Stevens’ prescription
wouldn’t ” stick,” after all. The dose
was too nauseating even for the Hei'ald’s
stomach ; and after the severest retching
and internal agony, the “ American
citizen of African ’scfent,” swallowed
two weeks ago, was most unceremoni
ously ejected. This occurrence surpass
es in novelty the vomiting of that large
snake by a young gentleman of Ship
pensburg, recorded in these columns
some time since.
The Herald thinks it has been “ mate
rially misrepresented once or twice,”
but if there has been any misunder
standing of its position on pur- part, it
has arisen from the Herald’s own incon
sistency ; and we must beg it hereafter
to be consistent with itself for at least
one week at a time. We will then be
able to understand its exact position for
any given week, by referring to itsm-*-
Otherwise we will despair of Keeping
pace with its tergiversations. We an
nounced, week before last, that the Her
ald was out flat-footed for universal and
unqualified negro suffrage, and submit
ted the evidence on which we based the
assertion. We quote from the Herald
of February 2d, as to the motive which
impels the Republican party in this
course:
“The great bulk of those who vote with
the Republican party are not the especial
champions of the negro race. They never
did nor do they now belong to the origin
al school of Abolitionists. They opposed
the extension of Slavery, but the interests
of the negro were not the only or even
the prominent consideration. The inju
rous effects of the system on the interests
of the white man, and opposition to the
schemes of personal aggrandizement of
the slaveholders, contributed almost en
tirely the force that gave the anti-slavery
party power. 80, also, when the party en
dorsed the emancipation measure of the
war, the interests of the white man andnot
there of the negro were the ruling-motive of
the great - majority of its members. In
the present instance there can be no 'such
motive It is doubtless true that tho Dis
trict of Columbia may bo benefited gen
erally by. having a majority of voters
within its limits who haye not been either
actual or constructive rebels, but the de
sign of the bill was to benefit the negro—to
place him in a position where his voice
would be heard in making the laws that
were made to govern him and to raise him
from a condition of degredalion, to one in
which it will be the interest as well as the
duty of society to elevate him to the stand
ard of good citizenship .”
Now, although the Herald has so far
backed down from its former position
as to declare “ We are not in favor of
such legislation in Pennsylvania,” we
would ask it, if the design of the Dis
trict negro suffrage bill was “to benefit
the negro , to place him in a position where
he woidd be heard in making the laivs, and
to elevate him to the standard of good cit
izenship,” whether it is not as just and
proper to “ benefit the negro” in Penn
sylvania as in Washington City ? If ho
is entitled to be “ placed in a position
where he would be heard in making
the laws” In the District of Colum
bia, is he not also entitled to it in
Pennsylvania? And if it be the object
of the Republican party “ to elevate him
to the standard of good citizenship” in
one section of the country, must that
not be their object all over the country ?
We therefore took the liberty of saying
that the Herald was in favor of negro
suffrage In Pennsylvania and in Cum
berland County, and we again take the
liberty of reiterating the charge. If it
is not, all we Have to say is, it is one of
the most notoriously inconsistent and
cowardly Republican journals in Penn
sylvania. Our neighbor can take either
form of the dilemma it chooses.
Aye, says the Herald, hut iu the Dis
trict and iu the Soutli there are rebels.—
What lias that to do with the principle j
principle must be tho same in Soutli
Carolina as in Pennsylvania. The Her
ald itself says, in the very quotation we
have given, that in all the previous
combats of tho Republican party with
slavery, “ the interests of the white man
and not those of the negro were the ru
ling motive of the great majority of its
members,” and then it triumphantly
asserts; “ In the present instance there
i-can be no such motive .” The interests of
the white men of this country, then,
have nothing to do with this question
of negro suffrage, according to the Her
ald’s view of the case. Whether there
be rebels in South Carolina or in Penn
sylvania, lias nothing to do with the
question as the Herald presents it; it is
simply a question of “ placing the negro
in a position where lie would bo heard
in making the laws,” and of “ elevating
him to thostandard of good citizenship ?’'
and on these issues the Herald has une
quivocally declared itself on the side of
the black man. If wo have again
'‘misrepresented” the Herald, then we
confess we are unable to understand the
English language.
In the face of all this, the Herald has
the audacity to declare itself in favor of
a “white man’s government.” Now
let us see what kind of a white man’s
government it want's, and where it
would have it. It says: “We are al
ways in favor of a white man’s govern
ment, except token that imposes a govern
ment of felons.” Of course the Herald
regards the white men of the South who
participated in the rebellion as felons,
for it tells us “ they have been guilty of
crimes which in strict justice would for
feit their lives,” therefore it is not in
favor of a “white man’s government”
rtt .ihr. Sinuth- Nor is it twrir of n.
“white man’s government” in the Dis
trict of Columbia, for it favored the pas
sage of the district negro suffrage bill,
and declares that “ the negroes were
about the only loyal resident population
there during the war.” And it moreo
ver declares itself in favor of the general
principle of “ placing the negro in a posi
tion where his voice would be heard in
making the laws which are made to gov
ern.him,” and of “ elevating him to the
standard of good citizenship.” The fact
is, the Herald, from its own showing,
is in favor of a “white man’s govern
ment” just nowhere at all.
Our neighbor does us great injustice
in thinking that we intentionally mis
represented his assertion that “ no qual
ification was insisted on.” His lan
guage was, “ That they are not qualified
to be voters, is no argument against the
measure. No qualification is Insisted
on for any one.” We were under the
impression he was sufficiently well ac
quainted with the law to know that
there were certain “ qualifications ” in
variably “ insisted on” in the case of
every white voter; and when he used
the language quoted, we could only
take the latter sentence as applying to
the “colored brethren.” The Herald
puts this question to us:
“ In this connection may we ask our
neighbor on whom he would bestow his
favors —the white man who would at
tempt to take his life or the black man
who would rescue him from danger?”
In reply w 6 would ask the editor of
the Herald on whom he would bestow
the hand of a daughter in marriage—
“ on the white man who would attempt
to take his life, or the black man who
would rescue him from danger?” He
may reply, “on neither,” butheshould
remember that the question of bestow
ing the right of suffrage upon white men
is not in issue. The white men of this
country jwxueci tnu yuvcmuicut—they
are part and parcel or it—and until le
gally deprived of citizenship by due
course of law in purtishment for crime,
the white men of the South have as
clear a legal right to the elective fran
chise as the editor of the Herald has.—
It is not a question of “ besioicing favors”
upon the white men of this country;
they ask none at the hands of the Her
ald or its negro friends. The white men
of the South do not claim to be restored
to citizenship. They have already ex
ercised that right in the reorganization
of their State governments. If they did
not succeed in seceding from the Union,
they must still be citizens of the United
States. If they destroyed their citizen
ship, then must the rebellion have been
a success.
3NNEDY
IRS.
INTION.
The Herald thinks the reports of
President Johnson, Gen. Grant and
Gen. Sherman, on the condition of the
South, are not of much account. Well
that is a matter entirely between those,
distinguished gentlemen and our neigh
bor over the way.' They would no
doubt feel very much hurt, did they
know what a poor opinion the Carlisle
Herald has of them.
As to the future of the Democracy, we
would simply say that we are abundant
ly able to take care of ourselves; and
that if the intense dissatisfaction mani
fested by large numbers of its party at
the recent exhibitions of radicalism in
the Hei’ald, be one of “ the Indications
of popular opinion,” its “political
grave” is already dug. “If it desires
still further to court destruction, its
present course euvices most profound
wisdom.”
VIOLENCE COUNSELED.
The Pittoburg Cfttn o^«fc —cv -pevpov full of
treason and the negro—is violent in its
assaults upon the President and the
“ conservatives,” as it calls those who
refuse to go the full length of the negro
equality programme. It speaks of the
President as a “ dictator,” and hints
that if the blacks are to be denied their
“ rights,” a second St. Domingo massa
cre may bo the consequence. It says:
“If the blacks, so encroached upon,
should strike hack, at whose door would
rest the blame ? They may Book by vio
lence what was withheld by force.”
The negro 11 rights” about which the
Gazette talks so flippantly, is negro
equality in Its length and }ts breadth.
It favors negro suffrage, and desires to
see the negro in the jury box and en
dowed with all theprivilegesof the white
race, It would see the States regulated
by Congress, and the laws what are to
govern them such as his Satanic majesty,
Thaddeus- Stevens, might dictate.
And because the people rebel against
this monstrous proposition—a proposi
tion that must have eipcnated from the
devil himself—we are told that the
blacks may seek their “ rights” by vio
lence, Ah, gentlemen of the Gazette ,
be careful how you speak. Should the
poor,'ignorant negroes be induced to at
tempt a St. Domingo affair in this coun
try, God help some men'. The white
“boys in blue,” whose valor put down
the rebellion sooner than shoddy thieves
wanted it put down, -would scent out
the disturbers of the peace and hang
them higher than Haman, Let that
day arrive—a day of massacre by the
blacks—a second St. Dimingo war—and
the Sumnees and Wades, and Ste
vens,’ and Chandlees, and Wilsons,
and Chases, will be sent to eternity
with halters about their necks. They
are the men who are plotting mischief
with the negroes, and they, and not the
negroes, would first suffer should a war
of races break out. The people of Penn
sylvania and of the whole North say
that the negro shall not be the white
man’s equal, and in saying this they
take away none of the negroe’s rights.
The white man, as a general thing, has
no ill-will for the negroe. God made
him black, but yet white men will see
that he is protected in all his rights.
When the Republicans, however, ask
white men to give the negro the right of
suffrage, the right to hold office, and the
right to be considered on an “ equality
with the whites,” an emphatic no is the
response. Let the negro-equality advo
cates threaten as much as they please,
they cannot frighten the people. This
fall will test the question in Pennsylva
nia. Our opponents cannot shirk the
issue as they did in 1865. They elected
their nesrro-equality candidates last fall
by lying and denying their colors.
They cunnot repeat that game, for they
are now committed. We court the
issue, and after the election, if the van
quished negro-equality advocates desire
to get up a second St. Domingo affair,
let them try it !
FORNEY ENTERTAINS THE NEGROES.
Col. John W. Forney, Secretary of
the United States Senate, proprietor of
the Press and the Washington Chroni
cle, shoddy contractor, &c., gave a par
ty to his “ colored friends” of the Dis
trict of Columbia, at his residence on
Capitol Hill, Washington, a few eve
nings since. His spacious parlors, we
see it stated, were filled with sweet
scented negroes of both sexes, and the
entertainment was got up without re
gard to expense. Dancing, music, games,
and speechifying were tire amusements
of the night. After the rich foreign
wines had been freely dispensed, and
the entire party felt good and mellow,
Col. Forney was called upon for a speech.
“ Matilda Jane,’’who was at that mo
ment leaning lovingly on the arm of
the valiant Colonel, relaxed her hold,
and our whilom friend was delivered—
of a speech. After telling his sable
hearers that Mr. Lincoln had ascended
from a theatre to the side of God in
heaven, he went on to apologize for
former opinions expressed, and to recant
and repudiate them. We quote from
his remarks:
“ When the rebellion closed I was not
of those who believed that the Union
party of this country would make the
civil enfranchisement of manumitted
millions part of their policy. In other
words, I did not believe that we were
strong enough to take ground in favor of
what is popularly called universal suf
frage, But lam here now to say that I
was mistaken. ’ I did not apprehend the
full logic and duty of the case; and now,
periment which the statesman would be
a coward to postpone, and the philan
thropist unworthy of his name if he did
not meet it.”
It appears then that until recently
Col. F. has not been an advocate of
“universal suffrage;” but he acknowl
edges at the same time that it was only
because he fear t ed his pie ; bald par
ty was not strong enough to take ground
in favor of the new dogma. Now he
thinks his party strong enough to open
ly advocate this detestible principle,
and he comes out flat-footed for it, and
speaks of those of bis partlzans who re
fuse to toe the mark in favor of negro
equality, as “cowards,” What a con
fession ! Last fall this same Forney
pretended to scout the idea of giving
the negroes the right to vote. He was
opposed to it, he said, and denounced
the charge that the Republican party
was in favor of this measure, as “ a cop
perhead slander.” But now he tells his
negro guests that it was only because he
leared his party was not strong enough
to advocate this idea then that induced
him to affect opposition to it. Unprin
cipled, sordid and selfish as we know
Forney tp he, we did not think him ca
pable of self-debasement like this. But
Forney is a fair type and sample of his
party—a party governed by selfishness,
treason and self-aggrandizement. Call
ing thplr faction the “ Union party,”
when they are flping all they can to
prevent a unipn of the States, Is on a
par with their conduct during the war,
when they betrayed M’Clellan for party,
and bellowed for the negro apd called
it patriotism. Truly, poor Forney, who
was formerly known as “ the President’s
dog,” is a fit representative of the dis
union negro-equality party.
The Ciiambersburg Bill The
passage of the bill donating $500,000 to
the people of Ohambersburg by both
branches of our State Legislature, will
be indorsed by tho large majority of the
citizens of our Commonwealth. Thus
far, although tho bill has been printed
for weeks and extensively circulated,
not a public journal that we have seen
hais said a word against the appropri
ation. The Governor, who always keeps
a watchful eye over the public treasury,
recommended that somepecuniary assis
tance should he gjyen to the Chambers
burg sufferers; and we understand that
he has already signed the bill.
SSS* General Grant has issued a circu
lar to the department commanders di
recting them to furnish Information in
regard to disloyal newspapers with a
view to the suppression of such. Let
Republican editors . look-out, or Grant
wljl put J)is foot upon most of them.
JtSTMr. Seward was In the United
States House of Representatives on Fri
day, conferring with the New York del
egation. Ho is said to have been severe
on the radicals.
Too Date.— Our Wnshingtonletterfall
ed to reach us in time for publication this
week.
DAYLIGHT BREAKING!!
THE DISUIVIOSfISTS REBUKED !
THE PRESIDENT VETOES THEFREEDMEN’S
BUREAU BILL!
Hail to tbo Second “Andrew” of Tennessee I !
The telegraph brings the glorious ti
dings that President Johnson has vetoed
the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill. The veto
was sent to the Senate on Monday last,
and fell like a bombshell into the radi
cal camp. We regret that the message
comes to us too late for insertion in this
week’s issue, for it will be read with in
tense interest by the whole American
people, and will exert a powerful influ
ence on the public opinion of this coun
try.
A hundred guns "for our honest, fear
less, patriotic President, who has had
the courage thus to breast the advan
cing tide of fanatical disunionism! Lot
the conservative people of the country
rally as one man to the “support of the
Government” against the disunionlsts
who would overthrow it. Let meet
ings be called everywhere to endorse the
wise and statesmanlike course of the
Chief Magistrate of the Nation. Thank
God, daylight is at last breaking!
THE HAPPY FAMIEY.
We are glad to announce, in the set
phrase of the Republican papers, that
“ there is the completest harmony be
tween the Executive and ‘ the friends of
freedom.’ ” As an evidence of this fact
we have only to refer to the decent
speech of Wendell Phillips, at Brook
lyn, in which he used the following
language:
“ The campaign ofjVirginia was fought
againstthe representative rebel Lee. The
present campaign is fought against An
drew Johnson, who leads the hosts of the
Confederacy. (Applause.) The question
has shifted from the camp into the forum;
it has shifted from the cauuuu into ideas ;
and the great momentous desorimination
needed to-day is where the party lines
run. Camps fight well when they are
drawn up opposite each other; the diffi
culty is when they are mixed. The diffi
culty of the present moment is that men
are confused as to where the lines run. —
I will tell you my idea. Grant headed
the Northern host; Lee the Southern.—
Lee has been whipped, and the battle
settled. To-day Congress heads the Nor
thern host, and Andrew Johnson the
South,”
And again;
"We have crushed South Carolina and
now the President means to crush Massa
chusetts. Well, we accept the war. If
he succeeds he shall write his name higher
than that of Burr or Arnold, for the trea
son which they attempted and failed in
he carried; but we will write it side by
side with them —the traitor that Med and
failed—if we win,"
So much for Phillips’ opinion of the
President.! now for Mr. Johnson’s onini
on of Phillipsr in ms recent address to
the Virginia Delegation, he spoke as
follows: 1
"The Government, in the assertion of
its powers and the maintenance of the
principles of the Constitution, has taken
hold of one extreme, and, with the strong
arm of physlcalpower, has put down the
rebellion. Now as, we swing around the
circle of the Unun, with a fixed and un
alterable determlmtiqn to stand by it, if
we find the counterpart or the duplicate
of the same spirit that played to this feel
ing and these penons in the South, this
other extreme, whch stands in the way,
must get out of i, and the government
must stand unshikon and unmoved on
its basis.”
If this is a sample of the harmony in
the ranks of the Itepublican party? jvhiit
a fine thing a ILtle discord would be
now and then.
SSy We have (Iways considered the
Pittsburg Past a reliable Democratic
journal, and bav( been in the habit of
rending ltd columns with interest, and,
we hope, profit. We cannot, however
endorse the sentiments of its Harrisburg
correspondent. Speaking of Gov. Cur
tin’s return to the Capital, this letter
writer says: ]
"He (the Governor) Is looking much
improved but is somemiat careworn in
appearance, -He Is the simegenial, kind,
good-hearted man, wlth|a pleasant smile
for all. Long may hejlive, for his ad
ministration haslbeen a great success and
an honor to the State.”
The Governorlmay be “ the same gen
ial, klnfj, goomhegrted man, with a
pleasant smile fpr all,’.’ but to say that
“his administration has been a great
success and an hnor to the State,” is
mqrp than any pUn who has respect fpr
law, the Conatijution or decency, can
endorse, During the war, hundreds of
the best citizens of the State were ar
rested, because pf their politics, and
wlfhmit wowant ux‘ luw—w ICliout u
hearing and without being told why
they were arrested—hurried off to one
of Stanton’s baatlles, there to suffer for
months, and some of them to die. The
Governor’s neiglibors were among the
victims thus persecuted, and yet he nev
er raised his voice against these damna
ble outrages.
But, again; Gov. Curtin has pardon
ed dozens of men—murderers, thieves,
burglars and cut-throats—because of
their politics. These are facta which
cannot be denied; and yet the corres
pondent of the Post will speak of his ad
ministration as “ a great success and an
honor to the State!” We know, and
the people know, to the contrary. The
tyrant Stanton, and not Curtin, has
ruled Pennsylvania fqr the last' four
years or more. Never in the history of
our State did its Executive wink at cor
ruption, profligacy, brutishness and
crime, as did Andrew G. Curtin, He
and his officials crept into power through
the dark cellars, alleys and hen-coops of
the infamous and God-forsaken Know
hqthipg faction, pel \yheu they go out,
as they will in a fqw months, the peo
ple will feel that tire "honor” of our
once proud Commonwealth will not
suffer much.
E&~ A large Northern imigration to
Texas is anticipated during the summer.
xlli; RATE BEBEI.MOST—SENATOR WIT.-
SON.
In a speech dellvci’cd before the
United States Senate, a few days ago,
on the subject of the Freedmen’s Bureau,
by the unlettered Wilson, of Massachu- ;
setts, he said that the Republicans “ have
achieved what' they have fought for,
viz—the abolition of slavery.” This,
he remarke'd, was the object of the war,
and, he said, “wo (the Abolitionists)
have triumphed.”- “ But,” he contin
ued, “we have something more to do,
and wo mean to do it,” and he went on
to teH'the country what that something
is. It is negro-equality. Nay, it is
more than this—it is to compel the
white man to labor and pay taxes to
support tens of thousands of blacks*in
idleness. The so-called “Freedmen’s
Bureau,” which is nothing more or less
than an enormous negro alms-house, is
included in the “ something more” that
Wilson and his negro-cquality-disun
ion party demand.
The object of the war, then, was the
Abolition of slavery; but for this we
would have had no war—that was what
“we fought for,” and “we have tri
umphed.” So says Wilson, so say all
the leading men of his pie-bald party.—
And, yet, will it be believed, that for
uttering this very sentiment—for saying
that the object of the war was the aboli
tion or slavery—Hundreds of men, iu all
sections of the country, were arrested by
order of Lincoln and Stanton, and in
carcerated in loathsome dungeons for
months and years. For using this very
language—for saying that the war was
an Abolition war —wo knew a young
officer of the army to be arrested, and
tried by a military commission compos
ed of Stanton’s tools, and sentenced to
the Dry Tortugas for a term of nearly
three years. He served out his time,
doing menial duty for Abolition officers
and scoundrels, and was released’ but a
few months ago. The court that tried
him considered his language “ treason
against the Government,” and yet, now
that the war is over and slavery abol
ished, Senator Wilson endorses the lan
guage of the young officer, and repeats,
with emphasis, that the abolition of sla
very was the sole object of the war.—
For giving expression to this sentiment
there was “ applause in the galleries,”
but other men had to suffer imprison
ment and some of them death, for hav
ing uttered the same words. During
the war it was “treason” to speak the
truth ; now it is “ loyalty.”
Senator Cowan, (Republican) of this
State, replied to Wilson’s impudent as
sertions. From Mr. Cowan’s speech we
have only room for the following:
Mr. Cowan. —Mr. President, I shall be
obliged to apologize for not being able to
attain to that sublime height of bragging
which has characterized the honorable
Senator from Massachusetts, but I will
endeavor to state if I can a few plain facts
for his consideration and that of the Sen
ate.
The Senator asserts here in the face of
the Senate, and in the face of the Ameri
can people, that he and his compeers, for
sooth, the Anti-Slavery Society, have de
stroyed slavery; that it is the result of
their twenty-five years of toil and struggle;
that it is the result of their agitation and
their speechifying and their extensive
knowledge nf the negro and the negro
character, and he relates some Incidents.
I am not very much in the habit of rela
ting Incidents, but I will state one for the
benefit of the Senator. Somebody was
talking about him and his society the oth
er day, and stated that they had “negro
on the brain.” Some one who was by
said, “Well that may be; but they have
not much brain on the negro,” [laughter,]
and that, I think, Mr. President, is about
the truth of it.
Who destroyed slavery, Mr. President?
Had the Anti-Slavery Society any agen
cy in it? Did the Anti-Slavery Society or
its representatives upon this floor at the
outset of this war declare that they were
going to destroy slavery? No, sir; but
crouching behind their shields at that
time they resolved unanimously here that
they were not going to destroy slavery,
that they were going to make war to sup
port the Constitution and the laws. How
long ago was that? Two days after the
battle of Bull Bun, and the starch was
all out of the Anti-Slavery Society; it had
not a boast; it had not a threat; but, as
I said before, creeping do-wn behind its
shield, it said to the country, along with
us who were honest in our utterances in
that resolution, that it made war for tho
Constitution and.the laws.
I ask you, Mr. President, if the seces
sionists of the South, in their great mad
ness, in their rage, only akin to this nor
thern rage, its antipodes, had not made
war upon the Government of the United
States, would slavery have been destroy
ed? Would all the battle of the Anti-
Slavery Society and all its tracts and all
its preachings and all its serraoniziugs in
the world have ever achieved that great
result if it had not been for the folly and
madness of the secessionists of the South
who went to war? Let the honorable Sen
ator stand square up and look that fact in
the face. Ho had war at his elbow. Who
fought the war? Does the Anti-Slavery
Spciety say that if the Army of the Uni
ted States had not achieved victory after
victory, had not suppressed tljo rebellion,
slavery would not pave been abolished?
Who thou yas if that abolished slavery ?
The gentlemen who talked or the gentle
men who aoted ? Tho Senators who wield
ed tongue and pen, or the hard-headed
and hard-handed soldiers who wielded
the sabre and bayonet ? Let the country
answer.
And a. -nmrH now na Itla nnnvcia arw-1
mine upon this floor. I tell him to-day
that he and his set were really—l do not
say they intended it—the allies of the re
bellion ; they were its main support and
strength: and when Jefferson Davis comes
to make his dying confession, if I should
want him, in that last moment, when the
truth comes to be told, to tell who it was
that gathered the whole South to a man
around the standard of rebellion; who it
was that down there infused the bitter
ness into that fight which characterized
it from end to end; who it was that ena
bled that weak people to make such a tre
mendous struggle as that the world never
saw the like of it, and I will tell you who
he will say It was. He will toll you that
when he started he had not half the peo
ple about him: he will toll you that the
secessionists of the South who went into
that rebellion were not half of the people.
"Who, then, drove the other half to him?
The self-same Apti-Slavcry Society that,
when we had the cannon roaring and the
sabre clashing and the bayonet thrusting,
npd the work going on, couldhiot keep its
tor'B 110 ! and must op making the people
of the South believe that the war, instead
of being for the Constitution and the laws,
was to abolish slavery. What then? If
we bad friends at the outstart of the strug
gle, we lost them then.
Now, Mr. President, I ask again, who
fought this battle? I tell him that it was
the Army of the United States that killed
the Percy. It was the Army of the Uni
ted States that Met this Hotspur of the
rebellion, while the Anti-Slavery Society
was down upon the field of battle looking
out from under its shield and claiming
the Constitution and the laws. But now,
sir, now after the victory is achieved, af
ter the battle is won, you will never meet
a member of the Anti-Slavery Society
who has not this dead Hotspur upon his
back, carrying him out and protending
that ho killed him. [Laughter.] And
almost every one of them saying, “ If your
father will dome any honor so: if not,
let him kill the next Percy himself. 1
look to be either earl or.duke, 1 can assure
you.” That is the language of this party
after the battle is over and the victory
won. By the by, they do not give us the
same assurance that fat John did, for said
he, “If I do grow groat, I’ll grow less;
for I’ll purge, and leave sack, and live
cleanly as a nobleman should do.” But,
Mr. President, instead of when growing
great, growing less, they are swollen to
such enormous dimensions under the pres
sure of this.thing which they suppose
they have achieved that they are now
well nigh to bursting. The honorable
Senator says they are going on; yes, and
let everbody get out of the road. That
may do for people who can be frightened;
but that party has not been given to
frightening anybody heretofore, that I am
aware of. It is exceedingly fertile' in
abuse; it never undertakes to meet a
man’s argument except by ridicule and
by sneers, and by all that kind of machin
ery which a weak man always uses against
a stronger.
The honorable Senator may go on in
his course, and we will go on In our course.
We think that instead of his having had
to carry us through tlio rebellion we have
had to carry him; that if there was any
load we had It to bear. Ido not under
take to say that the honorable Senator did
not intend well enough; but ho has put
himself out of the pale of receiving the
benefit of that apology which might be
made in his favor, by assailing the inten
tions of others. Who made him a judge
and a ruler over Israel ? Who authoriz
ed him to say that I despised the laboring
man? I think I could prove by good
witnesses that I have done such days of
hard, york as. that Senator would have
hardly survived. And when he talks
about me or the gentlemen with whom I
associate hero as not being the friends of
the poor and the friends of the humble he
speaks without the book. By what right
docs ho arraign me as not desiring the
prosperity and the greatness of this coun
try ? Is it not my country ns welPas his ?
Have I not as many interests at stake as
he'has, or any other man? Sir, when a
speech requires such 'make-weights ns
that to extend it over a period of fifteen
minutes, it had better not be made at all.
Hereafter, when a question is before this
body, and is to be met, I hope the ques
tion will bo argued, and the question
alone. •
I have raised a simple question of con
stitutional law: and the Senator says that
the Constitution has been dinned in his
ears for five years. Yes, Mr. President,
and you might din it in for twenty, and
I doubt whether he would appreciate a
single principle which is involved in it. —
Is the Constitution to be nothing ? Is
the oath we have taken to support it to
be nothing? Is Constitutional learning
to be sneered out of this Chamber ? Is a
conscientious desire on the part of a Sen
ator to do hia duty as a man should do
it, and to carry out in spirit and in truth
that duty which has been intrusted to
him by his constituents,, hero to be made
a subject of reproach upon this floor.—
And is a man not to be supposed to be
orthodox, not to be supposed to be patri
otic, unless he believes in all the vaga
ries and all the whims and the ethnology
of the honorable Senator from Massachu
setts who has traveled, I suppose, over
one hundred and fifty thousand miles,
and has made some twelve or fifteen hun
dred abolition speeches ? I cannot tell
how much a man would know after he
had made twelve or fifteen hundred
speeches on one side, at one end of a
house, where there was nobody to reply
to him ; I think he would become so con
firmed in his crotchets and so full of his
absurdities by that time that it would
be utterly impossible to teach him any
thing afterward.
\V ho arrogated to themselves superior
knowledge of the negroes ? We did not;
but 1 have and do again arrogate for the
men of the South who live among them,
who live, with them, a knowledge, of the
negroes and of negro character superior
to that of a man who lives in a New
England State, and sees a negro once
perhaps in three weeks or a month. I
should think it most extraordinary if such
wore not the case.
Mr. President, X come back again now
to the question before the Senate. It is
simply this, whether - , in the first place,
we have authority to create this bureau
with this jurisdiction at all; and the
question arises upon the amendment
which I have moved is whether we have
a right to extend it Into the loyal States.
It may be said, I know, that it is to be
extended there simply for the relief of
the freodmen. I say that the freedmen
of Pennsylvania ask no relief from the
Frcedmen’s Bureau. Pennsylvania re
lieves her own destitute and her own
poor. She is not a pensioner upon the
United States Government for any fa
vors of that kind. I say, too, that if it is
to extend beyond relief, and to adminis
ter municipal law there for the benefit of
the freedmen, Pennsylvania administers
her own municipal law, enforces her own
police regulations between those who in
habit her borders, and she does not de
sire any such contrivance as this, but
would rather repudiate it and spew it
out of her mouth.
Mr. President, I am aware, and I have
long been aware, that it is of no use here
with certain Senators to appeal to the
Constitution. I know that it is of no use
to appeal to the past construction which
has been put upon that instrument. I
know that there are Senators who think
certain things ought to be done, and no
matter what barrier stands in the way
they think they are doing God service
■when they overleap it. When war was
raging oyer one half of the Republic,
when it required all the energies of the
loyal portion of the Union to sustain that
war and to support the soldiers in the
field, I have often kept silent, and have
not, as often as I would otherwise have
done, raised my voice against these vio
lations of the Constitution. Now I pro
pose to give a notice as well as the hon
orable Senator from Massachusetts, and
it is that from henceforth I will resist as
long as I can, in my humble way, every
measure, no matter what it may be, that
I believe to be a violation of. the funda
mental law,of this nation- and which h,
me is sacred as the will or the American
people. Sir, what is that Constitution
but the exponent, the embodiment, of
the will of the American people ? Think
of it, sir: packed into this small volume
[exhibiting a copy of the Constitution]
is the will of thirty million people; not
the will of a party, not the will of a fac
tion, but the will of all parties, the unan
imous will of the American people. Who
dares violate a provision of it? Who
dares thrust in his will instead of that
will? Who so arrogant as to assume that
they will substitute their will for this
great will, which is to be our guide and
our rule of action in this body? Gentle
men talk of the right, and of God being
with the right, and all that kind of.thing;
and,yet they forget this sacred truth, that
here is our letter of attorney, here is our
warrant for what wo do, here is our au
thority in the premises, and the man who
goes a stop beyond it, the' man who vio
lates it, is guilty before that God, to whom
the gentleman appeals with such facility,
of perjury.
The gentleman assumes that God is bn
their side, and that God is with them.—
.S. a man assume that God was
With him when ho acquiesced in any
thing that took place in the universe. I
suppose the gentleman will hardly deny
that whatever does take place in the uni
vc j 1 jj°i place in accordance with the
will of God, as a whole. He is omnipo
tent, and it must be so. * Whoever acqui
esces in the decrees of destiny cun very
v r eh boast that God is with him of course j
but short-sighted, finate mortals as we
are, not knowing what destiny is to be
in the future, are not authorized in ma
king any such boasts. -
Advertise in tiro Volunteer,
-XKWS-ITEMS, . ..
Kir An Imperial train valued at
000 was captured recently i n Mc-sir?' I
the llepublicans. 0 "! f
CST The order suppressing the j,.
monel Kr.amincr has,been revoked
the publication of that paper win I
siimcd.
CST A despatch to the New York c
271-css says the President will eeitl i
veto the Frcedmen’s Bureau bill. q
CST Many of the cotton plantation,-
Texas have been divided by the ow "I
and rented to poor people. eti
Car At Louisville, Ky,, on i,’ ri(| l
morning, the thermometer indicated*!
en degrees below zero. ' 'I
Over five hundred pardons ofyj
and South Carolinians were sent to t?
President for signature on Friday, j
BST A messenger of the. United St at
Express Company, at St. Louis, was J*
bed while delivered a satchel on Satuni
of $40,000. N
Car The South Carolina EpiscoJ
Convention have resolved on a reunC
with .the Episcopal Church of the UniltJ
States.
car The safe in the office of the Cout.B
ty Treasurer of Berks was blown opem,®
Thursday night, but the robbers %| l
disturbed before they could secure tli<l
contents. ’■
C@r Ithas been proposed to divide yJ
York State, placing those counties togeib.
er whose interests and politics harmonis
A petition for that purpose will, itissali
be sent to Congress.
> Valentines.— During St.
Day and the day following, (Wednesd
and Thursday) 63,000 letters, in addit
to the regular mail, were conveyed
their deStinatipu by the letter oarrir
New York city.
Heavy Expeess Loss.—The Vicsi
Herald learns that the Southern Exj
Company suffered a loss of about S3C
by the explosion of the W. R. Carter,
Address of the l>cmocrnttc State Cei
Committee.
Democratic State Committee Rooii<
Harrisburg, Feb. 9,1866.
To the Democracy of Pennsylvania:
The events of the last political cai
are yet fresh in your minds.
You announced your unequivocal
dorsemout of the restoration policy
President Johnson, and denounced
doctrine of negro suffrage.
Your opponents affirmed their si
of the President, and evaded the issi
on the question of suffrage.
A powerful organization, large v
patronage and an unscrupulous use
money, secured to them the victory.
The record of the past month strij
mask from the face of the victors.
They treat with derision the dec
policy of the President. They have
ced the Government of the Conatiti
in abeyance, and its- legislative and i
utive functions are usurped by a cal
men, who, in obedience to caucus,
ern the nation through the forms or
rectory.
The right of each State to regulate
qualifications of its electors is denied:
will of the people of the District or
lumbia is overridden, and by an r
unanimous vote. The Republics!
in Congress and the State Legislate
cord to the negro equal political ti
with the white man.
The initial step toward a war of
has been taken, and a consolidated
eminent looms up in the distance.
The tenets of the President- upon
points are our cardinal doctrines. I;
tabling him we vindicate them.
Organize in every nook and eanu
the Commonwealth.
Organize to sustain the Presidei
maintain your principles, to restore
Union, to vindicate the supreinnej
your race, and to bring in political or
ion the men who have been false tc
Union, false to their pledges, false t(
instincts of their blood, and true aloi
the madness that rules the hour.
By order of the Democratic Stai
tral Committee.
William A. Wallace,
Chairnm
[For the Volunteer.]
SCIIOOI EXAIDNATIOM.
We had the pleasure of attend]:
examination of the school at r
Square, in South middleton To
taught by Miss Annie M. Flemini
house was crouded with visitors, wh
to witness the examination. ' At 1 o't
the exercises were opened with prnye
Eev. B. M. Kevrof Mechanicsburgi’B.
Miss. Fleming then entered into aß cr
al review of the different branches tat
in her school, commencing withthoj
ary clmscd, and concluding with the
advanced. The school also engagi
declamation and dialogues. la
branch in which the pupils were e:
ed, they acquitted themselves with,
to their teacher, and credit to themsel
They not only answered the queati
given to them by the teacher, but anav
ed promptly, a great many propour
by Bev. Kerr and others, thus evil
that they had been taught practice
well as theoretically. When we cc
Franklin Square, with the school.
tended fifteen years ago", we can well
claim “Surely this is an age of imp l
ment.” The- method of teachings'
present day, is as different from wr
was when we entered the Common Sf
as were the opinions of the Anciei
the revolution of the Earth, fror
entertained at the present day. t
a school house now-a-days, and y
Directors, parents and visitors, seal
different parts of the room, watching®
ly for a masterly display of one of
children, or perhaps a neighbors (
who has been the recipient of six nn
instruction by a competent teacher t
as South Middleton always endeavo
employ;. The exercises were inters]
ed with vocal and instrumental runs'
Professor HcKeehan, who entertain® 11
audience, with some of his Byron
original poetry, set to music. A*
close of the exercises, the school was
dressed by Rev. Kerr. The patrol
Franklin Square, should be glad
their “lines have fallen in such pie
places.” They have one of the bestsi
houses in the county, a first class tci
and an energetic corps of Dlrectoj'Si
are endeavoring to advance the cai
education.
The events of the gigantic reh‘
which has iately closed, has fully
strated to our people, that the 1
must be educated. Xf our liberties ■
be preserved, the voters must be uii
gent. Education, is the great lever
moves the world in its onward u iar f (
national perfection. The youth 01
present day will be left to detei
whether the boon which the exp® l
of more than thirty years haa,P cl ; n
us to bestow upon them, shall iucre l
become an arid, waste whether a
remain “the home of the oppressed 1
nations,” whether law, 'justice,
learning shall be elevated, orwheta 1 -
mighty conquests which we have a 1;,
will be permitted to sink into oun
and be reckoned among the things
past. b A BPECTA'h 1 "'
Feb. loth, 1800.
Important to School Director
The State Superintendent has tlecl ', 1
that School Directors elected the
spring cannot vote for county sup
teudeut in Hay, as the term of thirty
Directors does not expire until Jun e i
hence they are the proper persons to v °
*
&