fVom the National Jntd/igerictr, Extra t March 4 IN AI'UI'UAI. • ADDKE.SS 1 /’/f f;\l OA.IT It.llttißSO.V. ■ Called from a retiremcnt.which I liad sup posedwas td ; continue fur-tho residue of mv life, to fill. tlre Chief-Esecutive vffice.uf tins great and free nation,', I appear "hcfo.r.e; you; fellow citizens, to titke (lie; 'imths vvJjieh. (jie Constitution prescrlbcsas a necessary quali fication for tlie potformancc of its duties.'— And in obedience to a cilstonf coeval with our Government, aii<l.;What I- believo-to-lre your expectations, Tprocecdto prcscilt to ypu a summary of the principles which, will govern me In the diachaigo, ; of the; duties which I shall be called upon,to perforin. ; It Was the remark of ailoilian Consul, in, nn early period of that celebrated Republic, that a most striking contrast was,Qb.servabl» in the'conduct of candUkUcs for,'offices' of power and trust, before, hud after- obtaining them—they seldom carry out in ,lhe, latter, case the pledges and promises made in the former. However much .the .world may have improved, in many respects, in the lapse of upwards of two thousand years since the re mark was made by tlie virtuous and indig nant Roman; 1 Tear that a'strict examination of the annals of some of-tlie modern elective Governments would devclnpe similar instan ces of violated confidence. Although the fiat of the People has gone forth, proclaiming ,nie the Chief Magistrate of this glorious, Union,'nothing upon their part remaining to be done, it may he thought that-a motivc'may exist to keep up, the de lusion under which they may be supposed to . have acted in relation,to my principles and opinions; and perhaps there may be some in this assembly who have cojne here,cither pre pared to condemn those! shall now" deliver, or, approving them,, td'-doubt the sincerity with winch they arc uttered. Hut a lapse of , a few months will, confirm or dispel their fears. The outline.of principles to govern, and measures to be adopted by an Adminis tration not yet began, will soon be exchanged for immutable history, and ! shall stand ci ther exonerated by, my countrymen, or classed’with the mass of those who promised that they might deceive, and fluttered with the intention to betray. However sjrohg may be;my present’ purpose to realize tlie unfferstamV tlie TnliC . mities of human nature and the dangerous temptations to which I shall-be exposed, from the magnitude of the, power" which it hits been-the pleasure of the People to com mit to my hands, not to place my. chief de pendence'upon the aid of that Almighty power which has hitherto protected me, and eniblcdjne. to .bring to it, favorable issue other important but still greatly infciiur trusts, heretofore c’onfided to me by my country. ' The broad foundation upon- which , our Constitution rests, - being , the people—a breath of theirs having made, ns a breath can unmake, change, or modify, ipr—it can be assigned to none of the great' divisions of government.but to'that of Democracy. If - such is its-theory, those who are called tip on to administer it must recognize, as its -leading principle, the duty of shaping the measures so as to produce the greatest good to the greatest number. Hut, with "these broad .admissions, if we would compare the sovereignty acknowledged to exist in the mass of our people with the power claimed by other sqvereignties, even by those which have been considered most purely democrat ic, we shall find a most essential difference. All others lay claim to power limited only by their'own will. The majority of onr ci tizens on the contrary, possess a sovereignty with an amount of power precisely equal to that which has been granted to them by the parties of the national compact, and nu.thing beypnd. We admit of no government, by divine right—believing that,- so far as power is concerned, (he beneficient Creator has made no distinction amongst men,. that, all 1 are upqn an equality, find that the. only le gitimate right to,govern'is nn express grant of-power from the governed. The Consti tution.of the United States is the instru ment containing tliis grant of poWcr to the several departments composing nierit. On an examination of. That instru ment it will be fount! to contain declarations' of power granted, a ndo f. p o.wje.c.w i 111 he Id . The latter is also susceptible of division, into power which.the-majority, had The right to graht,.biit which they.did not think pro per. ttf entrust to lheir..agcnts;.and.that which they could not have granted, not being pos sessed by,themselves’.- '-In other words, there ■ are.certain rights.- possessed by each individ ual American citizen, which in his compact with the others; he has never surrendered. Some of them, indeed, he is unable to sin - -render, being infhe lunguage of our system, unalienable! The boasted privilcgeofa Roman citizen was to himia shield qidy against a pet ty prd * Vmcial ruler, whijst democrat' iff Athens'conld console himself -under a sen tence of death, for a supposed- violation of the national" faith, which' nb one understood, * ahd which at times 'was the subject of tlie mockery uf-ail. <ir of tmnisfinent from home, his" family "and his country',-with or without an aljedged cause; that it was the act,'not of a_single tyrant, or haled-aristocracy, but of liis assembled countrymen. Fur different is the power ofour sovereignty u It canintcr fere with nq one’s faith, prescribe forms of worship-for no onc’-scuhso.rvancc.inflict no punishment but after guilt, tlie result-of investimipiVunder rulcs pfe scribed by .thqj Consmtmqn itself.. These - precious privileges, and Those, scarcely dess ' important, of giving .expression,; toMiis thoughts and opinions, cither Uy writing or speaking, unrestrained but by- Tho^ liability for injury, to others, and that ofafull partk cipation'in all: the advantagcs-jwliich -flow' from the Government,, the acknowledged property of all. The American-citizen .'de rive from no charter (granted byfdsfellow man. He claims thein because Tie iis him self a Mail, fashVonediby lhcsame Aliriiglily - fiamfas ihe rest of his species, and entitled to a full share of: the blessings . with, which, lie has endowed them.: t ■’ !:i .Notwithstanding the limited- sovereignly possessed by;Hb« People' of the U. ’States; and tho-Testrictedgraht’of, power to (he Go , vermheht which they have adopted,, enmigh . has been given to accon»plish all the objects _: ibr which it'wps created. ;• It has.hcen found powerful in war.bnd,: hithe!-to,;.jiistice, has -tefcdpiMticT^ ■ sotial liberty scoured to (lie citizen. Ab was ( to be expected, however, from the defect of' language, mid the necessarily sententious nlapuer in which the. Constitution is;, writ-, ten, disputes have arisen as to the amount of power which it b6s actually granted, or was intended jo grant. This is, UVor6 par ticularly,the case ib relation to that part of ’ the instrument which treats of the Legisla tive.branch. And not only as: regards the exercise of powers claimed under a general clause, giving that body the authority to pitss aU-laws necessary to'carry -into effect _(he specified .powers, but in relation to the latter also. It is, libwever, consolatory to, i'cflect; that most of the instances of alleged departure from the letter, or spirit of the Constitution,' have ultimately received the sanction of a majority blithe people. ' And the fact, tiiatmnny pf otfr. statesmen,, most .distinguished for.taleijt and patriotism, have 'been, at one time or other ot their,, political career, on botli .sides of' each of the most warmly disputed questions; forces upon us ■the inference that the errors, jf.errors there Were, are attributable to the intrinsic .diffi culty, in many instances, of ascertaining the intentions of the framers of the Constitution, rather than the influence of any sinister or unpatriotic motive. ' , i Hut the great dangerto our institutions does not appear to' me, to be iti,a usurpation, by the Government; of ppwcr.not gran tod by the People, hilt by die accumulation, in one of the Departments, of that which 'was as signed to others. ■ Limited as.are the pow ers which have been granted; still enough have been granted to constitute a despotism, if concentrated in one of .(he Departments. This danger is greatly heightened, as it has been always observable that men pre less jealous of encroachments of one department upon another,-than upon their own reserved rights. \ When tbe Constitution of the United States first came frum-Tlic hands of the Con vention .which formed it, many of the stern est republicans of.the day werC .alarmed at the extent of. the power which''bad been, granted to the Federal more particularly to that portion which iuid„ been assigned' to the Executive branch.— There were-in it features which appeared not to be in harmony with,their ideas of a simple ■r'cpVcd&tr.ti.ve Democracy, or Repub- j sed by a single individual, predictions were made that, at.no very remote.'period, the go-' vernmeiit would terminate ifi virtual inon arciiy. It would not become me to say that the,fears of these patriots have been already realized. Rut, as I sincerely believe that the tendency of measures, nmpof men’s' o-~ pinions, for some years past, li.asijjafth, in that direction, it is .1 conceive, Strictly, proper that Tshould Tako this' occasion to repeat the'assurances 1 have heretofore giv en of my determination to arrest the pro-, gress pf ;that tendency, if it really exists, and restore the governmant to. its pristine health and vigor, as far as this can be effect ed by any legitimate.exercise of tbe power plncedjn my hands.. ■ jl proceed to state, in as summary.man ner as I can, ray opinions of tbe sources of the evils which have been so extensively complained of, and the correctives which may be applied. Some of the former are unquestionably to tie; found in thedefeetpof the Constitution; others, in my judgment, are attributable to a misconstruction of some of its provisions. Of the former is the elig ibility of the same individual to a second term of the Presidency. ’ The sagacious mind of Mr. Jefferson early saw and lamen ted this error, and attempts have been made, hitherto without success, to apply the'amen datory power of the States to Us .correction. As, however, one mode of correction is in the power of every President; and conse quently in mine, it would-be useless, and ■pcrhaps.invidioiis to'enumerate the evils of which, JnJlie., opinion sju fjnany_o f_o u rl fel low-citizens, this error of the sages who fra med the Constitution may have been the source, and the bitter 'fruits which we lire still to gather from it, if it continues to dis figure our -system. It.may be observed, however, as a general remark, UrUt RepUb ■licsican commit no greater error than to a dopt or continue any features in their svs tems. of govern men t_wli'ich . may be calc da ted to create or increase tbe love of power in the bosoms of those' to whom necessity obliges them io commit the management of their affairs. And, surely;'nolhing : is. more -likely to produce such a state of mind than thedung continuance of an officer in an Office Of high' trust.' . Notliing’can: be more cor rupting, nothing more destructive of all those noble feelings which- beloijg to the character of a devoted republican patriot.- When this corrupting passion once takes poss.cssion'ofthcrdiuiiuin'riiiindTTlikc-tlielovm «f%old, it becdipcs Insatiable. :It ip the never-dying worm in hip bosom,' grows with his growth, and strengthens with the decli ilingyears lf this be true, it is the parTof wisdom fora republic to limit the service of that olficerat least to whom she has entrusted' the management of her foreign relations, the execution of hen laws; and the comriiand of her armies and navies; to a period so short as. to preyent his forget ting that lie ia. the.accountable agent, not the principal—the servant, not (he-master. Until,ah amendment to the constitution can be cß'ectcd, public opinion piny secure the dPsir'ed I givc my aid to it, by Tp newing the pledge heretofore given', -tlihit under no circumstances, will. I consent To serve a second term.! Jlut iftherelsdangerto public liberty' from the acknowledged defects of the con' stituiion, in the'ivant Ot liinf&tp the'contin uance of the executive' power in the same 1 .bands, there is, I apprehend, notmupli less from a'm i sc oris t rti ction o hat ins t rumen t as it regards the powers jacfually given. -1 ciuinot-.conceive .that, hya fair l construction any oreUhepbTitsprovisionswould be foUnd to constitute thePresidetitapart of the leg islative powcrr lticannot be clainied from ■the power to recommend .since; although 1 enjoined ns a lege Which be camriVoh "with every other citizen. : may bc something niore of cfipfidepCßah propri ety ofthemcasures^^roendetfirilhOone ultimate decision there can be-no difference;' iuth'efnnguago'of the cbhslini^ legislative' po»ycrp w vested in the’ Congress Of the U; Itlyouldbeasolecism-inlanguagelo'shy (nT^ji^i-. ~v i u i u :pt• ‘;;,<* W rMV/' : y-4^ that any portion of these is not included in the whole. - It,may be said, indeed, tljatlhc Constitu tion lias giv.cn to the Executive the power to nnnul the acts.of;the legislative hotly by refusing to (hem his assent, So;.n similar a er-has necessarily-resulted from that in ment to the Judiciary; and yet the Ju diciary forms. no part of • the Legislature— . is, it is true, this- difference,between these grants of power: tljc Executive can put his negntive upon the acts of the 'Legis lature for other cause than that of want of conformity,.to the■ Constitution, whilst the Judiciary can only, declare void those which Violate ths.ti instrument. , But the decision of the Judiciary, is final'in such a,'cage, whereps. in every instance' where .the; ,veto of the.ExCcutive is applied, it may be over come by' a vote of two-diirils of both Houses of Congress. The 1 negative upon the acts of the, Legislative, by_’(Tie Executive author ity, aml tl)(it in the hands ,of one individual, would secin to be an-incongruity'in purays tcm. ' Like some others of a similar charac ter, however, if,appears to b,e highly expe dient; and il' used Only with the forbearance and in.the spirit which was intended by its authors, it may be productive of great good, and be found one of the best safeguards to the Union.. At. the period of the formation of the Constitution, the principle does not appear to have enjoyed, much favor in the State Governments. It existed hut in two, and in one of these there was a plural Ex ecutive. If We would search for tlic motives which Operated upon the purely patriotic and enlightened assembly Which framed the Constitution, for the adoption of a provision, so apparently repugnant to the leading de mocratic principle, tlihf the majority Should govern, we must reject the idea that they anticipated from'it any benefit to the ordin ary course of legislation. They knew too well .the high degree -of-intelligence which existed among the People, and the enlight ened character of the*Stnlc Legislatures, not to have the fullest confidence that the two bodies elected by them would bp vior t|iy representatives of such constituents, and, of course that they would require no -aid in conceiving and maturing the meas ures, which the circumstances of the country -might require. •• ■■■ And it is to suppose that a WcT > i%sldcnff placedl^t-tfie ■Capital, in the centre of (lie-ppuntry, could better understand the watlts and-wishes of the. people than their own immediate repre sentatives, who spend a part of every year among them, living with them, often-Jabor ii'Tg with them, and bound to them ? ,by" 'tl!e Tryjlc lie.of interest, Iluly, ami affection.— To assist or control Congress;-then, in its ordinary legislation, could hot, 1 conceive, have been thc.niutivcTor confcrring : tlic veto power on the President. This argument acquires additional force (ram the fact of its never having been thus used by the first six -Presidents—and two of them were members of tbe'couvcntion, one presiding over its de liberations, and the other having a larger, share in consummating the labors of that august b‘pdy than any other person. But if bills were never returned to Congress by either of the Presidents above referred to, upon the ground-of their being inexpedient, or not asWell adapted as they might be to the wants.of the People, the veto was appli ed upon that of want.of conformity to the Constitution, or because errors bad been committed from a too hasty enactment. There is another ground for the adoption of the veto • principle which had, probably more influence in recommending it to the convention than any other. I refer to the security which it gives to the just and equit able action of the legislature upon all parts of the Union. It could not but have occur red to the conventionalist, in a country so extensive, embracing so great a. variety, of soil and climate, and, consequently, of pro ducts, and which from the same, causes must ever exhibiHi grcat dificrencc in the amount of the population of its various sections, calling Tor a grent diversity in the -employ ments of the people, that the legislation of the majority might not always justly regard the rights and interests of the minority.— And,that acts.of this character might be phssed, under an express grant by ,the words of the.Constitutidn, and, therefore, not with in the cuiiipetency of thc -judiciary to de clare voidc , That however enlightened and patriotic llicy might suppose, from'past ex perience, tlic iriieinhcrs of. Congress might be, and however largely partaking in the general,.of the liberal feclings of thej’eoplc, it was impossible to . expect (hat bodies so constituted should not sometimes be con trolled by loparinterests and sectional feel ings. It was proper, therefore, to preyide some umpire, from whose situation and mode of appoin.tinciil morbindependcncc/imdTrcV dom frbtn-such-influcnccs niiglitdie-cxpect cd.'„ Such a one was afforded by the Execr ujive .Department constituted by. the Con? stitu tion. . . .. . • ~ A person elected to that high office, hay-} ing his constituents in cyeryjSection, State, and subdivision, of ihe.Unioh, must consid er, himself bound by the most" solemn sanc tions, to. guard, protcc|tV=;aiid ..dcfe'nd the rights of all, and of. pirery portion, great or small, frbrti the injustice and oppression of the, rest. Vlconsider the veto-power, there fore,-given by the. Constitution to the Exec utive of .the United States, solely as a con servative power.' To lie used,,pnly,- Ist, to : pfotecfilie.Constitutidn'from violation., 2dly : tlie Tcoplc from the effects of hasty legisla tion, where their, will has been probably dis regarded dr not well .understood; and, Sdly, to pro vent-the effects of combinations vibla tivc of the rights of minorities; In refer-, ctice to the second of these objects,. I may observe that; I consider, it,tire right and ‘pri vilege,’ of 1 the. Fcbple ; to 5 decide, disputed points of the Constitution, arising from -the general grant orpbwcr to Congress to carry into effect the.powers expressly given.' j' 'Add T "that repealed; recognitions under/varied circUm stances; In acts of the legislative, executive,; hcitompanied ;^jr^^catibnr'ijrtj;different; m,o’d es-refithe cdnbvrrfen ce will; feuffleieht disputed points asoeftl«d;’? r ? ■ r,; : . since; tire l aflppl|nn'bf, w 'fits pre fair exhibit made of the operations of each of its Departments, of the powers which they res pectively claim and exercise, of the colli sions which have occurred between them,.or between the whole ..Government and those of the States, hr cither of'them. We could then;conipore ouf actual condition, after fif ty years’trial of our system, with- what,it was in the. commencement of its operations, and ascertain whether the predictions of the patriots wild opposed its adoption, or the confident hopes of its advocates; have been, realized! '' Tha-r’grfeat tlread of th,e former seems to have been, Iliad the reserved pow ers-of the States would be obsorved by those of the Federal Government, and a'consoli duted powcr’established,leaving to the States the shadow, only, of that 'independent ac tion for.which they had so zealously conten ded, and on the preservation of which;they, relied as the last hope of liberty. 1 Without denying that the resiilt to which they looked with so riiutili apprehension is in the way of being realized, it is obvious that they did’ hot clearly see the mode of its accomplish ment.' The General Government : ijas “seiz ed upon none of the reserved rights of tile States. As far as any open warfare may have gone,the State authorities have amply maintained their rights.:' To a casual obser ver, our system presents no appearance: of. discord between the different'members which compose if. Evtii the addition of manynew ones has produced no jarring. They move in (heir respective' orbits in perfect harmony, with the central head, and with' each other. Hut there is still an under current hf work, by yvhicli, if not,. “Seasonably checked, the wbrsthpprcliensions'of our anti-federal-pa triots will be- realized. : And not only will the State authorities; be overshadowed by the great increase of power.in 'tlife- Execu tive Department of •thc_.Gen.era}.,Govern ment, but the character of that Government, if not its designation, be essentially bnd;ra dically changed. This state of things has been -in part ef fected by causes inherent in the Constitu tion, ami in part by .the never-failing ten dency of .political power-to increase itself. By making the President the able, distribu tor'of ail the patronage of the .Government, the'framcrs of the Constitution do not ap pear to have anticipated,at how short a pe riod it would bpeoine .a. formidable Jnstrfi-* State GOfrcnvm’cnts-. Of tViflrligimportance at first, it had, early in Mr. Jefferson’s' ad ministration, become so powerful as to cre ate great alarm in the mind of- tliat patriot;' from the potent influence it might exert, in controlling the freedom of the elective fran chise. If such coilld have been’ (he effects of its inf]u o nc e ,1 1 0 w, much greater must be the danger, at tide time;--quadrupled iii -a m'bu-nt, as it certainly is, andTriore complete? lymndcrllic control of Tlic Executive will, than their.construction of their powers al lowed. or the .iforhearing’ characters of all the early Presidents permitted them to matte? But it is notTiy .tlie extent of its patronage alone, that the Executive Department has became dangerous, but by the use which it. may be made of .thc appolnting pow cr, to bring under its control the whole rev enues of the country. The Constitution has declared it to he (he duty of the President to sec that the,daws arc executed, and it makes-him the Commander-in-Chicf of the Armies and Navvof the United States. ;' If the opinion of the niosl approved , writers upon that species-of mixed 5 Government, which, in modern Europe, is termed Mon archy, ill contra-distinction to Despotism is correct, there Was’wanting no other addition to the powers of our Chief Magista.ite to stamp a monarchist character on our Gov ernment, but the control,of the public finan ces. And to me it appears strange, indeed, (hat any one should doubt that the entire control which' the President possesses over the officers who have the custody of the public money," by the power, of removal with or without cause, does, for all mischievous purposes; at least; virtually subject the trea sure also to his disposal! Tlic first Roman Emperor, in his attempts’jo seize the sacred treasure, silenced the opposition of the offi cer to whose.charge it had been committed, by a significant allusion to his sword. By a selection ofpolitical instruments for the care of the public money, a, reference to their commissions by a President, would.be quite as cffectual-an .argument a s_ th a t,of.ClE.sar. to the’Roman Knight. . I am not insertsible of the great difficulty that cxists iii devising a proper plan for. the safe-keeping and dis bursements of the public and I know the importance which lias becii'attacli ed by men of great abilities and patriotism to the divorce, as it is’ called, of, the Treas ury from the banking institutions. It is not the divlircc which is complained of,Jiut,the unhallowcll union of the Treasury with the Executive' Department which has created such ;,e xlcnsiv.c. .alarm i To’ this “danger , to our republican institutions,aml.tliat created by the influence’given to the Executive through the instrumentality of "(he federal officers; I propose to apply all the remedies which may be at my command. i; It was certainly a great error in the fra mers of the Constitution, not to have made; the officer at the head, of the Treasury De partment entirely independent of the Exec utive. He should at least have been: rcino? vable only upon the demand of the popular branch of the Legislature. T : have deter mined never to remove, a Secretary of the Treasury without communicnliiigalt thc cir eumstances attending such removal to both Houses of Congress.■; The influence of the Executive in controlling (he; freedom of;the’ the elective franchise through Hie medium of the public ’officers,'- can .be ’ effectually checked by renewing the ' prohibition, pub lished byjMr. Jefferson, forbidding their in terference in elections further than’ giving their bwn'yotcs} s :and their, own'independ ence secured by ah assurance of perfect im munity} in'cxcrcisirig this sacred privilege of freemen under the-dictatea of their own unbiassed judglnentSi-' Never, with my con sent, shall an'officcV'of'thc,Pcople; ooinpen. sated for liia servtfecs’out 'of ■’ their - pockets, become the pliant instrument of : Executive win.' 5 '- y, t There ibnVpail of 'thjenienns' platted ’in: the; hands of the Ex&cUt'lyp which_’«iiglit be used With grcaicrieffcct, ,: ’for' Unhallowed purposes; than.the.fcbiitrbl of the public press’; The; maxim which our ancestors derived from’ the mother- Country, that."the freedom of the press is the great bUlvvafk bf civil and religious'liberty,” cibus’ legacies .which they have left ns. . We have Icarned. too, from our’.otvn as well; as the experience of other countries, that gol den shackles, by whomsoever ,or by 'what soever pretence imposed, are ns fatal to it as the iron, bonds of despotisfn. The. presses in.-tne . necessary 1 employment of the Gov-’ eminent should .never be used “to clear the guilty; or-- to varnish crimes.” "A decent ; and'nianly examination of the acts of the Government should be not only tolerated but encouraged. ; . • Upon another Occasion 1 have given my opinion, at some lenglh,-upon the impropri ety of Executive iiiterfcrcnce.ln the legisla tion’of Congress,- That the article in the Constitution making it the duty of the Pres ident to.communicate information, and au lliorizing liim to recommend measures, Was ■ hot intended, to makc hiih the' so.urcefOf leg islation, and, in particular, that he should never be looked to’for schemesyof finance. It would be very strange, indeed; that tlie Constitution should,have strictly forbidden one branch of the Legislature from interfe ring in the origination of such bills, and that it should be considercd'proper that an alto gether different department of the Govern ment should bo permitted to do so. Some of our best political;maxims and opinions have been dmyiy from.o.ur parent Isle.—• There are others,diowevfir; 1 which cannot be introduced in our- system without singular incongruity, and the production of much mischief. And this F conceive to be one. s — matter in which of the Hous'cs of Parli ament a bill may originate, nor by whom in troduced, a minister, or a member of the Opposition, by the fiction of law, or rather of Constitutional principle, the Sovereign is supposed to have prepared it agreeably, to his will, and then .submitted it to Parlia ment for their advice and consent. Now, the,very reversb is the case here, not only with regard to (he principle, biit ! the forms prescribed byThe.Constitution.' The prin ciple, certainly assigns, to. (he only.body, con stituted by the Constitution (the legislative body) -Ihp power to make laws, and the forms even direct that the enactment should be ascribed to them. The Senate, in rela tion to Revenue bills, have the right to pro pose amendments, and so has the Executive, by the power -.given him to return them to (he House of Representatives, with his ob jections. It is in his: power,'also, to pro pose, amendments in tlje_ existing revenue wpoiv ■their defective or injurious operation." But the delicate duty of devising schcnles o( re venue should be left where tile Constitution hasfplntted it—-whirthe immediate represen tatives of the People.. For similar reasons, the mode of keeping the public treasure should be; prescribed by them! and tin; far ther-rcmoVcdi.t. may be from the control of the Exocutivc; tlic iripre wholesome' the ’af rangcirioot.'and’ihe mare - in.accordance with ■Republican principles. ,■ >• . - ij- “Connected with this subject is the char? acter of-thc currency. The idea of‘making it ext to si velyln e tal Ii c, however well inten ded, appbare to me to be fraught witlrrniore fatal .conseqiteuccs than any other scheme,’ haying n%relatioh'-tq the personal rights of the citizen, that has cVcrjicen devised. If any siijglc|'scjicme could prSdocc the effect of arresting at once, that I nu tat ion”of.,c.midi tion by which thousands of-’our most irmP* gent fellow citizens,-by,their industry jand' enterprise, are raised'’'to the possession" of. is tlibonc,. If tlictrc is one mea sure heifer calculated' than another to pro duce that state of tilings so much deprecated by all Iruej’cpublicans, by which the rich are dailyiaddihg to their hoards, and the poor sinking deeper into penury, it is an ex clusive mciallic ’currcncy. ’ Or if there is a process by which die character of the coun try for generosity and nobleness of feeling may be destroyed, by the great increase ami necessary toleration of usury, it ii;an exclu sive metallic currency.. ■Amongst the- other duties of a delicate character which the President is called up on to perforin, is the supervision of the gov crmcntoF^theTfcrritorics-of—lbe"U~Statcsr 'Those of them which are destined to become members of our great political family, are compensated by their rapid progress from infancy to manhood, for the partial and tem porary deprivation 'of their political rights. It is in this District only,, whore American citizens are to be found, who under a settled system of policy, are deprived of .many ini par taut political -privileges., without any in spiring hopes as to the futuri- Their only consolation, .under circumstances of such deprivation's that ofthe devoted exterior guards of a camp—that'their sufferings se cure tranquility and safety-within. . Arc there any of their, countrymen who would subject them to greater sacrifices, to any other humiliations than those essentially ne ccssary.lo the security of the object for which they werorthus separated from their fc'Hiiw' citizens? Are their rights,alone not tu be guarantied .by the application of-those great principles: upon which all bur constitutions' are founded? ' We are 1 told by 'the greatest of British, orators and statesmen;: that nf the commencement of the war of the Revolution, the most stupid m en , England spoke of “their American subjects.” Are, there, in - deed,‘citizens pf.any of out States who Have dreamed of their-subjects in the District of Colombia?!*' Such'dreams can never be real? ized by any agency of mine. , The pcople'of the District of Columbia are not the subjects of the people of the States, but free American, citizens. Being in the latter condition when the Constitution was formed, no words used ini that instrument could have been intended Vlo deprive them of that character. If there is any thing in -the great principle of unalienable rights, so emphatically insisted Upon in the Dcclara tibnl of- Independence, they could, neither ; make, no? thb; United States acrcpt', a sur render of their liberties, and become the :subji6ls, ,fnother words the llayes, of, (heir former fellow citizens, If this be true, and it will starcely-be denied' by any onc.-who has b correct idea of bis’pw’n rights asiin A-' mericatv citizeiif, the!g?gnf .tdMC'ongrcsa of ex 4 -' elusive jurisdiction; jnJhe -District of Colum bia, can be interpreted, so faras.respccts the aggregate people of lire U. States.nß mean-, ingriothingmore'lhnhtbairoWtbGongress tliecbntrollingpow-crnccessary-toaffurdtt frdfr add "safe cWciseVbf the functions as signed to the Government by the Constitution. In all other-respects .the Icg islatiombr Cpngrcss. should he adapted to their, peculiar:position and .wants, and. bp conformable' with' their deliberate opinions, of their, own interest's. - - : V 1 llia'yc^ mcpt.aa well as all- (lie other authorities of ,oqf .'obuntry. within their' appropriate orbits, This is a matter of difficulty ip some cases, as the powers which they respectivcly’Vlaim are often’not defined by very .'distinct lines* Mischievous, hoW§yer, - in their tendencies, ns collisions,of thisKlnd may be, those which arise: between the respective communities, which for certain.ipurposes compose one na tion, are much more so; for-no such nation can.Jong exist without the careful culture of those .feelings of confidence and" affection which are the effective bonds'of union .be - tween • free and confederated States. ~Strong as is the tie of, interest, it .has, been often found ineffectual. Men, blinded by (heir passions, have been known to adopt mea sures for their country in direct opposition to 'all the suggestions of policy. The alter native then,"'is, to destroy,or keep down a bad passion'by creating’and fostering a good onejj and this seems to be the corner stone upon which our'American political archi tects have reared the.fabric of.our Govern ment. . . Titty ccmeniwhich was to bind it,and per petuate its existence, was the affectionate-at tachment’between air its members. To in surp the 1 continuance of this feeling, produ .‘ccd at first by a .cptpmuriily,of dangers, of buffcrings aiidpf interests, the auvantagesyif each we're made accessible to all. ,No par ticipatiun in any good, possessed by any member of an extensive confederacy, except in domestic government,'was withheld from the citizen of any other member. ■ ’By a pro cess attended with no difficulty', no delay, no expense but that of removal, the citizen of dnemight become,the citizen ofany-oth er, and successively of (be whole: The lines, too, separating powers to be exercised by the citizens of ope State from those of another, seem to be so distipclly drawn as to leave, ho room for misunderstanding. The citi zens of each State unitp in their persons all the privileges winch that character confers, and air that they-may claim as citizens of the United' States; but in no :case can the same person, at the.same time, act as (he ci tizen of two separate States, and he is there fore positively precluded from any inter fa cnee withthe reserved powers of any *Slate but that of which he is, for the lime being, a citizen. He may indeed offer to the cui-, zens of othe|.S(ateb-,h|s advice as to their^... is ten - tiered is left to his own discretion and s.cjtse of propriety. _ 1 i ■ ....... . ’ 'lt may he observed,however, that organ ized associations of citizens-, requiring com pliance with their wishes, too much resem bles the recommendations of Athens to her allies —supported by atv armed ohd powerful flec't. Itwns, indued, to the ambition of the leajdlng Slates of Greece, tu.cniitrol the 'do mestic concerns of the others, that the de struction of that celeb'ntletl confederacy, and subsequently of all its members, is mainly to be'attributed. And it is owing to the ab sence (if that spirit that the Helvetic cottfed .cracy has for many years .been preserved.— Never has there been in the institutions of the separate members of any confederacy more elements of-discord. In the principles and forms ,Hf government and’religion, as well ns in the circumstances of the several ~C<)ntons, so marked a discrepance was oh scrvahlL‘r-i»-.tp„promise any thing hut har mony itv their or permanency in their mllinncc, And yctyTor-jigcs/neilher has bceit'interrupted. Content wlflf-thejm sitive benefits wliich (heir union and-with the -independence and safely from foreign aggression. Whish it secured, these sagacious people respected the institutions of each other, however repugnant to their own principles and prejudices. Out- Confederacy, fellowrcitizcns, can on ly be preserved by .the fame Our citizens must be cotitcnt with the exer cise of the powers With which the Constitu tion clothes them. The attempt of those of one Slate to control the domestic institu tions of another, can only rfisult in feelings uf.distrust and jealousy, the certain harbing ers of disunion, violence, civil war, and thd ultimate destruction of mirjicc-rnstitmiunsj Our Confederacy is perfectly illustrated by the terms and principles governing a com mon copartnersliip. There a fund of power is to be cxerc'ised under the direction of the) joint councils.of the nllicd-nicmhiirs, but that which has been reserved, by the individual members is intangible by the common guv eminent or the individual members compo sing it. To nltcnipl it fimlsTio support in (lie principles of our Constitution. Itlshould be our constant and earnest endeavor mutu ally to cultivate a spirit of concord and har liiony among the various parts of pur Con federacy. Experience has abundantly taught us that the agitation by citizens of one-part of life Union of a subject not confidence .to the General Government, but exclusively under the guardianship of the local authori ties-,-is productive of no-other consequences, -than bitterness, alienation,'discord; ami - in jury’Tothe very cause which is,intended' to ■ be>',ad vanced. Of all the great .interests which appertain to our country, thatofun iun, cordial,- c onfid in g ,fra te in alun io n.i sby ' faf.the ; most important, since it is (he on.ly true and sure guaraiily of all,' otherj. ,V,, , lit cOpsequence-pf the.embarrassed- state of business and the currency; some of (he States may meet with difficulty in their fi nahcial-conccrns. However deeply ,wd may regret any thing impru dent or excessive, ini the engagements into which States.haveicn tered fur purposes of their own, if does not become us-to'disparage the State Ciovcrn* ments, nor to discourage therti from making -praper efforts for ftielr pwn relief; on the contrary, if is,our duty to encourage,them, to the extent of our coristitutional aUthorify, to apply their -best means : and,chceffdlly to make al],necessary sncrificcsand submit fo, all; necessary burdens tp.fulfif lheir.cngage-, ments and-.insintßin theircredit for.the char acter and’ircdifof the wh.pj.e country. -Tlifi resources of'the country me: abundant, the enterprise.and activify of our people prbyer .bial, and we may well hope that wise legis lation administratiot> 5 1 by the re spective- Governments, each acting.within its own spherej Wili rcstDrc former proSperiv ty. ■ -I.'':, Unpleasant and even dangerous as colli sions'- be; bet'm&w-’ijie . : stitu(ciT nutlioritics or lhb citizens. of our countryi the lincsivhich sepa rate their respective jucisdictionsVthe results can he; of oo- vital injury to our instifutions, ’ if that anient ■ patriotism,; (Kat dcroted at tachihent Yo'liberty,' that spirit of inodera lion arjjj :forbMranee<fpr \vldch ‘ to lie;.-
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