fVom the National Jntd/igerictr, Extra t March 4
IN AI'UI'UAI. • ADDKE.SS 1
/’/f f;\l OA.IT It.llttißSO.V.
■ Called from a retiremcnt.which I liad sup
posedwas td ; continue fur-tho residue of mv
life, to fill. tlre Chief-Esecutive vffice.uf tins
great and free nation,', I appear "hcfo.r.e; you;
fellow citizens, to titke (lie; 'imths vvJjieh. (jie
Constitution prescrlbcsas a necessary quali
fication for tlie potformancc of its duties.'—
And in obedience to a cilstonf coeval with
our Government, aii<l.;What I- believo-to-lre
your expectations, Tprocecdto prcscilt to
ypu a summary of the principles which, will
govern me In the diachaigo, ; of the; duties
which I shall be called upon,to perforin. ;
It Was the remark of ailoilian Consul, in,
nn early period of that celebrated Republic,
that a most striking contrast was,Qb.servabl»
in the'conduct of candUkUcs for,'offices' of
power and trust, before, hud after- obtaining
them—they seldom carry out in ,lhe, latter,
case the pledges and promises made in the
former. However much .the .world may have
improved, in many respects, in the lapse of
upwards of two thousand years since the re
mark was made by tlie virtuous and indig
nant Roman; 1 Tear that a'strict examination
of the annals of some of-tlie modern elective
Governments would devclnpe similar instan
ces of violated confidence.
Although the fiat of the People has gone
forth, proclaiming ,nie the Chief Magistrate
of this glorious, Union,'nothing upon their
part remaining to be done, it may he thought
that-a motivc'may exist to keep up, the de
lusion under which they may be supposed to
. have acted in relation,to my principles and
opinions; and perhaps there may be some in
this assembly who have cojne here,cither pre
pared to condemn those! shall now" deliver,
or, approving them,, td'-doubt the sincerity
with winch they arc uttered. Hut a lapse of
, a few months will, confirm or dispel their
fears. The outline.of principles to govern,
and measures to be adopted by an Adminis
tration not yet began, will soon be exchanged
for immutable history, and ! shall stand ci
ther exonerated by, my countrymen, or
classed’with the mass of those who promised
that they might deceive, and fluttered with
the intention to betray. However sjrohg
may be;my present’ purpose to realize tlie
unfferstamV tlie TnliC
. mities of human nature and the dangerous
temptations to which I shall-be exposed,
from the magnitude of the, power" which it
hits been-the pleasure of the People to com
mit to my hands, not to place my. chief de
pendence'upon the aid of that Almighty
power which has hitherto protected me, and
eniblcdjne. to .bring to it, favorable issue other
important but still greatly infciiur trusts,
heretofore c’onfided to me by my country.
' The broad foundation upon- which , our
Constitution rests, - being , the people—a
breath of theirs having made, ns a breath
can unmake, change, or modify, ipr—it can
be assigned to none of the great' divisions of
government.but to'that of Democracy. If
- such is its-theory, those who are called tip
on to administer it must recognize, as its
-leading principle, the duty of shaping the
measures so as to produce the greatest good
to the greatest number. Hut, with "these
broad .admissions, if we would compare the
sovereignty acknowledged to exist in the
mass of our people with the power claimed
by other sqvereignties, even by those which
have been considered most purely democrat
ic, we shall find a most essential difference.
All others lay claim to power limited only
by their'own will. The majority of onr ci
tizens on the contrary, possess a sovereignty
with an amount of power precisely equal to
that which has been granted to them by the
parties of the national compact, and nu.thing
beypnd. We admit of no government, by
divine right—believing that,- so far as power
is concerned, (he beneficient Creator has
made no distinction amongst men,. that, all
1 are upqn an equality, find that the. only le
gitimate right to,govern'is nn express grant
of-power from the governed. The Consti
tution.of the United States is the instru
ment containing tliis grant of poWcr to the
several departments composing
nierit. On an examination of. That instru
ment it will be fount! to contain declarations'
of power granted, a ndo f. p o.wje.c.w i 111 he Id .
The latter is also susceptible of division,
into power which.the-majority, had The right
to graht,.biit which they.did not think pro
per. ttf entrust to lheir..agcnts;.and.that which
they could not have granted, not being pos
sessed by,themselves’.- '-In other words, there
■ are.certain rights.- possessed by each individ
ual American citizen, which in his compact
with the others; he has never surrendered.
Some of them, indeed, he is unable to sin -
-render, being infhe lunguage of our system,
unalienable!
The boasted privilcgeofa Roman citizen
was to himia shield qidy against a pet ty prd
* Vmcial ruler, whijst democrat' iff
Athens'conld console himself -under a sen
tence of death, for a supposed- violation of
the national" faith, which' nb one understood,
* ahd which at times 'was the subject of tlie
mockery uf-ail. <ir of tmnisfinent from home,
his" family "and his country',-with or without
an aljedged cause; that it was the act,'not of
a_single tyrant, or haled-aristocracy, but of
liis assembled countrymen. Fur different is
the power ofour sovereignty u It canintcr
fere with nq one’s faith, prescribe forms of
worship-for no onc’-scuhso.rvancc.inflict no
punishment but after guilt,
tlie result-of investimipiVunder rulcs pfe
scribed by .thqj Consmtmqn itself.. These
- precious privileges, and Those, scarcely dess
' important, of giving .expression,; toMiis
thoughts and opinions, cither Uy writing or
speaking, unrestrained but by- Tho^ liability
for injury, to others, and that ofafull partk
cipation'in all: the advantagcs-jwliich -flow'
from the Government,, the acknowledged
property of all. The American-citizen .'de
rive from no charter (granted byfdsfellow
man. He claims thein because Tie iis him
self a Mail, fashVonediby lhcsame Aliriiglily
- fiamfas ihe rest of his species, and entitled
to a full share of: the blessings . with, which,
lie has endowed them.: t ■’ !:i
.Notwithstanding the limited- sovereignly
possessed by;Hb« People' of the U. ’States;
and tho-Testrictedgraht’of, power to (he Go
, vermheht which they have adopted,, enmigh
. has been given to accon»plish all the objects
_: ibr which it'wps created. ;• It has.hcen found
powerful in war.bnd,: hithe!-to,;.jiistice, has
-tefcdpiMticT^
■ sotial liberty scoured to (lie citizen. Ab was (
to be expected, however, from the defect of'
language, mid the necessarily sententious
nlapuer in which the. Constitution is;, writ-,
ten, disputes have arisen as to the amount
of power which it b6s actually granted, or
was intended jo grant. This is, UVor6 par
ticularly,the case ib relation to that part of
’ the instrument which treats of the Legisla
tive.branch. And not only as: regards the
exercise of powers claimed under a general
clause, giving that body the authority to
pitss aU-laws necessary to'carry -into effect
_(he specified .powers, but in relation to the
latter also. It is, libwever, consolatory to,
i'cflect; that most of the instances of alleged
departure from the letter, or spirit of the
Constitution,' have ultimately received the
sanction of a majority blithe people. ' And
the fact, tiiatmnny pf otfr. statesmen,, most
.distinguished for.taleijt and patriotism, have
'been, at one time or other ot their,, political
career, on botli .sides of' each of the most
warmly disputed questions; forces upon us
■the inference that the errors, jf.errors there
Were, are attributable to the intrinsic .diffi
culty, in many instances, of ascertaining the
intentions of the framers of the Constitution,
rather than the influence of any sinister or
unpatriotic motive. ' , i
Hut the great dangerto our institutions
does not appear to' me, to be iti,a usurpation,
by the Government; of ppwcr.not gran tod by
the People, hilt by die accumulation, in one
of the Departments, of that which 'was as
signed to others. ■ Limited as.are the pow
ers which have been granted; still enough
have been granted to constitute a despotism,
if concentrated in one of .(he Departments.
This danger is greatly heightened, as it has
been always observable that men pre less
jealous of encroachments of one department
upon another,-than upon their own reserved
rights. \
When tbe Constitution of the United
States first came frum-Tlic hands of the Con
vention .which formed it, many of the stern
est republicans of.the day werC .alarmed at
the extent of. the power which''bad been,
granted to the Federal
more particularly to that portion which iuid„
been assigned' to the Executive branch.—
There were-in it features which appeared
not to be in harmony with,their ideas of a
simple ■r'cpVcd&tr.ti.ve Democracy, or Repub- j
sed by a single individual, predictions were
made that, at.no very remote.'period, the go-'
vernmeiit would terminate ifi virtual inon
arciiy. It would not become me to say that
the,fears of these patriots have been already
realized. Rut, as I sincerely believe that
the tendency of measures, nmpof men’s' o-~
pinions, for some years past, li.asijjafth, in
that direction, it is .1 conceive, Strictly,
proper that Tshould Tako this' occasion to
repeat the'assurances 1 have heretofore giv
en of my determination to arrest the pro-,
gress pf ;that tendency, if it really exists,
and restore the governmant to. its pristine
health and vigor, as far as this can be effect
ed by any legitimate.exercise of tbe power
plncedjn my hands.. ■
jl proceed to state, in as summary.man
ner as I can, ray opinions of tbe sources of
the evils which have been so extensively
complained of, and the correctives which
may be applied. Some of the former are
unquestionably to tie; found in thedefeetpof
the Constitution; others, in my judgment,
are attributable to a misconstruction of some
of its provisions. Of the former is the elig
ibility of the same individual to a second
term of the Presidency. ’ The sagacious
mind of Mr. Jefferson early saw and lamen
ted this error, and attempts have been made,
hitherto without success, to apply the'amen
datory power of the States to Us .correction.
As, however, one mode of correction is in
the power of every President; and conse
quently in mine, it would-be useless, and
■pcrhaps.invidioiis to'enumerate the evils of
which, JnJlie., opinion sju fjnany_o f_o u rl fel
low-citizens, this error of the sages who fra
med the Constitution may have been the
source, and the bitter 'fruits which we lire
still to gather from it, if it continues to dis
figure our -system. It.may be observed,
however, as a general remark, UrUt RepUb
■licsican commit no greater error than to a
dopt or continue any features in their svs
tems. of govern men t_wli'ich . may be calc da
ted to create or increase tbe love of power
in the bosoms of those' to whom necessity
obliges them io commit the management of
their affairs. And, surely;'nolhing : is. more
-likely to produce such a state of mind than
thedung continuance of an officer in an Office
Of high' trust.' . Notliing’can: be more cor
rupting, nothing more destructive of all
those noble feelings which- beloijg to the
character of a devoted republican patriot.-
When this corrupting passion once takes
poss.cssion'ofthcrdiuiiuin'riiiindTTlikc-tlielovm
«f%old, it becdipcs Insatiable. :It ip the
never-dying worm in hip bosom,' grows with
his growth, and strengthens with the decli
ilingyears lf this be true, it
is the parTof wisdom fora republic to limit
the service of that olficerat least to whom
she has entrusted' the management of her
foreign relations, the execution of hen laws;
and the comriiand of her armies and navies;
to a period so short as. to preyent his forget
ting that lie ia. the.accountable agent, not
the principal—the servant, not (he-master.
Until,ah amendment to the constitution can
be cß'ectcd, public opinion piny secure the
dPsir'ed I givc my aid to it, by Tp
newing the pledge heretofore given', -tlihit
under no circumstances, will. I consent To
serve a second term.!
Jlut iftherelsdangerto public liberty'
from the acknowledged defects of the con'
stituiion, in the'ivant Ot liinf&tp the'contin
uance of the executive' power in the same 1
.bands, there is, I apprehend, notmupli less
from a'm i sc oris t rti ction o hat ins t rumen t
as it regards the powers jacfually given. -1
ciuinot-.conceive .that, hya fair l construction
any oreUhepbTitsprovisionswould be foUnd
to constitute thePresidetitapart of the leg
islative powcrr lticannot be clainied from
■the power to recommend .since; although 1
enjoined ns a
lege Which be camriVoh "with every
other citizen. : may bc
something niore of cfipfidepCßah propri
ety ofthemcasures^^roendetfirilhOone
ultimate decision there can be-no difference;'
iuth'efnnguago'of the cbhslini^
legislative' po»ycrp w
vested in the’ Congress Of the U;
Itlyouldbeasolecism-inlanguagelo'shy
(nT^ji^i-. ~v i u i u :pt• ‘;;,<* W rMV/' : y-4^
that any portion of these is not included in
the whole. -
It,may be said, indeed, tljatlhc Constitu
tion lias giv.cn to the Executive the power
to nnnul the acts.of;the legislative hotly by
refusing to (hem his assent, So;.n similar
a er-has necessarily-resulted from that in
ment to the Judiciary; and yet the Ju
diciary forms. no part of • the Legislature—
. is, it is true, this- difference,between
these grants of power: tljc Executive can
put his negntive upon the acts of the 'Legis
lature for other cause than that of want of
conformity,.to the■ Constitution, whilst the
Judiciary can only, declare void those which
Violate ths.ti instrument. , But the decision
of the Judiciary, is final'in such a,'cage,
whereps. in every instance' where .the; ,veto
of the.ExCcutive is applied, it may be over
come by' a vote of two-diirils of both Houses
of Congress. The 1 negative upon the acts
of the, Legislative, by_’(Tie Executive author
ity, aml tl)(it in the hands ,of one individual,
would secin to be an-incongruity'in purays
tcm. ' Like some others of a similar charac
ter, however, if,appears to b,e highly expe
dient; and il' used Only with the forbearance
and in.the spirit which was intended by its
authors, it may be productive of great good,
and be found one of the best safeguards to
the Union.. At. the period of the formation
of the Constitution, the principle does not
appear to have enjoyed, much favor in the
State Governments. It existed hut in two,
and in one of these there was a plural Ex
ecutive. If We would search for tlic motives
which Operated upon the purely patriotic
and enlightened assembly Which framed the
Constitution, for the adoption of a provision,
so apparently repugnant to the leading de
mocratic principle, tlihf the majority Should
govern, we must reject the idea that they
anticipated from'it any benefit to the ordin
ary course of legislation. They knew too
well .the high degree -of-intelligence which
existed among the People, and the enlight
ened character of the*Stnlc Legislatures,
not to have the fullest confidence that the
two bodies elected by them would bp vior
t|iy representatives of such constituents,
and, of course that they would require no
-aid in conceiving and maturing the meas
ures, which the circumstances of the country
-might require. •• ■■■
And it is to suppose that a
WcT > i%sldcnff placedl^t-tfie
■Capital, in the centre of (lie-ppuntry, could
better understand the watlts and-wishes of
the. people than their own immediate repre
sentatives, who spend a part of every year
among them, living with them, often-Jabor
ii'Tg with them, and bound to them ? ,by" 'tl!e
Tryjlc lie.of interest, Iluly, ami affection.—
To assist or control Congress;-then, in its
ordinary legislation, could hot, 1 conceive,
have been thc.niutivcTor confcrring : tlic veto
power on the President. This argument
acquires additional force (ram the fact of its
never having been thus used by the first six
-Presidents—and two of them were members
of tbe'couvcntion, one presiding over its de
liberations, and the other having a larger,
share in consummating the labors of that
august b‘pdy than any other person. But if
bills were never returned to Congress by
either of the Presidents above referred to,
upon the ground-of their being inexpedient,
or not asWell adapted as they might be to
the wants.of the People, the veto was appli
ed upon that of want.of conformity to the
Constitution, or because errors bad been
committed from a too hasty enactment.
There is another ground for the adoption
of the veto • principle which had, probably
more influence in recommending it to the
convention than any other. I refer to the
security which it gives to the just and equit
able action of the legislature upon all parts
of the Union. It could not but have occur
red to the conventionalist, in a country so
extensive, embracing so great a. variety, of
soil and climate, and, consequently, of pro
ducts, and which from the same, causes must
ever exhibiHi grcat dificrencc in the amount
of the population of its various sections,
calling Tor a grent diversity in the -employ
ments of the people, that the legislation of
the majority might not always justly regard
the rights and interests of the minority.—
And,that acts.of this character might be
phssed, under an express grant by ,the words
of the.Constitutidn, and, therefore, not with
in the cuiiipetency of thc -judiciary to de
clare voidc , That however enlightened and
patriotic llicy might suppose, from'past ex
perience, tlic iriieinhcrs of. Congress might
be, and however largely partaking in the
general,.of the liberal feclings of thej’eoplc,
it was impossible to . expect (hat bodies so
constituted should not sometimes be con
trolled by loparinterests and sectional feel
ings. It was proper, therefore, to preyide
some umpire, from whose situation and mode
of appoin.tinciil morbindependcncc/imdTrcV
dom frbtn-such-influcnccs niiglitdie-cxpect
cd.'„ Such a one was afforded by the Execr
ujive .Department constituted by. the Con?
stitu tion. . . .. . •
~ A person elected to that high office, hay-}
ing his constituents in cyeryjSection, State,
and subdivision, of ihe.Unioh, must consid
er, himself bound by the most" solemn sanc
tions, to. guard, protcc|tV=;aiid ..dcfe'nd the
rights of all, and of. pirery portion, great or
small, frbrti the injustice and oppression of
the, rest. Vlconsider the veto-power, there
fore,-given by the. Constitution to the Exec
utive of .the United States, solely as a con
servative power.' To lie used,,pnly,- Ist, to :
pfotecfilie.Constitutidn'from violation., 2dly :
tlie Tcoplc from the effects of hasty legisla
tion, where their, will has been probably dis
regarded dr not well .understood; and, Sdly,
to pro vent-the effects of combinations vibla
tivc of the rights of minorities; In refer-,
ctice to the second of these objects,. I may
observe that; I consider, it,tire right and ‘pri
vilege,’ of 1 the. Fcbple ; to 5 decide, disputed
points of the Constitution, arising from -the
general grant orpbwcr to Congress to carry
into effect the.powers expressly given.'
j' 'Add T "that
repealed; recognitions under/varied circUm
stances; In acts of the legislative, executive,;
hcitompanied ;^jr^^catibnr'ijrtj;different;
m,o’d es-refithe cdnbvrrfen ce will;
feuffleieht
disputed points asoeftl«d;’? r ? ■ r,; : .
since; tire l aflppl|nn'bf, w
'fits pre
fair
exhibit made of the operations of each of its
Departments, of the powers which they res
pectively claim and exercise, of the colli
sions which have occurred between them,.or
between the whole ..Government and those
of the States, hr cither of'them. We could
then;conipore ouf actual condition, after fif
ty years’trial of our system, with- what,it
was in the. commencement of its operations,
and ascertain whether the predictions of the
patriots wild opposed its adoption, or the
confident hopes of its advocates; have been,
realized! '' Tha-r’grfeat tlread of th,e former
seems to have been, Iliad the reserved pow
ers-of the States would be obsorved by those
of the Federal Government, and a'consoli
duted powcr’established,leaving to the States
the shadow, only, of that 'independent ac
tion for.which they had so zealously conten
ded, and on the preservation of which;they,
relied as the last hope of liberty. 1 Without
denying that the resiilt to which they looked
with so riiutili apprehension is in the way of
being realized, it is obvious that they did’
hot clearly see the mode of its accomplish
ment.' The General Government : ijas “seiz
ed upon none of the reserved rights of tile
States. As far as any open warfare may
have gone,the State authorities have amply
maintained their rights.:' To a casual obser
ver, our system presents no appearance: of.
discord between the different'members which
compose if. Evtii the addition of manynew
ones has produced no jarring. They move
in (heir respective' orbits in perfect harmony,
with the central head, and with' each other.
Hut there is still an under current hf work,
by yvhicli, if not,. “Seasonably checked, the
wbrsthpprcliensions'of our anti-federal-pa
triots will be- realized. : And not only will
the State authorities; be overshadowed by
the great increase of power.in 'tlife- Execu
tive Department of •thc_.Gen.era}.,Govern
ment, but the character of that Government,
if not its designation, be essentially bnd;ra
dically changed.
This state of things has been -in part ef
fected by causes inherent in the Constitu
tion, ami in part by .the never-failing ten
dency of .political power-to increase itself.
By making the President the able, distribu
tor'of ail the patronage of the .Government,
the'framcrs of the Constitution do not ap
pear to have anticipated,at how short a pe
riod it would bpeoine .a. formidable Jnstrfi-*
State GOfrcnvm’cnts-. Of tViflrligimportance
at first, it had, early in Mr. Jefferson’s' ad
ministration, become so powerful as to cre
ate great alarm in the mind of- tliat patriot;'
from the potent influence it might exert, in
controlling the freedom of the elective fran
chise. If such coilld have been’ (he effects
of its inf]u o nc e ,1 1 0 w, much greater must be
the danger, at tide time;--quadrupled iii -a
m'bu-nt, as it certainly is, andTriore complete?
lymndcrllic control of Tlic Executive will,
than their.construction of their powers al
lowed. or the .iforhearing’ characters of all
the early Presidents permitted them to matte?
But it is notTiy .tlie extent of its patronage
alone, that the Executive Department has
became dangerous, but by the use which it.
may be made of .thc appolnting pow
cr, to bring under its control the whole rev
enues of the country. The Constitution has
declared it to he (he duty of the President
to sec that the,daws arc executed, and it
makes-him the Commander-in-Chicf of the
Armies and Navvof the United States. ;' If
the opinion of the niosl approved , writers
upon that species-of mixed 5 Government,
which, in modern Europe, is termed Mon
archy, ill contra-distinction to Despotism is
correct, there Was’wanting no other addition
to the powers of our Chief Magista.ite to
stamp a monarchist character on our Gov
ernment, but the control,of the public finan
ces. And to me it appears strange, indeed,
(hat any one should doubt that the entire
control which' the President possesses over
the officers who have the custody of the
public money," by the power, of removal with
or without cause, does, for all mischievous
purposes; at least; virtually subject the trea
sure also to his disposal! Tlic first Roman
Emperor, in his attempts’jo seize the sacred
treasure, silenced the opposition of the offi
cer to whose.charge it had been committed,
by a significant allusion to his sword. By a
selection ofpolitical instruments for the care
of the public money, a, reference to their
commissions by a President, would.be quite
as cffectual-an .argument a s_ th a t,of.ClE.sar. to
the’Roman Knight. . I am not insertsible of
the great difficulty that cxists iii devising a
proper plan for. the safe-keeping and dis
bursements of the public and I
know the importance which lias becii'attacli
ed by men of great abilities and patriotism
to the divorce, as it is’ called, of, the Treas
ury from the banking institutions. It is not
the divlircc which is complained of,Jiut,the
unhallowcll union of the Treasury with the
Executive' Department which has created
such ;,e xlcnsiv.c. .alarm i To’ this “danger , to
our republican institutions,aml.tliat created
by the influence’given to the Executive
through the instrumentality of "(he federal
officers; I propose to apply all the remedies
which may be at my command. i;
It was certainly a great error in the fra
mers of the Constitution, not to have made;
the officer at the head, of the Treasury De
partment entirely independent of the Exec
utive. He should at least have been: rcino?
vable only upon the demand of the popular
branch of the Legislature. T : have deter
mined never to remove, a Secretary of the
Treasury without communicnliiigalt thc cir
eumstances attending such removal to both
Houses of Congress.■; The influence of the
Executive in controlling (he; freedom of;the’
the elective franchise through Hie medium
of the public ’officers,'- can .be ’ effectually
checked by renewing the ' prohibition, pub
lished byjMr. Jefferson, forbidding their in
terference in elections further than’ giving
their bwn'yotcs} s :and their, own'independ
ence secured by ah assurance of perfect im
munity} in'cxcrcisirig this sacred privilege
of freemen under the-dictatea of their own
unbiassed judglnentSi-' Never, with my con
sent, shall an'officcV'of'thc,Pcople; ooinpen.
sated for liia servtfecs’out 'of ■’ their - pockets,
become the pliant instrument of : Executive
win.' 5 '- y, t
There ibnVpail of 'thjenienns' platted ’in:
the; hands of the Ex&cUt'lyp which_’«iiglit be
used With grcaicrieffcct, ,: ’for' Unhallowed
purposes; than.the.fcbiitrbl of the public press’;
The; maxim which our ancestors derived
from’ the mother- Country, that."the freedom
of the press is the great bUlvvafk bf civil and
religious'liberty,”
cibus’ legacies .which they have left ns. . We
have Icarned. too, from our’.otvn as well; as
the experience of other countries, that gol
den shackles, by whomsoever ,or by 'what
soever pretence imposed, are ns fatal to it as
the iron, bonds of despotisfn. The. presses
in.-tne . necessary 1 employment of the Gov-’
eminent should .never be used “to clear the
guilty; or-- to varnish crimes.” "A decent
; and'nianly examination of the acts of the
Government should be not only tolerated
but encouraged. ; . •
Upon another Occasion 1 have given my
opinion, at some lenglh,-upon the impropri
ety of Executive iiiterfcrcnce.ln the legisla
tion’of Congress,- That the article in the
Constitution making it the duty of the Pres
ident to.communicate information, and au
lliorizing liim to recommend measures, Was
■ hot intended, to makc hiih the' so.urcefOf leg
islation, and, in particular, that he should
never be looked to’for schemesyof finance.
It would be very strange, indeed; that tlie
Constitution should,have strictly forbidden
one branch of the Legislature from interfe
ring in the origination of such bills, and that
it should be considercd'proper that an alto
gether different department of the Govern
ment should bo permitted to do so. Some
of our best political;maxims and opinions
have been dmyiy from.o.ur parent Isle.—•
There are others,diowevfir; 1 which cannot be
introduced in our- system without singular
incongruity, and the production of much
mischief. And this F conceive to be one. s —
matter in which of the Hous'cs of Parli
ament a bill may originate, nor by whom in
troduced, a minister, or a member of the
Opposition, by the fiction of law, or rather
of Constitutional principle, the Sovereign is
supposed to have prepared it agreeably, to
his will, and then .submitted it to Parlia
ment for their advice and consent. Now,
the,very reversb is the case here, not only
with regard to (he principle, biit ! the forms
prescribed byThe.Constitution.' The prin
ciple, certainly assigns, to. (he only.body, con
stituted by the Constitution (the legislative
body) -Ihp power to make laws, and the
forms even direct that the enactment should
be ascribed to them. The Senate, in rela
tion to Revenue bills, have the right to pro
pose amendments, and so has the Executive,
by the power -.given him to return them to
(he House of Representatives, with his ob
jections. It is in his: power,'also, to pro
pose, amendments in tlje_ existing revenue
wpoiv
■their defective or injurious operation." But
the delicate duty of devising schcnles o( re
venue should be left where tile Constitution
hasfplntted it—-whirthe immediate represen
tatives of the People.. For similar reasons,
the mode of keeping the public treasure
should be; prescribed by them! and tin; far
ther-rcmoVcdi.t. may be from the control of
the Exocutivc; tlic iripre wholesome' the ’af
rangcirioot.'and’ihe mare - in.accordance with
■Republican principles. ,■ >• . -
ij- “Connected with this subject is the char?
acter of-thc currency. The idea of‘making
it ext to si velyln e tal Ii c, however well inten
ded, appbare to me to be fraught witlrrniore
fatal .conseqiteuccs than any other scheme,’
haying n%relatioh'-tq the personal rights of
the citizen, that has cVcrjicen devised. If
any siijglc|'scjicme could prSdocc the effect
of arresting at once, that I nu tat ion”of.,c.midi
tion by which thousands of-’our most irmP*
gent fellow citizens,-by,their industry jand'
enterprise, are raised'’'to the possession" of.
is tlibonc,. If tlictrc is one mea
sure heifer calculated' than another to pro
duce that state of tilings so much deprecated
by all Iruej’cpublicans, by which the rich
are dailyiaddihg to their hoards, and the
poor sinking deeper into penury, it is an ex
clusive mciallic ’currcncy. ’ Or if there is a
process by which die character of the coun
try for generosity and nobleness of feeling
may be destroyed, by the great increase ami
necessary toleration of usury, it ii;an exclu
sive metallic currency..
■Amongst the- other duties of a delicate
character which the President is called up
on to perforin, is the supervision of the gov
crmcntoF^theTfcrritorics-of—lbe"U~Statcsr
'Those of them which are destined to become
members of our great political family, are
compensated by their rapid progress from
infancy to manhood, for the partial and tem
porary deprivation 'of their political rights.
It is in this District only,, whore American
citizens are to be found, who under a settled
system of policy, are deprived of .many ini
par taut political -privileges., without any in
spiring hopes as to the futuri- Their only
consolation, .under circumstances of such
deprivation's that ofthe devoted exterior
guards of a camp—that'their sufferings se
cure tranquility and safety-within. . Arc
there any of their, countrymen who would
subject them to greater sacrifices, to any
other humiliations than those essentially ne
ccssary.lo the security of the object for which
they werorthus separated from their fc'Hiiw'
citizens? Are their rights,alone not tu be
guarantied .by the application of-those great
principles: upon which all bur constitutions'
are founded? ' We are 1 told by 'the greatest
of British, orators and statesmen;: that nf the
commencement of the war of the Revolution,
the most stupid m en , England spoke of
“their American subjects.” Are, there, in -
deed,‘citizens pf.any of out States who Have
dreamed of their-subjects in the District of
Colombia?!*' Such'dreams can never be real?
ized by any agency of mine. ,
The pcople'of the District of Columbia are
not the subjects of the people of the States,
but free American, citizens. Being in the
latter condition when the Constitution was
formed, no words used ini that instrument
could have been intended Vlo deprive them
of that character. If there is any thing in
-the great principle of unalienable rights, so
emphatically insisted Upon in the Dcclara
tibnl of- Independence, they could, neither ;
make, no? thb; United States acrcpt', a sur
render of their liberties, and become the
:subji6ls, ,fnother words the llayes, of, (heir
former fellow citizens, If this be true, and
it will starcely-be denied' by any onc.-who
has b correct idea of bis’pw’n rights asiin A-'
mericatv citizeiif, the!g?gnf .tdMC'ongrcsa of ex 4 -'
elusive jurisdiction; jnJhe -District of Colum
bia, can be interpreted, so faras.respccts the
aggregate people of lire U. States.nß mean-,
ingriothingmore'lhnhtbairoWtbGongress
tliecbntrollingpow-crnccessary-toaffurdtt
frdfr add "safe cWciseVbf the functions as
signed to the Government by the
Constitution. In all other-respects .the Icg
islatiombr Cpngrcss. should he adapted to
their, peculiar:position and .wants, and. bp
conformable' with' their deliberate opinions,
of their, own interest's. - - : V
1 llia'yc^
mcpt.aa well as all- (lie other authorities of
,oqf .'obuntry. within their' appropriate orbits,
This is a matter of difficulty ip some cases,
as the powers which they respectivcly’Vlaim
are often’not defined by very .'distinct lines*
Mischievous, hoW§yer, - in their tendencies,
ns collisions,of thisKlnd may be, those which
arise: between the respective communities,
which for certain.ipurposes compose one na
tion, are much more so; for-no such nation
can.Jong exist without the careful culture of
those .feelings of confidence and" affection
which are the effective bonds'of union .be -
tween • free and confederated States. ~Strong
as is the tie of, interest, it .has, been often
found ineffectual. Men, blinded by (heir
passions, have been known to adopt mea
sures for their country in direct opposition
to 'all the suggestions of policy. The alter
native then,"'is, to destroy,or keep down a
bad passion'by creating’and fostering a good
onejj and this seems to be the corner stone
upon which our'American political archi
tects have reared the.fabric of.our Govern
ment. .
. Titty ccmeniwhich was to bind it,and per
petuate its existence, was the affectionate-at
tachment’between air its members. To in
surp the 1 continuance of this feeling, produ
.‘ccd at first by a .cptpmuriily,of dangers, of
buffcrings aiidpf interests, the auvantagesyif
each we're made accessible to all. ,No par
ticipatiun in any good, possessed by any
member of an extensive confederacy, except
in domestic government,'was withheld from
the citizen of any other member. ■ ’By a pro
cess attended with no difficulty', no delay,
no expense but that of removal, the citizen
of dnemight become,the citizen ofany-oth
er, and successively of (be whole: The lines,
too, separating powers to be exercised by the
citizens of ope State from those of another,
seem to be so distipclly drawn as to leave,
ho room for misunderstanding. The citi
zens of each State unitp in their persons all
the privileges winch that character confers,
and air that they-may claim as citizens of
the United' States; but in no :case can the
same person, at the.same time, act as (he ci
tizen of two separate States, and he is there
fore positively precluded from any inter
fa cnee withthe reserved powers of any *Slate
but that of which he is, for the lime being,
a citizen. He may indeed offer to the cui-,
zens of othe|.S(ateb-,h|s advice as to their^...
is ten -
tiered is left to his own discretion and s.cjtse
of propriety. _ 1 i ■ ....... . ’
'lt may he observed,however, that organ
ized associations of citizens-, requiring com
pliance with their wishes, too much resem
bles the recommendations of Athens to her
allies —supported by atv armed ohd powerful
flec't. Itwns, indued, to the ambition of the
leajdlng Slates of Greece, tu.cniitrol the 'do
mestic concerns of the others, that the de
struction of that celeb'ntletl confederacy, and
subsequently of all its members, is mainly
to be'attributed. And it is owing to the ab
sence (if that spirit that the Helvetic cottfed
.cracy has for many years .been preserved.—
Never has there been in the institutions of
the separate members of any confederacy
more elements of-discord. In the principles
and forms ,Hf government and’religion, as
well ns in the circumstances of the several
~C<)ntons, so marked a discrepance was oh
scrvahlL‘r-i»-.tp„promise any thing hut har
mony itv their or permanency in
their mllinncc, And yctyTor-jigcs/neilher
has bceit'interrupted. Content wlflf-thejm
sitive benefits wliich (heir union
and-with the -independence and safely from
foreign aggression. Whish it secured, these
sagacious people respected the institutions
of each other, however repugnant to their
own principles and prejudices.
Out- Confederacy, fellowrcitizcns, can on
ly be preserved by .the fame
Our citizens must be cotitcnt with the exer
cise of the powers With which the Constitu
tion clothes them. The attempt of those of
one Slate to control the domestic institu
tions of another, can only rfisult in feelings
uf.distrust and jealousy, the certain harbing
ers of disunion, violence, civil war, and thd
ultimate destruction of mirjicc-rnstitmiunsj
Our Confederacy is perfectly illustrated by
the terms and principles governing a com
mon copartnersliip. There a fund of power
is to be cxerc'ised under the direction of the)
joint councils.of the nllicd-nicmhiirs, but that
which has been reserved, by the individual
members is intangible by the common guv
eminent or the individual members compo
sing it. To nltcnipl it fimlsTio support in
(lie principles of our Constitution. Itlshould
be our constant and earnest endeavor mutu
ally to cultivate a spirit of concord and har
liiony among the various parts of pur Con
federacy. Experience has abundantly taught
us that the agitation by citizens of one-part
of life Union of a subject not confidence .to
the General Government, but exclusively
under the guardianship of the local authori
ties-,-is productive of no-other consequences,
-than bitterness, alienation,'discord; ami - in
jury’Tothe very cause which is,intended' to ■
be>',ad vanced. Of all the great .interests
which appertain to our country, thatofun
iun, cordial,- c onfid in g ,fra te in alun io n.i sby '
faf.the ; most important, since it is (he on.ly
true and sure guaraiily of all,' otherj. ,V,, ,
lit cOpsequence-pf the.embarrassed- state
of business and the currency; some of (he
States may meet with difficulty in their fi
nahcial-conccrns. However deeply ,wd may
regret any thing impru dent or excessive, ini
the engagements into which States.haveicn
tered fur purposes of their own, if does not
become us-to'disparage the State Ciovcrn*
ments, nor to discourage therti from making
-praper efforts for ftielr pwn relief; on the
contrary, if is,our duty to encourage,them,
to the extent of our coristitutional aUthorify,
to apply their -best means : and,chceffdlly to
make al],necessary sncrificcsand submit fo,
all; necessary burdens tp.fulfif lheir.cngage-,
ments and-.insintßin theircredit for.the char
acter and’ircdifof the wh.pj.e country. -Tlifi
resources of'the country me: abundant, the
enterprise.and activify of our people prbyer
.bial, and we may well hope that wise legis
lation administratiot> 5 1 by the re
spective- Governments, each acting.within
its own spherej Wili rcstDrc former proSperiv
ty. ■ -I.'':,
Unpleasant and even dangerous as colli
sions'- be; bet'm&w-’ijie . :
stitu(ciT nutlioritics or lhb citizens. of our
countryi the lincsivhich sepa
rate their respective jucisdictionsVthe results
can he; of oo- vital injury to our instifutions, ’
if that anient ■ patriotism,; (Kat dcroted at
tachihent Yo'liberty,' that spirit of inodera
lion arjjj :forbMranee<fpr \vldch ‘
to lie;.-