TERMS OF THE GLOBE Per annum in advance Stn. months Three month. TERMS OF ADVERTISINO 1 Insertion. 2 do. 3 do. Sue square, (10 lines,)or less.s 75 $1 25 $1 50 Tyro squares - 1 50 2 00 3 00 Throe squares 2 25 3 00 4 50 3 months. 0 months. 12 months. .$4 00 $6 00 $lO 00 000 900 15 00 Jno rquare, or leer two equaree, . 8 00 12 00 "0 00 .10 00 15 00 25 00 .15 00 20 00 ...........:.0 00 three squares,. Four squares,,. Halts coloinn, .2,0 00 On. column, Professional and Boldness Card; not exceeding six lines, One T ear, t 0 04 Administrators' and Executors' Notices, $2 50 . Auditors' Notices, 2 00 Eidson or other short Notices 1 50 /Fermi lines •of nonpareil make a square, About sight words constitute a line, no that any person call ea city calculate a square In manuscript. Advertisements not marked willi the number of inser tions desired, will be continued till forbid and charged ac cording to these terms. Our prices for the printing of Blanks, Handbills, etc. ere also increased. Anus Da 31sasous..—The prettiest thing, the 'sweetest thing:' and the most of it for the least money. It over comes the odor of perepimtion; softens and adds delicacy to the skin; is P. delightfnl perfume; allays headache and inflammation, and is a necessary companion in the sick- room, In the nursery, and upon the toilet sideboard. It can be obtalued everywhere at one dollar per bottle. Saratoga Spring 111ler, sold by all Druggists S. T.-1880.—X.—The amount of Plantation Bittern sold Inoue year is something startling. They would lilt Broadway six feet high, from tim Park to 4th street.— Drake's manufactory is one of the institutions of N. York. It is said that Drake painted all the rocks in the eastern States with his cabalistic "S.T.-1800.—X," and then got the old granny legislators to pass a law "preventing dis figuring the face of nature," which gives him a monopoly We do not know bow this Ls, but we do know the Planta tion Bitters sell aa no other 'article ever did. They are need by all classes of the community, and aro death on Dyspepsia—certain. They are very invigorating when languid and weak, and a great appetizer. Raraloga Spring Water, sold by all Druggbate. "In lining the kettle from the fire f scalded myself very severely—one hand almost to a crisp. The torture was unbearable. • The Mexican Mustang Liniment relieved the pate almost immediately. It heals rapidly, and left very little scar. Cuss: Foam, 420 Broad at., Philada." merely a sample of what the Mustang Liniment will do. It is invaluable in all eases of wounds, swellings, sgazaiWajcuts, bruises, [marina, etc., either upon man or beast. Beware of counterfeits. None Is genuln o unless wrap. pod In fine steel plate engravings, bearing the signature of a. W. Westbrook, Chemist, and the private stamp of DEILLEI BARNES & CO., New York. Saratcga spring Water, mold by all Druggists. All who value a beautiful head of hair, and its preset . - va ion from premature baldness and turning gray, will not fail to use Lyon's celebrated Katbairen. It makes the hair rich, soft and glossy, eradicates dandruff, and causes the hair to grow•with luxuriant beauty. It is sold eve ry-where. - Tltoltaf. LYON, Chemist, N.Y. Saratoga .S . 'pring Water, sold by all Druggists. WRIT Dm Ir I—A young lady, returning to her country home after a sojourn of a few months in New York, was florally recognized by her friends. In pines of a rustic, flushed faze, she had a soft, ruby complexion, of almost marble sotoothuess; and instead of 22, she really appear. not but 17. She told them plainly she used pagan's Mag nolia Balm, and would not be without it. Auy lady can improve her personal appearance very much by using this article. It eau be ordered of any Druggist for only 50 cents. SaratajaSpring lratcr, sold by all Druggista Ileimstreets inimitable Hair Coloring has been steadi ly growing in favor for over twenty years, It acts upon the absorbents at the roots of the hair, and changes it to its original color by degrees. All instantaneous dyes deaden and Injure the hair. Deimstreet's it not a dye, but is certain in its results, promote. Its growth, and in a beautiful hair Dressing. Price 50 cents and $l,OO. &11 by all dealers. Sarainga Spring 7ruter,iial.by_altX,..6l; ErT/INCT or PURR JAMAICA Omen—for Indigcs• tion. Nausea, Heartburn, sick Headache, Cholera Mo, bus, dc., where a seaming. genial stimulant is required. Its careful preparation arid eutiru purity make it a cheap and reliable article for culinary purposes. Sold everywhere at 50 teens per bottle. .Saratoga Spring Trakr, gold by nil Druggietu julyll, 1666-eowly tty . t„ MI the above articles for sale by S. 8. SMITH, Hardt 7gdoo, Poona. WARM SPRINGS. THIS SUMMER RESORT IS NOW OPEN, Wed In splendid order. The Bathing Facilities were never so fine, the Bowling Alley Is one of the best to be found. and a new Billiard Table has Just been put up. No effort has been spared to roeure the comfort of latiTE Pleasure seekeri are luvited to call at the Fpringa— only OW c miles from Lfuutingdoe, over • good road The TABLE L, tut Mailed with the best that tho market affords, end every attention is given to plmso even the most fastidious Parties from the surrounding towns aro cordially Intl Led to visit the springs W. J. GEISSINGER, DAY hacks ran daily, morning and evening, except Sunday, from Huntingdon to the Syringe ,larie 23, tf. LUMBER. LUMBER. LUMBER. ;THE undersigned has just received 41_ and is now ready to supply the public with ALL KINDS OF LUMBER, iN)3IDRISING ALL TUE DIFFERENT GRADES, From millings up to the clear stuff; .From 9 months to 2 years dry! Also, PLASTERING LATH, JOINT AND LAP SHINGLES, BUILDING STUFF AND PLANS. WORKED FLOORING, WEATIIER-BOARDING, DOORS, IVINDOWTRAMES, sAsags, he at reasonable prices. Now Is the time to buy, before the Spring rush. as Lumber be already advancing, and dry lumber le a scarce article. CHAS. 11. ANDERSON. jlantingdon, Feb. 27,18 CS GROUND ALUM AND SALiNA lA, SALT at CUYNINGIIAM d CAR MON'S. ALT, KINDS OF CRACKE S constantly on hand at CUNNINGHAM & CARMON'S. D TIRE .SPICES at CUNNINGHAM tr. CARMON'S. ALARGE VARIETY of articles too numerous to mention, inr sale at LEWIS & CO'S iamily Grocery. Call and WILLOW and CEDAR WARE WWII for cale at , LEWIS & CO'S Family Grocery. ENVELOPES,-- By the hex, pack, or tees rinautlty, for gale at LrlpS' B 004:" 41rD STATIONERY STORE. 42 (0 . 1 00 (.0 00 DM WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor. VOL. XXII. Great Speech of Senator Cowan, 1 At Pittsburg, August 27, 1866. FRIENDS AND FELLOW CITIZENS: —I thank you for the heartiness of this reception. You will accept my sincere thanks for it. We have met this even ing for a great and glorious purpose—. for the accomplishment of a purpose which I suppose must be and will bo dearest and nearest to the American heart—the restoration of a groat Re public to its former pristine glory. [Applause.] Great Republic, did I say? The greatest Republic unques tionably, the world has ever seen, an cient or modern, kingdom, empire, aristocracy, democracy, or what not. These United States, if once back again to peace and harmony; and that fraternal affection which formerly char acterized the various sections of thorn, would bo unquestionably the greatest power to-day on the earth, or that ever existed. [Continued applause.] There are two great principles, gen tlemen, to which I shall call your at tention, perfectly familiar, and which are the keys by which to unlock all the troublesome questions which now stare us in the face. Tho first great distinguishing characteristic of our G ov ernment, and all governments, is that they grow out of the people. They are the work of the people proper. I wish you to remember that, because I shall recur to it very frequently in the brief time in which I expect to address you. The other great characteristic of our form of government consists in the fact that it is a government of law, as con tradistinguished . from arbitrary pow er. That is our pride and our boast. Nothing can be done to the humblest citizen—the very humblest of you—by the mightiest in the land lawfully, un less by the law, [Applause] not even the President of the United States, the commander-in chief of our armies and navies; not even General Grant, the General, par excellence, of the country, [applause] can injure, or dare injure, the humblest citizen, the weakest wo man, or the most delicate child in the country, as against the law. [Tremen dous applause.] Now, in other countries, all over the world, there are arbitrary powers lodged somewhere, or in some partic ular body—parliament,council, or what you may choose to call it. Take, for instance, the English Parliament. The English Parliament is said to bo om nipotent, that is, it can pass any law it 11100.10, Ind, There is no such power in this coun try. All executive officers, all legisla tive bodies, are held in by constitution al and legal provisions which prevent anybody from exercising arbitrary power, and it is in that our liberty consists: It is there it is to be found, and nowhere else, and whenever we leave that, and abandon the law, the declared will of the whole people, as our rule and guide for action, then our great Republic ceases to be, and turns itself to that extent into a despotism. [Applause.] Now, 1 propose to examine very briefly and as plainly as I can, some of the questions which now agitate the people, and I think I can satisfy you, if you will be kind enough to give me your attention, that there is really no difficulty in the questions themselves, but that the difficulties are purely imaginary, have no real existence, and are not such as to make bold and brave men hesitate. There are difficulties everywhere; there aro difficulties in every phase of human life; but those difficulties men encounter, and bold men face them, as bold men ought, so as to wield them to a bold man's purpo ses. In this battle of life we got noth ing for nothing.ln this great strug gle for the maintenance of free govern ment, we must expect difficulties, con tinued difficulties, and the compensa tion that we have for that struggle is Liberty, Independence and Union. [Great applause.] Gentlemen, we have just emerged from a great and terrible war; a war which shook the earth; a war which astounded the nations of the old world; a war which manifested such a power and capacity on the part of our people as that the nations stood aghast; a war in which the armed men sprang from the dragon's teeth. This war grew up in the midst of a civilized, peaceful people, out of nothing, as it were. In the year 1861, we had no army, no army, I mean, that would at this eay be called an army—we had no navy Unit might be called a navy; we had no treasury—no exchequer, which might be supposed able to meet the de mands of a great and sudden emergen cy, such as then came upon the people. it was doubted before that whether the whole Union constituted a firstrate power in European parlance. That war came on, and was waged between the two sections with such force, such en ergy, such skill, and such an amount of resources as satisfied the world that wo were not only one firstrato power, but that wo were really two. And, gentlemen, whatever may be said of that war, so far as it was an effort of military force, so fhr as it was govern-- ed by military genius, I say the Amer can people have nothing to be ashamed of in it on either side. [Applause.] That war arose on the part of a por tion of the people of these United States, and was inaugurated by the General Government against them, be cause they refused obedience to the Constitution and the laws, and the principle upon which it was conducted upon our part—upon the part of the legitimate Government—was precisely as simple as the force exercised by your police when they go out upon the streets to suppress a riot or arrest a felon; and if we had not the right to suppress the rebellion by virtue of the authority derived from the Constitu- rroprletor [jje HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1866. tion and the laws, wo had no right to do it atall. [Applause.] That, I sup. pose, no man will or can deny. You and I have no authority over our fel low-men, except as we derive it from the law. Pennsylvania has no author ity in the Union except as she has it by the law. The Union itself is the creature of law, and the United States, in compelling obedience to the Consti tution and the laws, does so by virtue of the Constitution and those laws. [Applause.] In that terrible conflict, State gov ernments were crushed, shattered and broken, and when the general Govern ment succeeded in establishing its su premacy over them, they were lying in that disturbed, distracted and use lOss condition. The question arises, how are they to be reconstructed? It was not the Union that was to be reconstructed, [applause,] but State Governments that bad been torn to pieces in the vio lence of war. That is the question of reconstruction. Take, if you please, Louisiana. How is that Government to be reconstructed? That was the question which was presented to Mr. Lincoln while ho was President. flow did he receive it? Why, gentlemen, he decided it in the spirit of your Con stitution and in the spirit of your laws. [Great applause.] If the State government of Penn sylvania were by some sudden acci dent to bo destroyed, where would you get another one—who would recon struct it ? It is only necessary to ask the question to have it answered. The people of Pennsylvania and no other. [Long continued applause.] It is their birthright, descended from heroic an cestors, transmitted to them as their proudest inheritance. The Govern ment belongs to the people. It was made by the people, and if it is destroy ed, it is referred to the people to make a new one. [Applause ] Mr. Lincoln referred the question of reconstruction to the people—the peo-, pie of the States, whose governments had been overthrown. Was that right, or was it wrong? ("Right," "right.") That was his scheme of reconstruction But there was a party who set np an other scheme of reconstruction, who had a different theory and proposed a different mode of getting the State Governments upon their legs again, getting them back into practical rela tions with the Union. That was the Radical party in Congress. They con tended that Congress was to do it —not exactly that Congress was to toake_tba_aa Lafio.‘„-- Congress was to make the States to make such Slate Governments as would please them. I suppose if they had said that to you, as Pennsylvani ans, you would have said, "If we are to adopt a Government to suit your whims and your tastes, perhaps you had better make ityourselves." [Laugh ter and applause.] That would be per fectly natural. As Pennsylvanians, you would have answered "We have the right to make our own government; you have no right to interfere, and no body has any right to interfere; and you guarantee that wo shall have this right, because the Constitution of the United States guarantees to the people of every State a republican form of government." Now, the Radicals say, "If we aro to guarantee a republican form of government, we must make that form of gOvernment, in order to be sure that it is republican ;" and they just turn it upside down, and reverse what was meant by the framers of the Cc,ilatitution. By that particular phrase, "Repub lican form of government," the fra mers of the Constitution meant to guarantee such form of government as the people of each State were pleased to make for themselves; and Mr. Mad ison says that is a republican form of government. [Applause]. That is what they meant by it, and that is common sense and common reason. At the outstart of the war, there wore different opinions entertained, and, as you well know, honestly enter tained ; and we may as well come to it first as last, as this is a country of free opinion, (Applause) and every man is entitled to entertain his opinion. Whether that opinion squares with the majority or not, is a very different thing. Every man is entitled to his opinion, whether it be popular or un popular, and that is the beauty of our Government. The most mischievous men, who promulged the most mis chievous opinions during the war, I said, "bring them to me with the con verts they havo made, and I will pay tho highest price for them." 1 offered to buy all the converts Vallandigham would make, at the highest. price. Why not 7 For they are opinions that our people do not entertain, and to suppose that our people cannot listen to opinions of all sorts and descriptions, is to decide that it is very dangerous to give them an opportunity to settle those opinions. (Applause.) I remember that wo have a very foolish set of fellows, who imagined that they would exclude newspapers of a certain class from the army. I stood up against it, and I said the sol dier had patriotism, and when be went to the field, you might be sure ho was in earnest, and you might give him whatever newspaper you pleased with. out danger of leading him astray. [Ap plause.] I was never afraid to trust our people with the truth at all times. if wo cannot reason together, and if wo were to be the slaves of passion n.nd prejudice, and tyranny, and out, rage; and terrorism, wo aro riot a free people. There will be always, in every community, a considerable number of had men,. but I say t:hat the virtue and intelligence of the American people was triumphed over all their difficul ties, and will enable them to maintain that Government notwithstanding. Lincoln had faith in the people --PERSEVERE.- North—faith in the people South— faith in the people everywhere because the people in the South are your broth ers,with the same history, the same an cestry, the same legends of national glory, the same proud recollection of former battles fought in common; and there .is hardly a man here present who will not find one of his own name in the South—they aro the same kind of people we aro. Ah ! but it was said that they aro such bad people, they got up a rebel lion—a most terrible rebelliona bad war—in which thousands and hun dreds of thousands of people were kill ed. That is true. It was a foul, heav en-daring, wicked rebellion. But such is the law of humanity. Wars have occurred so since old Agamemnon laid siege to Troy. This is not the first re bellion that has ever been in the world. There have been thousands every where, and of course it was our lot to have one, It is now our duty to profit by the lessons of the past, to show that we now mean to cure and to heal the wounds of the body politic, and to get back to our former condition and be greater, more powerful and glorious than before. (Tremendous applause.) It was said by some, that the people of the South who had engaged in the rebellion, had become so criminal and so far out of a common humanity, that they were not competent to make their own State. governments. I pre sume we aro all sinners, at least I know I am, and if perchance sonic of us should be criminal there is a place of penitence—there is a place even up. on earth where we are to be forgiven, and we are commanded to pray that we may be fbrgivon as we forgive others. The people who go into rebellion, who are led away by bad and sedi tious men, should be forgiven when they show penitence, and, by the by, your fathers in the "Whisky Insurree ti.m" of Western Pennsylvania, who were very nearly getting into rebel ! lion. I believe that eight thousand men met at Braddock's Fields to in augurate their rebellion, but the peo• plo halted, they repented, and nobody thought the people, as such, were guil ty, but the whole cry was laid upon a few leaders. But I was going to say that when the people had rebelled, when they were led astray as the peo ple of the South were, into such a war as that, the calamities which the war brings, the punishment which it in flicts, the sorrows with which it covers the whole land aro their punishments , - to:aay, travel over their ruined cities, over wasted and desolated fields; witness the number of widows and orphans, see the graves of their children; and ask if she has not been punished. There has never come upon any people in the world such a terrible and condign punishment as has come upon that people. They are purged, they have paid the penalty, and they are chastened with many sorrows. I am not prepared to Say, under the heavy inflictions they have suffered, they are not wiser than you. Under these circumstances, Mr. Lin coln feeling that these people bad been purged by their sufferings, entrusted to them the making of their own State Government, and that was his plan of reconstruction. [Great applause.) As I said before, that was opposed by pro. cisely the same party same men who now oppose President Johnson in carrying out that same plan of recon struction. You very well remember that the . Radicals to a man, in Congress, were opposed to Mr. Lincoln, opposed his re-nomination in faeor of Chase, and they got up an Executive Committee for the purpose of making Chief Jus tice Chase President Of tho United States. They tried at times to get up Fremont by way of diversion. [Laugh• tor.] At Baltimore it was the people that nominated Mr. Lincoln in opposi tion to the Congressional clique, and when he was eanvassir.g before the people for re election, in the very thick of the fight, there was a protest signed on the part of a reconstruction com mittee—not the ono that has become so famous, the immortal fifteen, [laugh ter]—but there was a reconstructior. committee, at the bead of which ap poured the names of Benjamin Wade and Ifenry Winter Davis, and they pliblished that protest after Mr. Lin coln's nomination, and they charged him •with being a usurper and a tyrant, and they called him all the names which the vocabulary of such people generally furnishes, That is the same party which today opposes President Johnson and his reconstruction of State governments. (Tremendous applause.) After the death of Mr. Lincoln, Pres ident Jonnson succeeded to him and succeeded to his policy. lie has parr sued it precisely from that day to this, (applause,) and I defy ally man—and I am not particular where you bring him from—l have met the very head and front of this—l defy any man to put his finger upon a single departure of President Johnson from that policy all the way through. [Applause.] I stood by President Lincoln, always and at all times. I even acquiesced in silence when be was driven from his own ground in the very heat of the war, and they did drive him as you know. [Sensation.] I have stood by President Johnson in the same way, because I believed he was good, and wise and true, and had the good of the whole country at heart. [Tremendous applause.] Now What is the difficulty ? What is the great question which now agi tates the people? It is whether ton States of this Union, whether the peo ple of ten States, purged by war, made wise by calamity, tried in the fire of suffering, the people of ten States just as you aro, people entitled to the same rights as you are, shall ho lmarti upon OE I . :... ` , ..- .... & 1 ...., . ....., - N - : „.....p,:- ~.,..„... . : \,..t„... ~.. ~ .:.. the floor of Congress where the 'laws are made which are to govern thorn, where the taxes aro levied, which they have to pay, whether they shall bo heard by their Representatives or whe ther they shall be treated as a con quered people, or whether they shall be deprived of their rights which I say belong to every American citizen.— [Applause.] That is the great question. Aro these States in. the Union ? • (Cries of 'yes, yes" from all parts of the house.) They were in the Union, I know, in 1860. They were in the Union, I know, because the laws are upon the statute book by which they were made part of the Union. Have those laws been repealed? Did the ordinances of secession repeal them 7 [No, no.] If the ordinances of seces. sion did not repeal those laws they aro in force yet, they are yet upon the statute book, and they are as binding as the will of thirty millions . of the American people can make them. I told you that our pride and our boast was that this was a Government of laws, that it was our security, that it did not depend on the will of ono man or any sot of men. It does not depend on the will of the Executive whether such things shall bo or shall not be ; it does not depend upon Con gress, but it depends upon the law, the established law. Then if those States were in the Union by the law, and if that law has not been repealed, and cannot be repealed except by the Am erican people, then they are yet in tho Union by the law. [Great applause.] They are there by your law, and the man who, in spite of your law, says they are not there, insults you to your face. (Applause.) Then those States aro in the Union by the law, the peo ple are bound by the law, submit to the law, and are entitled to the law. (A voice—"we'll keep them by the law.") Yes, we will keep them by the law.— (Tremendous applause.) But we are asked, are wo to have no punishment upon these rebels—not the people—for I believe nobody asks that the people should be punished ex cept tbe.Radicals—but a great many good men, a great many good meaning men, ask, aro these rebels—the leading rebels, the great spirits who created this war originally—not to be punish ed ? I say certainly, if you please.— There is no doubt about it, gentlemen; they are in the clutches of the law, and if the law imposes any penalty, they will have to suffer it. A man might just as well ask, can the thief and the felon about Pittsbur,o bo_pun isneirt—rou answer, certainty ; they are in the hands of the law. And so it is with those who have been in re bellion. You have all these people now under the law, they are all within its grasii, and if any punishment is to be inflict ed it must be inflicted by the law, and under the law. You and I have no right to punish offences. If you saw a man commit murder upon the streets you would not undertake to punish it, and if you did, so far from being justi fied, you would be guilty under the law, and if you undertook to punish him capitally you would be guilty of murder. And why ? Because you take into your hands that which the American people have placed in other hands. You try him in a way which they do not authorize, and you insult them in undertaking to execute it in such a way. That is the situation of the rebel States. It has been said that the President ought to punish these people. Why gentlemen, the President has nothing in tho world to do with it. The Pres ident is the Chief Executive of the Nation—ho is not a common prosecu tor—he is not even a District Attorney. Gov. Curtin, the Chief Executive of Pennsylvania, does not come here to prosecute criminals, does he? Did you over see him on that errand ? It belongs to the people to punish offen ces. It belongs to the humblest man as well as the highest. The humblest man, if he knows that crime has been committed, has a right to give inform ation, to take out a warrant and place a criminal in the hands of justice.— And the Judge, the highest as well as the lowest, is bound to respect the law and deal out punishment upon the of. feeder. Gentlemen who want rebels punished—gentlemen who insist that they are not punished enough,and that they ought to be punished further, such gentlemen are themselves to bo blamed. Why do they not got war rants? Why do they not put these people in the hands of the law for pun ishment? You never hear of ono of these fierce babbling fellows who cry out for punishment, instituting punish ment for the offences of which they proclaim so much horror. I took oc casion to say to them in the Senate of the United States, if you want to pun ish the guilty people, the guilty insti gators of this rebellion, say who you want to punish ; say how many, if it is ton, fifty, fire hundred or five thous and. You shall have them all, only I beg of you all, do not babble about the President that ho does not become a common prosecutor, a thing unheard of in the country, and indicative of ig• norance of the laws on the part of those who make such an assertion, a thing that ought to be known to every school boy. As I said before, the great question was whether these States should be represented in the Congress of the Uni ted States by their representatives, properly elected, returned and quali fied. That is the question. I told you before that this was a government of law, and whenever a question arises, if the law settles it, the question itself should be settled. I never had the slightest difficulty. I never hesitated when two Senators came to the door of the Senate from Alabama or Missis sippi or Tennessee. I read the Con stitiation, and that sacred instrument TERMS, $2,00 a year in advance. declared that each State should have two Senators. There was an end to it What right had I to set myself against that instrument which I had sworn to support, and which I was fighting to save ? It was not for me to say in the face of that great para mount law of thirty millions of my countrymen, that is wrong, they ought not to have two Senators. What pre sumption that would be ! So in the other House it was also fixed. The Constitution declares that each State shall be entitled to representation ac cording to its population, and it provi ded that a census should be taken in order to see how many people each State has, and after that census is re turned, after the decade has gone by, Congress apportions among States their representation, and in the very beginning of the war, on the 4th of March, 1862, the Congress of the Uni ted States did apportion under that census to all the States of the Union— all that were States at that time—and told the eleven States then in the re bellion, they gave fifty-eight members, and that was the law. It was the law voted for your representatives from Allegheny county, and there was no division upon it. Was that binding or was it not binding? Was it the law of the American people, or was it not their law ? If it was their will it was sacred and binding upon every mem ber of that House, and especially upon those who voted for it. If it was not the law of the American people it was a farce, and this is no Government at all. That disposes of the question of admission into the Congress of the United States. I was delighted to hear your worthy Chairman explain it as well as it could' be explained;-but there was no danger in carrying out this Constitutional law. You hear all these empty-headed peo ple say, bring back the rebels into power, bring back the men of the South who tried to destroy this Gov ernment, and the country is gone. I would like to know what the war was for, if it was not for that very thing. (Laughter and applause.) Was it not for that very thing that we sacrificed three hundred thousand or four hun dred thousand men, and expended six ten thousand millions of dollars ? If it was not for that we should not have made the war. Gentlemen, it is a very high compliment to our soldiers that they were.not afraid to meet these ele ven States in the field in open fight. They did meet them and overcame them_ Imt,_the Congroga of the-United , States was afraid to meet them in its halls. (Great laughter and applause.) We have 183 members in Congress, and they were afraid to meet 58. (Cries of "good, good.") Rome must have lost her breed of noble bloods, I should think. (Applause.) We have 50 Senators in the Senate of the Uni ted States and they were afraid of 22. And, gentlemen, I tell you if this Radical party had the smallest part of common sense or political sagacity last fall when they went to Congress, they would have laid down a platform such as the platform of the Philadelphia Convention. I remember once going up to Cumberland; I met an old Whig named John Penlon. The majority in his district was largely against him, and I said to him how do you expect to got elected; what platform do you stand upon ? Ho said, "I stand upon the Constitution and laws." Now, if Congress had adopted the Philadelphia platform, or if they said they, stood upon the Constitution and the laws, more than one half of those Southern Senators would have been right ready to join hands with the Republican party, and they would have been uni ted with me. I thought I was as good a Republican as they could make. I i did think I could understand the old article. As I understood the old arti cle it was simply that slavery should not go into the Territories. Was not that the whole of it ? [Yes, yes.] In old times there were three schools about that thing. The Republicans say Congress is supremo over the Ter ritories, and if the Congress says, by law, that slavery should not go into the Territories, then we say that sla very shall not go. -If Congress says it shall, then wo submit. Mr. Douglas said No, that is not the host way; let the people of the Territories them selves decide. That was called squat ter sovereignty doctrine. Then there was another dOctrine which said noir ther the people of the Territories nor Congress have any right to decide this question; the Territories are common property—common to all the people, and they have a right to take their property into the Territories, whether that property consists in men or hor ses, or what not. That was the South ern view. As a Republican I was in favor of the first theory, and that was Republicanism then. That question was given up before I was in the Sen ate ten clays. That question did not exist after Mr. Lincoln took nis seat. When we organized a Territory and provided by law for its organization, it was not questioned; there was no divt sion, not a particle. So far as that was concerned Republicanism had achieved its victory, Republicanism had done its work, and Republicanism had ceased to be as a party principle. It was then 'called upon to meet other' and greater issues. Last fall, if a fair and reasonable platform, standing up l . on the Constitution and the laws as they were written, had been made by the Republican party, then, if there was one, it would have been accepted by more than half of the people of the Southern States, because these old is sues had passed away. Republicanism and squatter sovereignty and the Prod Scott decision had been swept away in the whirlwind of war and became dead issues of the past. [Applause.] Then, I toll yea, gentlemen, there was no dodge at that time in admit- THE GI- 033.P.2 JOB PRINTING OFFICE. T" t 3 "GLOBE JOB OFFICE" i tho most complete of any in the country, and pos sesses the most ample facilities for promptly executing in the best style, every variety of Job Printing, such :LAND BILLS, • CIRO UL A liS, CARDS, NO. 10. CALL AND Exuma OPECIALLND OD BORN, LEWIS' BOOK, STATIONERY A AIIISIO STORE ting the American people wholly and fully to their rights as before. There was not only no danger, but there was not the millionth part of the danger that we are likely to encounter by the course pursued by the dominant party, in keeping those people from their rep resentation. What is that danger ? Have you thought calmly of the impor tance of being represented in the Leg islature of the country that makes the laws that govern you? How would you like to have your representatives from the city of Pittsburgh, from the county of Allegheny, turned out?— How would you like to be represented by letter writers, people who walk around amongst you and take down all your vices, all the various kinds of crime that are committed, and commu nicate them all to Congress, and have somebody get up and read those letters day after day as the condition of things in Pittsburg ; and what would you say if that was done in the Senate of the United States, and I was not there to give the lie to it upon tho spot which I would do, of course ? Why, gentlemen, the blood of your revolu. tionary fathers would turn to milk in your veins if you submitted to that.— You could not look up to Heaven, where their spirits now look down_up on you, and feel yourselves worthy of them, if you submitted to be governed without representation. The meanest felon in your Court has a right to be heard. No Judge in the city of Pitts burg to•day dare deny it to the meanest criminal in his dock. - The right to counsel, to be heard, is asa cred right everywhere, and yet that right has been denied the Southern people. They have not teen allowed to go into Congress and tell of the conition of their people as they alone could tell. Yet, on the other hand, we have a parcel of people who are ex. ceedingly anxious that a very disturb. od state'of things should continue, and exceedingly anxious that they should not be displaced because they have of fices out of which they are making for tunes, stealing Government and indi. vidual cotton, and everything else; and they write letters up to Congress, and sometimes they would have a dozen a day. In one case, I knew a man who wrote some of them, and I am satisfied that you would not elect him a night watchman in the city of Pittsburgh.— A man of no character, but a man who went about, and like the dogs of Laza. rus, licked at sores, and sent his effu sions to the floors of Congress so as to make a stench in the noses of the nor thern people. That is the way the South was represented. We maintained this Government— we enforced this Constitution and these laws because we were right. God is right, and when you aro right He is on your side. And you succeeded; but you deprive these people of represen tation, you treat them as a conquered people, and there you are wrong, and then you cannot succeed in holding them any longer than you have the physical force to do it. Now, the Southern people feel all this. They do not feel resentment. They believe that the Northern peo ' pie, when they understand them, will be as just as they were brave. That they will be as generous in the "civil administration of the Government as they were valiant in the field of bat. tie. (Greatapplause.) They. want to be your fellow-countrymen. They want to be partners in this great Re public. They want to enjoy the ble.ess lugs of this great Union. And they want to hand down to their children the blessings it was intended to per petuate as you. do. (Tremendous ap plause.) They know the value of the Union to you and to them, and they know the curses, the calamities and thb miseries which would come upon the country if that Union was once broken, and they have no desire to be separa ted from us. They desire to bo with us, to be sharers with us in a common destiny, a common country and a cora: mon future. (Great applause.) They pledge themselves in every conceiva ble way by which men can bind them selves, and I say that their ii%terests, if nothing else, would impel them to stand by the Union and to be a part of it. (Tromendoua applause.) But, goo tlemen, lot me warn you. 1 told yea before they were of our blood, of our race, the same manner of men as we are, and they have never been known to wear a yoke any longer than he who put it on had strength to keep it there : if we deny them the right to be heard in the National Councils, they will be right and we will be wrong ) and they will have plenty of friends to espouse their cause, just as we had in the Rev. elution. (Applause.) Do you know that France proposed to England to recognize the independence of the Southern Confederacy? Suppose they had, what tiled would have been the result of the war, with all our means and all our resources and the bravery and skill of our armies? If the block ade could have been broken, the resulli of that contest would have boon ex ceedingly doubtful, and 1 think thq better opinion now is that we would have failed. Did wo succeed until we got New Orleans and Charleston an/ until our blockade was perfect and complete? ? England refused to ac knowledge the independence of the Confederacy. Why? Because they made the comer stone of it slavery, and the English people, the Liberal party of England, were to a man op ; posed to slavery, and they would not permit their government to join in any f enterprise ich mrp)Werpetuato that ipstitu Slaye s gcoe i it 'does riot ex , ow. 'I •e. can bo no pretence of at kind now for avoidiog an entry -on on enterprise of that kiwi. ..4.nd' do you know that Eng land, during that %yin., paid fifty mil lions to keep her Lancashire poor from starving, because she could not run ig !El -_- __ - f 'L/J-cv POSTERS, DILL READS, PROGRAMMES, BLANKS, BALL TICKETS, LABELS, &C., &C., &C Gil
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers