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cording to these terms.
Our prices for the printing of Blanks, Handbills, etc.
ere also increased.
Anus Da 31sasous..—The prettiest thing, the 'sweetest
thing:' and the most of it for the least money. It over
comes the odor of perepimtion; softens and adds delicacy
to the skin; is P. delightfnl perfume; allays headache and
inflammation, and is a necessary companion in the sick-
room, In the nursery, and upon the toilet sideboard. It
can be obtalued everywhere at one dollar per bottle.
Saratoga Spring 111ler, sold by all Druggists
S. T.-1880.—X.—The amount of Plantation Bittern
sold Inoue year is something startling. They would lilt
Broadway six feet high, from tim Park to 4th street.—
Drake's manufactory is one of the institutions of N. York.
It is said that Drake painted all the rocks in the eastern
States with his cabalistic "S.T.-1800.—X," and then got
the old granny legislators to pass a law "preventing dis
figuring the face of nature," which gives him a monopoly
We do not know bow this Ls, but we do know the Planta
tion Bitters sell aa no other 'article ever did. They are
need by all classes of the community, and aro death on
Dyspepsia—certain. They are very invigorating when
languid and weak, and a great appetizer.
Raraloga Spring Water, sold by all Druggbate.
"In lining the kettle from the fire f scalded myself very
severely—one hand almost to a crisp. The torture was
unbearable. • The Mexican Mustang Liniment
relieved the pate almost immediately. It heals rapidly,
and left very little scar.
Cuss: Foam, 420 Broad at., Philada."
merely a sample of what the Mustang Liniment
will do. It is invaluable in all eases of wounds, swellings,
sgazaiWajcuts, bruises, [marina, etc., either upon man or
beast.
Beware of counterfeits. None Is genuln o unless wrap.
pod In fine steel plate engravings, bearing the signature
of a. W. Westbrook, Chemist, and the private stamp of
DEILLEI BARNES & CO., New York.
Saratcga spring Water, mold by all Druggists.
All who value a beautiful head of hair, and its preset . -
va ion from premature baldness and turning gray, will
not fail to use Lyon's celebrated Katbairen. It makes the
hair rich, soft and glossy, eradicates dandruff, and causes
the hair to grow•with luxuriant beauty. It is sold eve
ry-where. - Tltoltaf. LYON, Chemist, N.Y.
Saratoga .S . 'pring Water, sold by all Druggists.
WRIT Dm Ir I—A young lady, returning to her country
home after a sojourn of a few months in New York, was
florally recognized by her friends. In pines of a rustic,
flushed faze, she had a soft, ruby complexion, of almost
marble sotoothuess; and instead of 22, she really appear.
not but 17. She told them plainly she used pagan's Mag
nolia Balm, and would not be without it. Auy lady can
improve her personal appearance very much by using
this article. It eau be ordered of any Druggist for only
50 cents.
SaratajaSpring lratcr, sold by all Druggista
Ileimstreets inimitable Hair Coloring has been steadi
ly growing in favor for over twenty years, It acts upon
the absorbents at the roots of the hair, and changes it to
its original color by degrees. All instantaneous dyes
deaden and Injure the hair. Deimstreet's it not a dye,
but is certain in its results, promote. Its growth, and in a
beautiful hair Dressing. Price 50 cents and $l,OO. &11
by all dealers.
Sarainga Spring 7ruter,iial.by_altX,..6l;
ErT/INCT or PURR JAMAICA Omen—for Indigcs•
tion. Nausea, Heartburn, sick Headache, Cholera Mo, bus,
dc., where a seaming. genial stimulant is required. Its
careful preparation arid eutiru purity make it a cheap and
reliable article for culinary purposes. Sold everywhere
at 50 teens per bottle.
.Saratoga Spring Trakr, gold by nil Druggietu
julyll, 1666-eowly
tty . t„ MI the above articles for sale by S. 8. SMITH,
Hardt 7gdoo, Poona.
WARM SPRINGS.
THIS SUMMER RESORT
IS NOW OPEN,
Wed In splendid order.
The Bathing Facilities
were never so fine, the Bowling Alley Is one of the best
to be found. and a new Billiard Table has Just been put
up. No effort has been spared to roeure the comfort of
latiTE
Pleasure seekeri are luvited to call at the Fpringa—
only OW c miles from Lfuutingdoe, over • good road
The TABLE L, tut Mailed with the best that tho market
affords, end every attention is given to plmso even the
most fastidious
Parties from the surrounding towns aro cordially Intl
Led to visit the springs
W. J. GEISSINGER,
DAY hacks ran daily, morning and evening, except
Sunday, from Huntingdon to the Syringe
,larie 23, tf.
LUMBER. LUMBER.
LUMBER.
;THE undersigned has just received
41_ and is now ready to supply the public with
ALL KINDS OF LUMBER,
iN)3IDRISING ALL TUE DIFFERENT GRADES,
From millings up to the clear stuff;
.From 9 months to 2 years dry!
Also,
PLASTERING LATH,
JOINT AND LAP SHINGLES,
BUILDING STUFF AND PLANS.
WORKED FLOORING, WEATIIER-BOARDING,
DOORS, IVINDOWTRAMES, sAsags, he
at reasonable prices.
Now Is the time to buy, before the Spring rush. as
Lumber be already advancing, and dry lumber le a scarce
article. CHAS. 11. ANDERSON.
jlantingdon, Feb. 27,18 CS
GROUND ALUM AND SALiNA
lA, SALT at CUYNINGIIAM d CAR MON'S.
ALT, KINDS OF CRACKE S
constantly on hand at
CUNNINGHAM & CARMON'S.
D TIRE .SPICES
at CUNNINGHAM tr. CARMON'S.
ALARGE VARIETY of articles too
numerous to mention, inr sale at LEWIS & CO'S
iamily Grocery. Call and
WILLOW and CEDAR WARE
WWII for cale at , LEWIS & CO'S Family Grocery.
ENVELOPES,--
By the hex, pack, or tees rinautlty, for gale at
LrlpS' B 004:" 41rD STATIONERY STORE.
42 (0
. 1 00
(.0 00
DM
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
VOL. XXII.
Great Speech of Senator Cowan, 1
At Pittsburg, August 27, 1866.
FRIENDS AND FELLOW CITIZENS:
—I thank you for the heartiness of this
reception. You will accept my sincere
thanks for it. We have met this even
ing for a great and glorious purpose—.
for the accomplishment of a purpose
which I suppose must be and will bo
dearest and nearest to the American
heart—the restoration of a groat Re
public to its former pristine glory.
[Applause.] Great Republic, did I
say? The greatest Republic unques
tionably, the world has ever seen, an
cient or modern, kingdom, empire,
aristocracy, democracy, or what not.
These United States, if once back
again to peace and harmony; and that
fraternal affection which formerly char
acterized the various sections of thorn,
would bo unquestionably the greatest
power to-day on the earth, or that ever
existed. [Continued applause.]
There are two great principles, gen
tlemen, to which I shall call your at
tention, perfectly familiar, and which
are the keys by which to unlock all
the troublesome questions which now
stare us in the face. Tho first great
distinguishing characteristic of our G ov
ernment, and all governments, is that
they grow out of the people. They
are the work of the people proper. I
wish you to remember that, because
I shall recur to it very frequently in
the brief time in which I expect to
address you.
The other great characteristic of our
form of government consists in the fact
that it is a government of law, as con
tradistinguished
. from arbitrary pow
er. That is our pride and our boast.
Nothing can be done to the humblest
citizen—the very humblest of you—by
the mightiest in the land lawfully, un
less by the law, [Applause] not even
the President of the United States, the
commander-in chief of our armies and
navies; not even General Grant, the
General, par excellence, of the country,
[applause] can injure, or dare injure,
the humblest citizen, the weakest wo
man, or the most delicate child in the
country, as against the law. [Tremen
dous applause.]
Now, in other countries, all over the
world, there are arbitrary powers
lodged somewhere, or in some partic
ular body—parliament,council, or what
you may choose to call it. Take, for
instance, the English Parliament. The
English Parliament is said to bo om
nipotent, that is, it can pass any law it
11100.10, Ind,
There is no such power in this coun
try. All executive officers, all legisla
tive bodies, are held in by constitution
al and legal provisions which prevent
anybody from exercising arbitrary
power, and it is in that our liberty
consists: It is there it is to be found,
and nowhere else, and whenever we
leave that, and abandon the law, the
declared will of the whole people, as
our rule and guide for action, then our
great Republic ceases to be, and turns
itself to that extent into a despotism.
[Applause.]
Now, 1 propose to examine very
briefly and as plainly as I can, some
of the questions which now agitate the
people, and I think I can satisfy you,
if you will be kind enough to give me
your attention, that there is really no
difficulty in the questions themselves,
but that the difficulties are purely
imaginary, have no real existence, and
are not such as to make bold and brave
men hesitate. There are difficulties
everywhere; there aro difficulties in
every phase of human life; but those
difficulties men encounter, and bold
men face them, as bold men ought, so
as to wield them to a bold man's purpo
ses. In this battle of life we got noth
ing for nothing.ln this great strug
gle
for the maintenance of free govern
ment, we must expect difficulties, con
tinued difficulties, and the compensa
tion that we have for that struggle is
Liberty, Independence and Union.
[Great applause.]
Gentlemen, we have just emerged
from a great and terrible war; a war
which shook the earth; a war which
astounded the nations of the old world;
a war which manifested such a power
and capacity on the part of our people
as that the nations stood aghast; a war
in which the armed men sprang from
the dragon's teeth. This war grew up
in the midst of a civilized, peaceful
people, out of nothing, as it were. In
the year 1861, we had no army, no
army, I mean, that would at this eay
be called an army—we had no navy
Unit might be called a navy; we had
no treasury—no exchequer, which
might be supposed able to meet the de
mands of a great and sudden emergen
cy, such as then came upon the people.
it was doubted before that whether
the whole Union constituted a firstrate
power in European parlance. That war
came on, and was waged between the
two sections with such force, such en
ergy, such skill, and such an amount
of resources as satisfied the world that
wo were not only one firstrato power,
but that wo were really two. And,
gentlemen, whatever may be said of
that war, so far as it was an effort of
military force, so fhr as it was govern--
ed by military genius, I say the Amer
can people have nothing to be ashamed
of in it on either side. [Applause.]
That war arose on the part of a por
tion of the people of these United
States, and was inaugurated by the
General Government against them, be
cause they refused obedience to the
Constitution and the laws, and the
principle upon which it was conducted
upon our part—upon the part of the
legitimate Government—was precisely
as simple as the force exercised by
your police when they go out upon the
streets to suppress a riot or arrest a
felon; and if we had not the right to
suppress the rebellion by virtue of the
authority derived from the Constitu-
rroprletor
[jje
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1866.
tion and the laws, wo had no right to
do it atall. [Applause.] That, I sup.
pose, no man will or can deny. You
and I have no authority over our fel
low-men, except as we derive it from
the law. Pennsylvania has no author
ity in the Union except as she has it
by the law. The Union itself is the
creature of law, and the United States,
in compelling obedience to the Consti
tution and the laws, does so by virtue
of the Constitution and those laws.
[Applause.]
In that terrible conflict, State gov
ernments were crushed, shattered and
broken, and when the general Govern
ment succeeded in establishing its su
premacy over them, they were lying
in that disturbed, distracted and use
lOss condition.
The question arises, how are they to
be reconstructed? It was not the
Union that was to be reconstructed,
[applause,] but State Governments
that bad been torn to pieces in the vio
lence of war. That is the question of
reconstruction. Take, if you please,
Louisiana. How is that Government
to be reconstructed? That was the
question which was presented to Mr.
Lincoln while ho was President. flow
did he receive it? Why, gentlemen,
he decided it in the spirit of your Con
stitution and in the spirit of your laws.
[Great applause.]
If the State government of Penn
sylvania were by some sudden acci
dent to bo destroyed, where would you
get another one—who would recon
struct it ? It is only necessary to ask
the question to have it answered. The
people of Pennsylvania and no other.
[Long continued applause.] It is their
birthright, descended from heroic an
cestors, transmitted to them as their
proudest inheritance. The Govern
ment belongs to the people. It was
made by the people, and if it is destroy
ed, it is referred to the people to make
a new one. [Applause ]
Mr. Lincoln referred the question of
reconstruction to the people—the peo-,
pie of the States, whose governments
had been overthrown. Was that right,
or was it wrong? ("Right," "right.")
That was his scheme of reconstruction
But there was a party who set np an
other scheme of reconstruction, who
had a different theory and proposed a
different mode of getting the State
Governments upon their legs again,
getting them back into practical rela
tions with the Union. That was the
Radical party in Congress. They con
tended that Congress was to do it
—not exactly that Congress was to
toake_tba_aa Lafio.‘„--
Congress was to make the States to
make such Slate Governments as
would please them. I suppose if they
had said that to you, as Pennsylvani
ans, you would have said, "If we are
to adopt a Government to suit your
whims and your tastes, perhaps you
had better make ityourselves." [Laugh
ter and applause.] That would be per
fectly natural. As Pennsylvanians,
you would have answered "We have
the right to make our own government;
you have no right to interfere, and no
body has any right to interfere; and
you guarantee that wo shall have this
right, because the Constitution of the
United States guarantees to the people
of every State a republican form of
government." Now, the Radicals say,
"If we aro to guarantee a republican
form of government, we must make
that form of gOvernment, in order to
be sure that it is republican ;" and they
just turn it upside down, and reverse
what was meant by the framers of the
Cc,ilatitution.
By that particular phrase, "Repub
lican form of government," the fra
mers of the Constitution meant to
guarantee such form of government as
the people of each State were pleased
to make for themselves; and Mr. Mad
ison says that is a republican form of
government. [Applause]. That is
what they meant by it, and that is
common sense and common reason.
At the outstart of the war, there
wore different opinions entertained,
and, as you well know, honestly enter
tained ; and we may as well come to
it first as last, as this is a country of
free opinion, (Applause) and every man
is entitled to entertain his opinion.
Whether that opinion squares with the
majority or not, is a very different
thing. Every man is entitled to his
opinion, whether it be popular or un
popular, and that is the beauty of our
Government. The most mischievous
men, who promulged the most mis
chievous opinions during the war, I
said, "bring them to me with the con
verts they havo made, and I will pay
tho highest price for them." 1 offered
to buy all the converts Vallandigham
would make, at the highest. price.
Why not 7 For they are opinions that
our people do not entertain, and to
suppose that our people cannot listen
to opinions of all sorts and descriptions,
is to decide that it is very dangerous
to give them an opportunity to settle
those opinions. (Applause.)
I remember that wo have a very
foolish set of fellows, who imagined
that they would exclude newspapers
of a certain class from the army. I
stood up against it, and I said the sol
dier had patriotism, and when be went
to the field, you might be sure ho was
in earnest, and you might give him
whatever newspaper you pleased with.
out danger of leading him astray. [Ap
plause.] I was never afraid to trust
our people with the truth at all times.
if wo cannot reason together, and if
wo were to be the slaves of passion
n.nd prejudice, and tyranny, and out,
rage; and terrorism, wo aro riot a free
people. There will be always, in every
community, a considerable number of
had men,. but I say t:hat the virtue and
intelligence of the American people
was triumphed over all their difficul
ties, and will enable them to maintain
that Government notwithstanding.
Lincoln had faith in the people
--PERSEVERE.-
North—faith in the people South—
faith in the people everywhere because
the people in the South are your broth
ers,with the same history, the same an
cestry, the same legends of national
glory, the same proud recollection of
former battles fought in common; and
there .is hardly a man here present
who will not find one of his own name
in the South—they aro the same kind
of people we aro.
Ah ! but it was said that they aro
such bad people, they got up a rebel
lion—a most terrible rebelliona bad
war—in which thousands and hun
dreds of thousands of people were kill
ed. That is true. It was a foul, heav
en-daring, wicked rebellion. But such
is the law of humanity. Wars have
occurred so since old Agamemnon laid
siege to Troy. This is not the first re
bellion that has ever been in the world.
There have been thousands every
where, and of course it was our lot to
have one, It is now our duty to profit
by the lessons of the past, to show that
we now mean to cure and to heal the
wounds of the body politic, and to get
back to our former condition and be
greater, more powerful and glorious
than before. (Tremendous applause.)
It was said by some, that the people
of the South who had engaged in the
rebellion, had become so criminal and
so far out of a common humanity, that
they were not competent to make
their own State. governments. I pre
sume we aro all sinners, at least I
know I am, and if perchance sonic of
us should be criminal there is a place
of penitence—there is a place even up.
on earth where we are to be forgiven,
and we are commanded to pray that
we may be fbrgivon as we forgive
others.
The people who go into rebellion,
who are led away by bad and sedi
tious men, should be forgiven when
they show penitence, and, by the by,
your fathers in the "Whisky Insurree
ti.m" of Western Pennsylvania, who
were very nearly getting into rebel
! lion. I believe that eight thousand
men met at Braddock's Fields to in
augurate their rebellion, but the peo•
plo halted, they repented, and nobody
thought the people, as such, were guil
ty, but the whole cry was laid upon a
few leaders. But I was going to say
that when the people had rebelled,
when they were led astray as the peo
ple of the South were, into such a war
as that, the calamities which the war
brings, the punishment which it in
flicts, the sorrows with which it covers
the whole land aro their punishments
,
- to:aay, travel over
their ruined cities, over wasted and
desolated fields; witness the number
of widows and orphans, see the graves
of their children; and ask if she has not
been punished. There has never come
upon any people in the world such a
terrible and condign punishment as
has come upon that people. They are
purged, they have paid the penalty,
and they are chastened with many
sorrows.
I am not prepared to Say, under the
heavy inflictions they have suffered,
they are not wiser than you.
Under these circumstances, Mr. Lin
coln feeling that these people bad been
purged by their sufferings, entrusted
to them the making of their own State
Government, and that was his plan of
reconstruction. [Great applause.) As
I said before, that was opposed by pro.
cisely the same party same men
who now oppose President Johnson in
carrying out that same plan of recon
struction.
You very well remember that the .
Radicals to a man, in Congress, were
opposed to Mr. Lincoln, opposed his
re-nomination in faeor of Chase, and
they got up an Executive Committee
for the purpose of making Chief Jus
tice Chase President Of tho United
States. They tried at times to get up
Fremont by way of diversion. [Laugh•
tor.] At Baltimore it was the people
that nominated Mr. Lincoln in opposi
tion to the Congressional clique, and
when he was eanvassir.g before the
people for re election, in the very thick
of the fight, there was a protest signed
on the part of a reconstruction com
mittee—not the ono that has become
so famous, the immortal fifteen, [laugh
ter]—but there was a reconstructior.
committee, at the bead of which ap
poured the names of Benjamin Wade
and Ifenry Winter Davis, and they
pliblished that protest after Mr. Lin
coln's nomination, and they charged
him •with being a usurper and a tyrant,
and they called him all the names
which the vocabulary of such people
generally furnishes, That is the same
party which today opposes President
Johnson and his reconstruction of State
governments. (Tremendous applause.)
After the death of Mr. Lincoln, Pres
ident Jonnson succeeded to him and
succeeded to his policy. lie has parr
sued it precisely from that day to this,
(applause,) and I defy ally man—and
I am not particular where you bring
him from—l have met the very head
and front of this—l defy any man to
put his finger upon a single departure
of President Johnson from that policy
all the way through. [Applause.]
I stood by President Lincoln, always
and at all times. I even acquiesced in
silence when be was driven from his
own ground in the very heat of the
war, and they did drive him as you
know. [Sensation.]
I have stood by President Johnson
in the same way, because I believed
he was good, and wise and true, and
had the good of the whole country at
heart. [Tremendous applause.]
Now What is the difficulty ? What
is the great question which now agi
tates the people? It is whether ton
States of this Union, whether the peo
ple of ten States, purged by war, made
wise by calamity, tried in the fire of
suffering, the people of ten States just
as you aro, people entitled to the same
rights as you are, shall ho lmarti upon
OE
I .
:... `
, ..-
....
& 1 ...., . .....,
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~.,..„... . :
\,..t„... ~.. ~ .:..
the floor of Congress where the 'laws
are made which are to govern thorn,
where the taxes aro levied, which they
have to pay, whether they shall bo
heard by their Representatives or whe
ther they shall be treated as a con
quered people, or whether they shall
be deprived of their rights which I say
belong to every American citizen.—
[Applause.] That is the great question.
Aro these States in. the Union ? •
(Cries of 'yes, yes" from all parts of
the house.) They were in the Union,
I know, in 1860. They were in the
Union, I know, because the laws are
upon the statute book by which they
were made part of the Union. Have
those laws been repealed? Did the
ordinances of secession repeal them 7
[No, no.] If the ordinances of seces.
sion did not repeal those laws they aro
in force yet, they are yet upon the
statute book, and they are as binding
as the will of thirty millions . of the
American people can make them.
I told you that our pride and our
boast was that this was a Government
of laws, that it was our security, that
it did not depend on the will of ono
man or any sot of men. It does not
depend on the will of the Executive
whether such things shall bo or shall
not be ; it does not depend upon Con
gress, but it depends upon the law, the
established law. Then if those States
were in the Union by the law, and if
that law has not been repealed, and
cannot be repealed except by the Am
erican people, then they are yet in tho
Union by the law. [Great applause.]
They are there by your law, and the
man who, in spite of your law, says
they are not there, insults you to your
face. (Applause.) Then those States
aro in the Union by the law, the peo
ple are bound by the law, submit to the
law, and are entitled to the law. (A
voice—"we'll keep them by the law.")
Yes, we will keep them by the law.—
(Tremendous applause.)
But we are asked, are wo to have
no punishment upon these rebels—not
the people—for I believe nobody asks
that the people should be punished ex
cept tbe.Radicals—but a great many
good men, a great many good meaning
men, ask, aro these rebels—the leading
rebels, the great spirits who created
this war originally—not to be punish
ed ? I say certainly, if you please.—
There is no doubt about it, gentlemen;
they are in the clutches of the law,
and if the law imposes any penalty,
they will have to suffer it. A man
might just as well ask, can the thief
and the felon about Pittsbur,o bo_pun
isneirt—rou answer, certainty ; they
are in the hands of the law. And so
it is with those who have been in re
bellion.
You have all these people now under
the law, they are all within its grasii,
and if any punishment is to be inflict
ed it must be inflicted by the law, and
under the law. You and I have no
right to punish offences. If you saw
a man commit murder upon the streets
you would not undertake to punish it,
and if you did, so far from being justi
fied, you would be guilty under the
law, and if you undertook to punish
him capitally you would be guilty of
murder. And why ? Because you
take into your hands that which the
American people have placed in other
hands. You try him in a way which
they do not authorize, and you insult
them in undertaking to execute it in
such a way. That is the situation of
the rebel States.
It has been said that the President
ought to punish these people. Why
gentlemen, the President has nothing
in tho world to do with it. The Pres
ident is the Chief Executive of the
Nation—ho is not a common prosecu
tor—he is not even a District Attorney.
Gov. Curtin, the Chief Executive of
Pennsylvania, does not come here to
prosecute criminals, does he? Did
you over see him on that errand ? It
belongs to the people to punish offen
ces. It belongs to the humblest man
as well as the highest. The humblest
man, if he knows that crime has been
committed, has a right to give inform
ation, to take out a warrant and place
a criminal in the hands of justice.—
And the Judge, the highest as well as
the lowest, is bound to respect the law
and deal out punishment upon the of.
feeder. Gentlemen who want rebels
punished—gentlemen who insist that
they are not punished enough,and that
they ought to be punished further,
such gentlemen are themselves to bo
blamed. Why do they not got war
rants? Why do they not put these
people in the hands of the law for pun
ishment? You never hear of ono of
these fierce babbling fellows who cry
out for punishment, instituting punish
ment for the offences of which they
proclaim so much horror. I took oc
casion to say to them in the Senate of
the United States, if you want to pun
ish the guilty people, the guilty insti
gators of this rebellion, say who you
want to punish ; say how many, if it is
ton, fifty, fire hundred or five thous
and. You shall have them all, only I
beg of you all, do not babble about the
President that ho does not become a
common prosecutor, a thing unheard
of in the country, and indicative of ig•
norance of the laws on the part of those
who make such an assertion, a thing
that ought to be known to every
school boy.
As I said before, the great question
was whether these States should be
represented in the Congress of the Uni
ted States by their representatives,
properly elected, returned and quali
fied. That is the question. I told you
before that this was a government of
law, and whenever a question arises,
if the law settles it, the question itself
should be settled. I never had the
slightest difficulty. I never hesitated
when two Senators came to the door
of the Senate from Alabama or Missis
sippi or Tennessee. I read the Con
stitiation, and that sacred instrument
TERMS, $2,00 a year in advance.
declared that each State should have
two Senators. There was an end to
it What right had I to set myself
against that instrument which I had
sworn to support, and which I was
fighting to save ? It was not for me
to say in the face of that great para
mount law of thirty millions of my
countrymen, that is wrong, they ought
not to have two Senators. What pre
sumption that would be ! So in the
other House it was also fixed. The
Constitution declares that each State
shall be entitled to representation ac
cording to its population, and it provi
ded that a census should be taken in
order to see how many people each
State has, and after that census is re
turned, after the decade has gone by,
Congress apportions among States
their representation, and in the very
beginning of the war, on the 4th of
March, 1862, the Congress of the Uni
ted States did apportion under that
census to all the States of the Union—
all that were States at that time—and
told the eleven States then in the re
bellion, they gave fifty-eight members,
and that was the law. It was the law
voted for your representatives from
Allegheny county, and there was no
division upon it. Was that binding or
was it not binding? Was it the law
of the American people, or was it not
their law ? If it was their will it was
sacred and binding upon every mem
ber of that House, and especially upon
those who voted for it. If it was not
the law of the American people it was
a farce, and this is no Government at
all. That disposes of the question of
admission into the Congress of the
United States.
I was delighted to hear your worthy
Chairman explain it as well as it could'
be explained;-but there was no danger
in carrying out this Constitutional law.
You hear all these empty-headed peo
ple say, bring back the rebels into
power, bring back the men of the
South who tried to destroy this Gov
ernment, and the country is gone. I
would like to know what the war was
for, if it was not for that very thing.
(Laughter and applause.) Was it not
for that very thing that we sacrificed
three hundred thousand or four hun
dred thousand men, and expended six
ten thousand millions of dollars ? If
it was not for that we should not have
made the war. Gentlemen, it is a very
high compliment to our soldiers that
they were.not afraid to meet these ele
ven States in the field in open fight.
They did meet them and overcame
them_ Imt,_the Congroga of the-United ,
States was afraid to meet them in its
halls. (Great laughter and applause.)
We have 183 members in Congress,
and they were afraid to meet 58.
(Cries of "good, good.") Rome must
have lost her breed of noble bloods, I
should think. (Applause.) We have
50 Senators in the Senate of the Uni
ted States and they were afraid of
22. And, gentlemen, I tell you if this
Radical party had the smallest part of
common sense or political sagacity last
fall when they went to Congress, they
would have laid down a platform such
as the platform of the Philadelphia
Convention. I remember once going
up to Cumberland; I met an old Whig
named John Penlon. The majority
in his district was largely against him,
and I said to him how do you expect
to got elected; what platform do you
stand upon ? Ho said, "I stand upon
the Constitution and laws." Now, if
Congress had adopted the Philadelphia
platform, or if they said they, stood
upon the Constitution and the laws,
more than one half of those Southern
Senators would have been right ready
to join hands with the Republican
party, and they would have been uni
ted with me. I thought I was as good
a Republican as they could make. I
i did think I could understand the old
article. As I understood the old arti
cle it was simply that slavery should
not go into the Territories. Was not
that the whole of it ? [Yes, yes.] In
old times there were three schools
about that thing. The Republicans
say Congress is supremo over the Ter
ritories, and if the Congress says, by
law, that slavery should not go into
the Territories, then we say that sla
very shall not go. -If Congress says it
shall, then wo submit. Mr. Douglas
said No, that is not the host way; let
the people of the Territories them
selves decide. That was called squat
ter sovereignty doctrine. Then there
was another dOctrine which said noir
ther the people of the Territories nor
Congress have any right to decide this
question; the Territories are common
property—common to all the people,
and they have a right to take their
property into the Territories, whether
that property consists in men or hor
ses, or what not. That was the South
ern view. As a Republican I was in
favor of the first theory, and that was
Republicanism then. That question
was given up before I was in the Sen
ate ten clays. That question did not
exist after Mr. Lincoln took nis seat.
When we organized a Territory and
provided by law for its organization, it
was not questioned; there was no divt
sion, not a particle. So far as that was
concerned Republicanism had achieved
its victory, Republicanism had done
its work, and Republicanism had
ceased to be as a party principle. It
was then 'called upon to meet other'
and greater issues. Last fall, if a fair
and reasonable platform, standing up l .
on the Constitution and the laws as
they were written, had been made by
the Republican party, then, if there
was one, it would have been accepted
by more than half of the people of the
Southern States, because these old is
sues had passed away. Republicanism
and squatter sovereignty and the Prod
Scott decision had been swept away in
the whirlwind of war and became dead
issues of the past. [Applause.]
Then, I toll yea, gentlemen, there
was no dodge at that time in admit-
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ting the American people wholly and
fully to their rights as before. There
was not only no danger, but there was
not the millionth part of the danger
that we are likely to encounter by the
course pursued by the dominant party,
in keeping those people from their rep
resentation. What is that danger ?
Have you thought calmly of the impor
tance of being represented in the Leg
islature of the country that makes the
laws that govern you? How would
you like to have your representatives
from the city of Pittsburgh, from the
county of Allegheny, turned out?—
How would you like to be represented
by letter writers, people who walk
around amongst you and take down
all your vices, all the various kinds of
crime that are committed, and commu
nicate them all to Congress, and have
somebody get up and read those letters
day after day as the condition of
things in Pittsburg ; and what would
you say if that was done in the Senate
of the United States, and I was not
there to give the lie to it upon tho spot
which I would do, of course ? Why,
gentlemen, the blood of your revolu.
tionary fathers would turn to milk in
your veins if you submitted to that.—
You could not look up to Heaven,
where their spirits now look down_up
on you, and feel yourselves worthy of
them, if you submitted to be governed
without representation. The meanest
felon in your Court has a right to be
heard. No Judge in the city of Pitts
burg to•day dare deny it to the
meanest criminal in his dock. - The
right to counsel, to be heard, is asa
cred right everywhere, and yet that
right has been denied the Southern
people. They have not teen allowed
to go into Congress and tell of the
conition of their people as they alone
could tell. Yet, on the other hand, we
have a parcel of people who are ex.
ceedingly anxious that a very disturb.
od state'of things should continue, and
exceedingly anxious that they should
not be displaced because they have of
fices out of which they are making for
tunes, stealing Government and indi.
vidual cotton, and everything else; and
they write letters up to Congress, and
sometimes they would have a dozen a
day. In one case, I knew a man who
wrote some of them, and I am satisfied
that you would not elect him a night
watchman in the city of Pittsburgh.—
A man of no character, but a man who
went about, and like the dogs of Laza.
rus, licked at sores, and sent his effu
sions to the floors of Congress so as to
make a stench in the noses of the nor
thern people. That is the way the
South was represented.
We maintained this Government—
we enforced this Constitution and these
laws because we were right. God is
right, and when you aro right He is
on your side. And you succeeded; but
you deprive these people of represen
tation, you treat them as a conquered
people, and there you are wrong, and
then you cannot succeed in holding
them any longer than you have the
physical force to do it.
Now, the Southern people feel all
this. They do not feel resentment.
They believe that the Northern peo
' pie, when they understand them, will
be as just as they were brave. That
they will be as generous in the "civil
administration of the Government as
they were valiant in the field of bat.
tie. (Greatapplause.) They. want to
be your fellow-countrymen. They
want to be partners in this great Re
public. They want to enjoy the ble.ess
lugs of this great Union. And they
want to hand down to their children
the blessings it was intended to per
petuate as you. do. (Tremendous ap
plause.) They know the value of the
Union to you and to them, and they
know the curses, the calamities and thb
miseries which would come upon the
country if that Union was once broken,
and they have no desire to be separa
ted from us. They desire to bo with
us, to be sharers with us in a common
destiny, a common country and a cora:
mon future. (Great applause.) They
pledge themselves in every conceiva
ble way by which men can bind them
selves, and I say that their ii%terests,
if nothing else, would impel them to
stand by the Union and to be a part of
it. (Tromendoua applause.) But, goo
tlemen, lot me warn you. 1 told yea
before they were of our blood, of our
race, the same manner of men as we
are, and they have never been known
to wear a yoke any longer than he who
put it on had strength to keep it there :
if we deny them the right to be heard
in the National Councils, they will be
right and we will be wrong ) and they
will have plenty of friends to espouse
their cause, just as we had in the Rev.
elution. (Applause.) Do you know
that France proposed to England to
recognize the independence of the
Southern Confederacy? Suppose they
had, what tiled would have been the
result of the war, with all our means
and all our resources and the bravery
and skill of our armies? If the block
ade could have been broken, the resulli
of that contest would have boon ex
ceedingly doubtful, and 1 think thq
better opinion now is that we would
have failed. Did wo succeed until we
got New Orleans and Charleston an/
until our blockade was perfect and
complete? ? England refused to ac
knowledge the independence of the
Confederacy. Why? Because they
made the comer stone of it slavery,
and the English people, the Liberal
party of England, were to a man op ;
posed to slavery, and they would not
permit their government to join in any
f
enterprise ich mrp)Werpetuato
that ipstitu Slaye s gcoe i it
'does riot ex , ow. 'I •e. can bo no
pretence of at kind now for avoidiog
an entry -on on enterprise of that
kiwi. ..4.nd' do you know that Eng
land, during that %yin., paid fifty mil
lions to keep her Lancashire poor from
starving, because she could not run
ig
!El
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