The globe., September 12, 1866, Image 1

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AGUA DE MAGNOLIA
A toilet :delight Superior to any cologne, used to
bathe the face and person, to render the skin soft and
fresh, to allay inflammation, to perfume clothing, for
headache, &c. It is manufactured from the rich southern
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ted. It is a favorite. with actresses and opera singers. It
is sold by all dealers, at itl,oo in large bottles, and by De
nies Barnes & Co., New York, Wholesale Agents.
..Sd.ratega Spring Wafer, sold by all Druggists.
S. T.-1860---X.
Persons ofmleatary habits troubled with weakuem,
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Beware of inmostora. Examine every bottle. See that
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bulk, bean impostor. Any person imitating this bottle,
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They are sold by all respectable druggists, grocers, physi
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P. IX. DRILICE & CO.
Saratoga Spring Water, sold by all Druggists.
'Have you a hurt child or a lame horse! Use tho Mex
ican Mustang Liniment.
For cuts, sprains, burns. swellings and caked breasts,
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"In lifting the kettle from the fire, it tipped over and
me t ext
mu
racted the nmuts_Llrribh., e e e The Mustang Lini
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CHAS. FOSTER, 420 Broad street, Ph Hada.
Mr. S. Litch, of Hyde Park, Vt., writes: "My horse was
considered worthless, (spavin,) but since the use of the
:Mustang Liniment. I hare sold him for $l5O. Your Lin
iment is doing wonders up here."
All genuine is wrapped in steel plate engravings, sign
cot, G. W. Westbrook, Chemist, and Obo has the private
U.S. stamp of Demos Barnes & Co., over the top.
Leak closely, and be net deceired by counterfeits.
Said by all Druggists at 25, 50 cts, and $l,OO.
Saratoga ,Spriny Water, sold by all Druggists.
Tt to a most delightful flair Drossing.
It eradicates scurf and dandruff.
It keeps the bead cool and clean. -
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It restores hair upon prematurely bald heads.
"This iejust what Lyou's liathairon will do. It le pret
ty—it is cheap—durable. It is literally sold by the car
load, and yet its almost incredible demand is daily increa
sing, until there is hardly a country store that does not
keep It, or a family that does not use it.
E. THOMAS LYON, Chemist, N. Y.
Saratoga Spring Water, sold by all Druggists.
Who would not be bea.ulifull Who would not add to
their beauty? What gives that marble purity and ella
Li na. appearance we observe open the stage and in the
city belle? It is no longer a secret. They use lingua's
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you, if not on hand, at 50 cents per bottle.
W.E. HAGAN, Troy, N. Y. Chemist.
Derails Barnes & 00., Wholesale Agents,N. Y
&trataga Spring iratcr, sold by all Druggists.
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C. IIkILVISTItEXT, Chemist,
• Saratoga Spring Water, sold by all,Druggiste.
( hex's Ems= OF PURI JAMAICA GINGER—for Indiges
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.I , llitaleAzy, etc.. where a warming stimulant Is required.
carefulate preparation and entire purity Make its cheep
And reliable article for calluary purpoeea. Sold every-
',where, at 50 cents per bottle. Ask for "Laos's" Pure Ex
tract. Take no other.
Sarqkga Spring Toter, sold by all Ortiggints.
Julyll, 1.806-eowly
pa All tne above articles for sale by B. 3. SMITH
Iduntlngdod, Penna.
GROUND A.LIJAI AND SALINA
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A LL K4NDSOFORACKE.RS
CUNNINGHAM cuustxut & CAEMON'S.
Pußg, splcEs
at CUNNINGHAM & CARMON'S.
A LARGE VARIETY of articles too
ja numerous to mention, for sale at LEWIS & CO'S
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WILLOW and CEDAR WARE
for sale at LRWIS & CO'S Family Grocery..
TyiVELOPES--
By the box, pack, or lees quantity, for sale at
- LEWIS' BOOK 'AirD sTovp.
:MONTHLY TIME BOOKA,
For sale at
fEWITS' .1790 K AND STATIONERY STOW.,
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WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
VOL, XXII.
610 be,
HUNTINGDON, PA.
W. Lewis, Editor and Proprietor
Hugh Lindsay, Associate Editor.
" I know of no mode in which a loyal citi
ren may so well demonstrate his devotion to
his country as by sustaining the Flag . the
Constitution and the Union, under all circum
stances, and UNDER EVERY ADMINISTRATION
SEGARDLESS OP PARTY POLITICS, AGAINST ALL
A'ISAILANTS, AT GODS AND ALROAD."-STEPHEN
A. DOUGLAS
Our Country and not Party.
The issue in the present political
cor.test should not be forgotten. It is
not ono of a partisan nature. But it is
the same now as it was in ISGI. Then
such notable Union men as Stephen
A. Douglas, a member of the Demo
cratic party, openly declared that
there could be but two sides—ono for
the country, the other against it. His
words of wisdom had the desired ef
fect of breaking up the parties then in
vogue and forming a Union Party,
which carried the nation successfully
through. Ile was a Democrat, and
was willing to forgot and bury his
party inclinations in order to save the
country; and if ho was living to day,
the same sentiment would be reitora-
ted by him., Democrats followed his
lead, and joined with the Republican
party then dominant, and thus the
Union—not the Union Republican—
organization was formed. Now the war
being ended, Republicans claim it was
they who saved the Union, and it is
for their party they now aro fighting.
They have not the good of the coun
try at heart but it is that they may
rule through their party. We al
lege that it is for our common country
and not for party that we now should
fight. Now, the change is as groat as
it was in the beginning of the rebel-
lion. Union Republicans are uniting
with the Democratic party, under the
name of the National Union Party, to
save the country from being disunited:
Radicals, under the name of the Re
publican party, seek to keep the South
out of the Union, and wo stand ready
to oppose them. For our own part
we can say that we care not what w
are called, whether traitor or copper
head, we rejoice in the fact that we
stand with the hosts of our country
men in maintaining the Union of our
fathers. At the beginning of the re
bellion we, like the immortal Douglas,
forsook the Democratic organization,
because the country was in danger
from the rebels, and we were called a
"nigger lover;" now we stand just
where we always stood, and the Dem
ocrats, seeing the danger our country
is in from the Radicals aro coming to
the President's rescue like good and
true men, and we are called a Copper-
head. We can submit to any epithets,
(for we are used to them,) but so long
as our country is in danger we will
know no party but the people, and we
claim to belong to no party but that
party which is in favor of the Union.
The National Union Party is now our
party and none other.
Plain Questions and Answers,
Why do the Radicals want to keep
the Southern States unrepresented ?
Because by so doing they hope to se
cure the election of a Radical Presi
dent, Stevens, Sumner, Greeley or any
other man as Radical as they.
What is the policy of the Radicals?
To let all the traitors go unpunished if
the Southern States will give the negro
the right to vote and hold office. Rad
icals Greeley, Forney & Co„ advocate
the doctrine of "Universal amnesty for
Universal suffrage."
Row long do the Radicals want to
keep the Southern States out of the
Union ? Until they have secured the
election of another radical Congress
and a President.
Who represents the Radical par
ty ? Thad. Stevens of Pennsylvania,
a man who says that negroes are the
equals of foreigners, and is in favor of
the blacks enjoying all political rights
equal with the white man.
Who represents the National Union
party ? President Andrew Johnson, a
man who has always opposed the foes
of the Constitution and the foes of his
country and who looks to the interests
of the people.
What is President Johnson in favor
of? He is in favor of letting the South
he represented • by truly loyal men, and
of letting the people of the States 40,
cide the.question of negro suffrage.
Who aro disuniouists now ? Those
who oppose tho Union of the States
and their right to representation.
Who are the Union tneo ? Those
who wish to see the 'Union united, aod
every State represented in Congress as
required by the Constitution.
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1866,
"Congress."
Congress is the legislative branch of
the Federal government, created by the
Constitution, and it has not a particle
of legal power but what is given
to it by the Constitution. Its compo
sition is plainly defined by the. Con
stitution. Its composition is plainly
defined by that "supreme law," and it
gives no authority to any judgment of
either house, nor to both houses to
gether, to exclude representatives or
senators, legally qualified, from any
State of the Union.
What is "loyality ?" Two years ago
it was fealty to tho national Adminis
tration, and all who by word or act
opposed the measures of that Adminis
tration "to preserve tho Union" were
denounced as "disloyal." Now, ac
cording to the showing of tho faction
ists, those only are loyal who denounce
the national Administration and ob
struct its efforts to preserve the
Union.
To strip the great issue now before
the people of all the tricks, devices and
misrepresentations by which unprinci
pled demagogues undertake to obscure
it, it may be stated in a few words:
The "Constitution which is the su•
promo law of our Republic, gives to
every State the right of representation
in Congress, and to yield obedience to
to that supreme law, will place the
Radical faction fir in the minority.—
The leaders of that faction, therefore
have attempted to overthrow the Con
stitution, and establish a government
which will enable them to rule the
coun try."
No one will pretend that the jour
nals and orators of the Radical faction
ask the people to read the Constitution
and to judge their acts and those of
the President by it. They know that,
judged by such a standard, their false
hood and abandonment of the princi
ples upon which cur free government
has been based will become apparent.
Their whole aim is to bring odium
upon ; the Constitution and upon all
who sustain it, and by this moans leave
the field open to thorn to establish the
• trglrrsg.,--11-•-••,..+ - -
zealously to erect upon the ruins of our
Federal Constitution.—Phila. Hews.
Abuse of the President.
At a Radical meeting held at the
Cooper Institute, New York, on Wed
nesday evening, August 15th, and at
which Horace Greeley presided, a ne
gro preacher, Rev. H. Garnet, in com
menting upon the telegraphic corres
pondence between President Johnson
and Gen. Baird previous to tho Now
Orleans riot, said :
"One end of that telegraph line was in
New Orleans; the other, at which John
son worked, was in hell !"
Another "colored gentleman" ad
dressed the audience—a Dr. P. T. B.
Randolph, who recently received $2OO
from Preeiderit - Johnson in behalf of
negro education in Now Orleans.—
Here's a specimen of his ravings:
" The Tribune abused me for drink
ing President Johnson's wine and eat
ing his bread. Mr. Greeley should
know that sometimes "my policy" is
to use for a good purpose even the
most abject creatures who aro infinite
ly below your contempt. I did
[Great laughter.] Two years from
now Andy Johnson's race will be run.
Then not the meanest, lowest nigger
in the South but will shun him as a
dirty, low-lived puppy dog. [lmmense
applause.]"
If the negroes are encouraged by
the Radicals to use such language to.
wards the President of the United
States, is it any wonder that their
white admirers should try to equal
them in their abuse. ,Thank God we
have not been swallowed up by the
negro equality disunion party.
IS-During the war the Radicals
were in the Union ranks, but they
were there only as the snakes in the
grass. They had nothing to say, and
they were powerless for injury. Now;
they seek to keep the Union party of
the war together, so that they can the
better carry out their diabolical schemes
against the Union. Honest men have
seen their object and have left their
company. But they have many yet
who cling to their party, just for its
name, never dreaming of the depths
into which they are being led. Many
are actuated by prejudice tooling to the
Union party, which was formed for the
North alone, and in order to preserve
the Union. But, now, they don't see
the objects of their Radical leaders to
keep the Union divided by depriving
the Southern States of their ropresen,
tation, and still cleave to their party.
The National Union party has been
organized to keep the whole Union
together, and the radicals are oppo•
sing it.
.C&-Thad. Stevens is an old bachelor.
—Exchange..
There is a 4 colore4 lady'? at Lancas
ter, Pa., vho will fighA yea on thap
question "'until your eye-lids cease to
-PERSEVERE.--
[Correepondoeco of the New York Times.]
GEORGIA,
The Action of the Philadelphia Conven
tion as Viewed at the South---Affairs
in Georgia.
SAVANNAH, Aug. 20, 1866.—T. have
justfinished the perusal of the able ad
dress and declaration of principles put
forth by the Philadelphia Convention.
Our expectations are more than fulfill
ed ; and now that the gauge has been
distinctly thrown down •to the Radi
cals, wo shall bo interested "lookers-on
here at Vienna," until the issue joined
between the Unionists and Disunion
ists shall bo determined. We have
done all in our power to • Satisfy the
country that we have accepted the re
sult of the war in good faith, and we
now rely upon the verdict of the great
masses of the North for a recognition
of the honesty of our action and inten
tions. What must have been the scene
in the Convention during the reading
of the address, when at this distance
of place and time it stirs the heart,
and brings glowing tears to the eyes
of the reader! Mr. Raymond has in
terwoven his name and political course
in these questions of the day indissolu
bly with the history of the United
States, and whatever may bo the re
sult, whether the unity of the Ameri
can Republic shall be again restored,
or anarchy destroy the beautiful fab
ric of the Constitution, the address of
the Philadelphia Convention will al
ways bo held as the embedment of pa
triotic desire and effort; and Mr. Ray
mond may, with the satisfaction of
Horace, but with far nobler purpose,
exclaim likewise, "Exegi monument=
perennius wre." Yes!: brass may be
destroyed; but only the annihilation
of letters and literature can bury the
address and the name of its author in
the dust of oblivion.
But now that the issue has been
made, what character will the contest
assume - ? This is a grave question,
and one that ought to come home to
the heart of every man in the North.
Once that a people have discovered
that the bayonet is more efficacious
and decisive than the ballot-box, there
is always a disposition in times of high
party excitement to resort to force for
the maintenance of political senti
ments. And this tendency can only be
chocked by an overwhelming, unmis
takabl2 expression of public opinion,
so overwhelming as to reduce the mi
nority to a mere inconsequent faction.
The tone of the Radical Press, and of
some prominent Radicals, have re
effittlfttEtty,"o64l4lffinittbaxv "-hat
less the Northern masses, in their
magnanimity and might, shall em
phatically declare against further civil
war, and for union, unity and peace.,
The utopian notion that we wore a na•
Lion different from other peoples, and
too developed to be swayed by She hu
man passions and weaknesses that
have ever marked the world's history,
has been rudely dispelled by the events
of the past six years, and we must now
acknowledge that we are after all like
other men, and influenced by the same
ambitions and impulses. Who of us,
on the 4th of July, 1860, could have
been led to believe that in less than a
year ono portion of the United States
would have been arrayed in the field
against the other, and that for four
years and more our fair fields, smiling
with every blessing that the band of a
benificont Creator and the industry of
man could bestow, would literally be
moistened with the 'blood of our bra
vest and best, in support of opposite
political views of the Constitution ?
And yet wo have lived to see it, and
even to see more, to see one portion of
our people—God grant that they may
bo very few I-- so envenomed by the
malignity of the war and the rancor of
political partisanship, as to trample
upon the Constitution, upon justice,
upon manly dealing and the memory
of the past, and seek to hold in the
bonds of subjugation the descendants
of those sires who with tho fathers en
dured the sufferings of the Revolution
ary War, and shared the disasters and
glory of 1812-15. Wo have seen all
this, and is it therefore folly or weak
ness to apprehend danger at the hands
of an unscrupulous party, who neither
regard truth in their statements nor
right in their plans and purposes
Death to Them.
It is the opinion of the New York
Tribune that the adoption of the doc
trine of Negro Suffrage will kill tho
Republican party. But it is better to
accept it, better to die than live, says
the editor, in view of the chance of a
"glorious resurrection." Hero is its
position three months ago :
"Our platform of reconstruction is
known to be—universal amnesty,
im
partial suffrage. If the two Houses
will embody this in' a Constitutional
Amendment and pass it by a two.'
thirds vote, we are ready to stand or
fall with it before the people. Wo
deem it quite probable that it might
put the next Congress against us, and
so let in the seceded States on their
own terms; but on so good a platform
it is safe to die iu the full assurance of
a glorious resurrection."
Its latter utterances. still urge the
black draught,. albeit the knowledge
that there is death in the pot:
The Union party xr:p npver more
caruest Pi sincere. It has but one
course. Let it stand upon the senti
ment of impartial suffrage, and ad
vance along the - lino. Nor can wo com
promise with the qUestion without
danger.
Hereupon some of the Tribune's
brethren 9f tho press baulk, and refuse
to pull that load. They remind Mr.
Greeley that Negro Suffrage has noier
yet been carried in any State where
phe issue was made; and point to the
fact that even Congress did not dare to
pass it for the District of Columbia.
"Treason is a Crime, &o.''
The leaders of the Radical faction
and their journals think they are doing
something very smart by constantly
parading this saying of President
Johnson, and intimating that ho does
not now desire to make treason odious.
"Begging the question" is one of the
tricks of disputants in which tho so
phistical advocates of negro equality
are well versed. The art consists in
assuming that certain facts are conce
ded which they know they cannot
prove and consequently do not attempt
to prove them, but speak of them as if
they were not disputed.
liresidcnt Johnson thinks now, as
ho has thought in times when south
ern rebellion was rampant, that trea
son should be odious in the oyes of all
honest men, but ho does not think
that treason should be any loss odious
when committed by northern conspi
rators than twhen it is the work of
southern disunionists. He has not
placed any obstacle in the way of the
legal conviction and punishment of the
chief men engaged in the recent civil
war, but the Radical Chief Justice of
the Supremo Court of the United
States, and the Radical Judgo Under
wood, of the District Court in which
Jefferson Davis should have been tried
long before this time, and the Radical
Attorney General whose duty it was
to prosecute, have shamefully neglect
ed or evaded their duty, while the
journals of their party koop up a con
stant clamor against the President be.
cause ho has not assumed despotic
power, and ordered illegal punishment
to be executca upon men not convict
ed of any crime.
Tho chief of tho southern confedera
cy has asked for a legal and speedy
trial, which the "supreme law of the
land" gives him a right to demand,
and Radical officials have refused it.
Upon them rests the responsibility of
postponing a trial which justice and
the people demand, but which they
fear to give because they know that it
would establish facts which would
show that the leaders of their party
were as ready to plunge the country
into civil war in 1861 as wore any of
the southern disunionists, and that
there would not have been a rebellion
if they had not provoked it.
Why should treason be made odious ?
Simply heeause it is a great wrong
to the people of our country. Its con
sequences are usually civil war oranar
chy ; and when a nation has the most
liberal and best government ever de
vised by the wit of man, the most mon
.
• Ai-` a s • • •
is a great crime because it involves
many other crimes; but, in a moral
point of view, it is no greater offense
when mon with arms in their ha p&
assail a government than it . is when
men entrusted with the performance
of high official duties make use of the
power placed in their hands by the
people to overthrow the government
and set up a despotism of their own.
If Andrew Johnson had been a tim
id and weak-minded man, and had
yielded to the threats and intimida
tions of the conspirators in Congress,
what would have been tho result?—
Will any man of the least intelligence
deny that the fundamental principles
of our Federal Constitution would have
been destroyed, and the whole power
of the nation concentrated iu the Rad
ical fiction in Congress? No one can
successfully deny that the leaders of
the Radical party have grossly
cd the Constitution, which is the only
bond of union and the "supremo law of
the land." They profess to find in the
Declaration of Independence a law su
perior to the Constitution, by which
they excuse their treason to the organ
ic law of the Republic, and yet that
declaration condemns them as plainly
as the Constitution does. It declares
the members of our Union to bo "free
and independent States," but the Red•
ical leaders usurp the power to de
grade States to the condition of subject
provinces.
The notion which the orators and the
journals of the Radical faction attempt
to inculcate is that treason consists in
opposing their party, and that every il
legal act of their leaders is justifiable.
This was not tho understanding of
President Johnson when ho said that
"treason should be made odious." Ho
intended that the people should regard
any attempt to subvert the govern.
ment by conspiracy or by force a
heinous crime. Ho never intimated
that the destruction of the Federal
Constitution by northern conspirators
was any more excusable than tho at
tempt of southern disunionists to sep
arate their States from the rest of the
Union. It is to be hoped that the peo
ple will look upon treason as a more
odious crime, air! that by legal means
they will punish very ono guilty of
The treason of the Radical faction is
in every respect inexcusable. Its as
sumptions of power are in direct hos
tility to all the principles they have
heretofore advocated. They have al. :
ways asserted the right of majorities
to rule, and yet they claim for "33"
senators the right to rule a Senate of
seventy-two members, and to count
themselves two.thirds of that body
when a two-third vote is wanted. •
Men who "look with thinking oyes"
into the movements of unscrupulous
polit cal leaders cannot fail to see that
the clamor for the blood of rebel chiefs
is kept up merely to keep the minds
of 'ignorant men excited, so that they
may not see the knayish work which
the crafty charlatans are carrying on.
The ConStituqon of the United
States is the "supremo law" of the
Republic, and every one who violates
or strives to destroy that hug is a trai
tor to our country and deserves a trai
tor's dobm. There is no organized
hostility to the Federal Goviirnment
in existence , now save what is in the
Radical party.—Diga. paity ,News.
TERNS, $2,00 a year in advance.
The New Orleans Riots—The Official
The publication of the official cor
respondence, complete, enables us to
resurvey the causes and characterist
ics of the New Orleans riots, and to
estimate the accuracy of allegations
of which they have been the pretext.
To complete the ease, it is necessary
to keep in remembrance the report of
the Grand Jury, published some days
since, and the sworn testimonly upon
which its recital of circumstances is
founded.
There is nothing in Gon. Sheridan's
dispatches which is calculated to re
lieve the promoters of the Convention
from the responsibility which the pop
ular judgment has affixed to them. The
military testimony shows beyond dis
pute that the plan for reassembling the
delegates, with the avowed purpose of
reoonstructina the Constitutional ma
chinery of the State, was the primary
cause of the excitement which culmin
ated in riot. Gen. Sheridan regarded
the scheme as pregnant with danger
to tho public peace, and ho more than
once expressed his condemnation of
the aims and political character of its
authors. They were in his opinion
revolutionists, whose movements need
ed continual watching,and upon whose
arrest ho had 'resolved, should any
overt act justify his interference. Wo
have then, a trustworthy point to
start from. The conventioniats were
dangerous agitators, and in their as
sembling, with certain understood ob
jects in view, wo see the real origin of
the calamities that followed. Whether
these results were foreseen by the con
ventionists or not, is a question which
does not affect the nature of the ope
rating cause. What they proposed,
what they threatened, and what they
did, produced the riots. And, in as
signing the degrees of responsibility,
they must bear their full share.
The wisdom of the course proposed
by the local civil authorities is not so
apparent ; although in balancing the
evidence upon this point, wo are re
quired to- consider the peculiar circum
stances arising out of the conflict of
local officials, and the culpably vadila
ting conduct of Gov. Wells. Both
Sheridan and Baird bold what we of
the North aro apt to consider the com
mon sense opinion upon the question
of interference. They evidently thought
that some overt act should be waited
for before proceeding 7 against the
conventionists. In New York the
meeting of a score. of Wendell Phillip
ses would be deemed a harmless affair,,
answer mus •
enco that exists between - the circum
stances of the two cities. That which
might be attempted with impunity in
New York, might bo pregnant with
mischief in New Orleans. Of this the
local officials were the proper judges.
They saw an attempt to bring togeth
er those whom Sheridan represents as
"political agitators and revolutionary
men," to do what tho same distin
guished soldier assorts was liable to pro
duce broaches of the public peace."
They considered the assemblage il
leggy convened for an unlawful and
a revolutionary purpose. They know
moreover, that the Convention was
made an occasion for addressing in
flammatory harangues . to negro
crowds, for advising the negroes to
arm themselves, and forfomenting ill
feeling between different classes of the
community. Hence a determination
was arrived at to remove the causes of
danger by arresting the delegates ! in
due legal forma , after the act of reas
sembling should have been consumma
ted. Up to this stage there was neith
er violence nor precipitancy on the
part of the civil authorities. So. much,
at least, is admitted by Gen. Baird,
who, in a dispatch written after the
occurrence of the riot, says: "Tho
Lieutenant-Governor and Mayor -had
freely consulted with me, and I was
so fully convinced that it was so
strongly the intent of the city author
ities to preserve the peace, in order to
prevent military interference, that I
did not regard an outbreak as a thing
to be apprehended." Gen. Sheridan
does - not so fully acquit the authorities
of blame in regard to this aspect of
the affair. It must be remembered,
however, that he was absent from the
city at the time, while Gen. Baird was
in frequent communication with the
authorities, almost_to_the_momma_of_
the disturbance. Baird's language ac
quits the authorities of premeditated
wrong; and this, we think, should be
accepted as conclusive.
How the riot actually began is not a
point so easily ascertained, nor is it
one of much importance compared
with the general question of responsi
bility, which we consider. already set
tled. With armed and excited and
angry men, black and white, on all
sides, it is not difficult to understand
how a trifling incident led tOStrifo and
blemished. For that a poAign of the
negroes carried pistols, and the re
mainder clubs and missiles, i$ reported
by Sheridan as well' as by the witness :
es examined before the Grand .Tury.—
The latter chiirge upon nogroos the
first blow, as well in conflict with a
private citizen as in resisting the au
thority of the police. Sheridan speaks
more dubiously. Thus, touching the
procession : shot was fired, by
whom I am not able to state, but bo
iievo it to have been by a policeman
or some colored man in the procession;
this led to other hots and a rush after
the procession." Again, at the MO.
clianies' Institute : "A row occur
red between a policeman and one of
the colored men, and a shot was again
fired by one of lle parties. , " whom
matters little, seeing thlit ace:circling to
Sheridan both sidel had now become
so excited that their relative violence
Could not be readily distMguished.
It is plain, however, that in the
NO. 11.
Record.
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subsequent scenes the police were
guilty of excesses that admit of no pal
liation. They shot down persons
whom they might have quietly arrest
ed, and they behaved most cruelly to
prisoners when in their power. Sher
idan's earlier dispatches, written im
mediately after his return from Texas,
and without the advantage of actual
knowledge, employ very strong words
upon this point. "It was murder," lie
wrote on the first of August.
"It was an absolute massacre by the
police," he wrote on the second. But
on the sixth when preparing a more
circumstantial statement in reply to
tho President's inquiries, the General's
judgment centres in the remark—"As
to the merciless manner in which the
Convention was broken up, I feel
obliged to express strong repugnance.' l
Indeed, the entire dispatch of the date
last referred to does not differ in its
essentials from the details received
from other sources.
Mayor Monroe receives no favor at
the hands of Sheridan, who imputes to
him a large degree of blame for the
deplorable occurrences. Ho employed
"Thugs" as policemen, it is alleged,and
is characterized as a "bad man,"
whose removal from office is desirable ;
Ltt us not forgot, however, that Hahn
and other leading men of the Conven
tion are also set down by the General
as "bad men," and that Gov. Wells is
represented by him as "vacillating."
as having "shown very little of the
man," and so conducted himself
throughout that if he "could be chang
ed also it would not be amiss." Prac
tically these sayings of the command.
ing officer amount to little. The 'pow
er to change Mayor or Governor ceased
when the absolute restoration of civil
authority throughout tho Union was
proclaimed. Tho law and local opin
ion must now be left to do their work.
And how stands President Johnson
in relation to the affair? He has been
assailed as in fact a murderer, who
connived with Louisiana officials to
crush and destroy loyal men. Does the
evidence now in complete form before
the public sustain or disprove the al
legation ? We are content to leave
the answer to any candid reader of
the published dispatches. From first
to last the President took pains to up
hold the law and preserve the peace.
Before the riot he assured the civil au
thorities of tho cooperation of the
military in support of the law. After
the riot ho did all that was possible to
strengthen the hands of Baird and
Sheridan, approving of the declaration
of martial law by . the former, and
•Vtr4.7
peace ant sa e y. cit — tn - e -- Itesu - -
dent did was in the strict performance
of duty; and if more was not done, it
was because metro was not needed to
allay the local excitement and re-es
tablish the ordinary authority known
to the law.—/V". Y. Times.
Negro Suffrage.
While Senator Doolittle was making
a speech, at Buffalo, a few evenings
ago, a radical exclaimed, "Why not,
lot the negroes vote 7"
"The reason they should not vote, I
tell them, is simply this; in the South
ern States there is a mass of colored
population, among which nine-tenths
of the men have no sense of family
and family ties—(tremendous applause)
—and the women have no sense of
virtue; and the man who would build,
the foundations of human society upon
a population like that knows nothing
of republican government. (Great ap,
plause.) I say that to base suffrage on
the negro population of the South in
thoir present condition would make a
burlesque of republican institutions—
(laughter and applause)—and wo our
selves would bo the laughingstock of
the world. (Loud cheers.) I can un
derstand how, in the Northern States,
where there are a few colored men
brought up as freedmen among free
men, with the habits and thoughts.
of freemen, with families like freemen
—I can understand how in some of the
States such a population may be ad,
initted to suffrage. But in the States
of the South situated as they are now,
with this population in its present,
condition, there is no man in his senses,
in my judgment, who would get up to
defend negro suffrage. There is still
another and more potent reason than
the one I have stated, I told it last
rail- -- - - frrorat — Ctrarrt --- toln me 944 nut
thorized me to state it—that the at
tempt to force negro suffrage upon
those States now would inevitably lead
to a war of races." ("Tha,,Vs : n'!) ' '
A W]) „
on TO .t?Eruniao4mi.--:The fol-
lowing conclusion of a letter from
W. O. Stoddard, a Republican, vim
was, ono of President Lindoln's private
secretaries, to all RepUblican, should
cause allepublican to think whither
they are going and who they are fq:
lowing :
And now what is to be done? Qn
the . * side, a large number of the
Men whom in time gone by we hove
delighted to honor---SewartifaYtßond,
Doolittle, Dixon ' Dix, Ran all,'Stan
ton, Blair and a host of Otheiti=eall'tO
us, to "comp and join them in the great
work of pacifiOtition and . restoration."
Many of the heroes of the war Rrq
With therie, On the other, our own
side for so long a time, the trumpet'
givo but an uncertain sound. it is full
time that wo know who aro to load
us, and whither they are going. It
may be wolf for the time to sink an.
minor questiens—even put aside fi
nance, lands and personal ponsidera :
tions—but what is to becOme of the
great rin9stions that affect the peace
and lito of the Republic?
Abuse or vituperation of our oppo
nents will not answer us. We know
them well,--the mon in blue, the men
in gray; anti the men who never dared
to wear either.
BEI
I'
POSTERS,