Ihf Iftdftitfl IS PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY HORNING, B1 J. K. DIUBORROW I JOHN LITZ On JULIANA ST., apposite tbi* Mengal House, BEDFORD, BEDFORD CO., PA. TERMS: A'J.OO a year if paid strieUy in advance, $2.25 4f not paid within three months, $2.60 if tint paid within the year. RATES OF ADVERTIHING. One square, ene insertion SI.OO One square, three insertions.., 1.50 Each additional insertion less than i! mouths, 50 3 months. 6 months. ] year. One square $ 4.50 $ 6.t>6 SIO.OO Two squares.. 6,00 9.00 16.00 Tlnee squares 8.00 12.00 20.00 Half column 18.00 25.00 45.00 One column... 30.00 45.00 80.00 Administrators' and Executors' notices, $3.00. Auditors' notices, if under 10 lines, $2.00; if over 10 lines, $2.50. Sheriff's sales, $1.75 per tract. Ta ble work, double the above rates: figure work 25 per cent, additional. Eetrays, Cautious and Noti ces to Trespassers, $2.00 for three insertions, if not above ten lines. Marriage notices, 50 cts.eaeh. payable in advance. Obituaries over five lines in length, and Resolutions of Beneficial Associations, at half advertising rates, payable in advance. Announcements of deaths, gratis. Notices in edi torial column, 15 cents tier line. No deduc tion to advertisers of Patent Mcdevines, or Ad vertising Agents. GRGFTIJEIFGGAL FT FTTGTNFFTG CARTA. ATTORSE¥S AT LAW. JOHN PALMER. Attorney itt latw. Bedford. Pa., Will promptly attend to all business entrusted to his care, j Particular attention paid to the collection of Military claims. Office on Juliannn at., nearly opposite the Mengel House.) june 23, '6My JB. CESSNA. ATTORNEY AT LAW, Office with JeiiN Cessn A, on Pitt St., opposite the Bedford Hotel. All business entrusted to bis care will receive faithful and prompt attention. Mili tary Claims. Pensions, Ac., speedily collected. Bedford, June 9.1865. JOHN T, KEAGY, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., Will promptly attend to all legal business entrust ed to his care. Will give special attention to claims against the Government. Office on Juliana street, formerly occupied by Hon. A. King. april:'6s-*ly. I. R. DVRBORROW JOB IT i.t'TS. DURBORROW k IrUTZ, .ITTOK.VE I*N .IT L-fIP, BEDFORD, PA., Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to their care. Collections made on the shortest no tice. They are, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents and will give special attention to the prosecution of claims against th Government for Pensions, Back Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac. Office ofi Juliatiu street, one door .South of the "Mengel House" and nearly opposite the Inquirer office. April 28, 1865:tf. IASPY M. ALSIP, CI ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA., Will faithfully and promptly attend to all busi ness entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoin iug counties. Military claims, Pensions, back pay. Bounty, Ac. speedily collected. Office with Mann A Span*, oh Juliana street, 2 doors south ofthe Mctigtl House. apl l, 1864.—tf. A T. A. POINTS. iVI ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Respectfully tenders hi* professional services to the pnblie. Office with J. W. Lingenfclter, Esq., on Juliana street, two doors South of the "Mengle House." Dee. 9, 1864-tf. KIMMELL AND USUEXPKLTER, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA. Have formed a partnership in the practice of ; the Law Office on Juliana Street, two doors South of the Mengel House, aprl, 1864—tf. TOHN MOWER, *J ATTORNEY AT LAW. BEDFORD, PA. April 1,1564.—tf. DKXTISTS. c. N. • M'NVtCH, JR. DENTISTS, BEDFORD, PA. I Ofi"" in the Bonk Building, JuUono Street. All operations [rcrtaining to Surgical or Me chanical Dentistry carefully and faithfully per formed and warranted. TERMS CASH. jan6'6S-ly. Dentistry. I. N. BOWSER, ResrHEVf DEHTIST, WOOD BRRRY, PA., will spend the second Monday, Tues day, and Wednesday, of each month at Hopewell, the remaining three days at Bloody Ran, attend ing to the duties of biu profession. At all other times he can Its found in his oftice at Woodbury, excepting the last Monday and Tuesday of the same month, which be will spend in Martinsbnrg, Blair county. Penna. Persons desiring operations should call early, as time is limited. All opera tion- warranted. Aug. 5,L564,-tf. PHIMKIAJfS. I \R. B. F HARRY. I J Respectfully lenders his profeusional ser vices to the citixens of Bedford nnd vicinity. Office and residence on Pitt Street, in the building formerly occupied by I)r. J. 11. Hofius. April 1,1864—tf. _ T L. MARBOURC4, M. IX, ♦J • Having permanently . located respectfully tenders his pofessional services to the citixens of Bedford nnd vicinity. Office or. Juliana street, opposite the Bank, one door north of Hall A Pal mer's office. April T, IBM—tf. IIOTEIN. Bedford house, AT HOPEWELL, BEDFORD COUNTY, PA., BY HARRY DROLLINGER. Every attention given to make guests comfortable, who "stop at this House. Hopewell, July 20. 1864. IT S. HOTEL. U . IIARRISBURG, PA. CORNER SIXTH AND MARKET STREETS, OPPOSITE REAPING R. R. DEPOT. D. H. HUTCHINSON, Proprietor. j m 6:65. IjIXCHANdE HOTEL. El HUNTINGDON. PA., JOHN S. MILLER, Proprietor. April 29th, 1864.—ft. BANKERS. G. W. RL PP O. E. SHANNON P. BENEDICT UI I'P, SHANNON A CO, BANKERS, BEDFORD, PA. BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT. COLLECTIONS made f<T the Fast, West, North and South, and the general business of Exchange, transacted. Notes Bod Accounts Collected and Remittances promptly made. REAL ESTATE bought and sold. apr.ld,'64-tf. J S:AVI;I.I:. AC. I A ANIEL BORDER, I J PITT STREET, TWO DOORS WEST OF THE BED FORD HOTEL, BEBFORD, PA. WATCHMAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL RY, SPECTACLES, AC. He keeps on baud a stock of fine Gold and Sil ver Watches, Spectacles of Brilliant Doable Refin ed Glasses, also Scutch Pebble Glasses. Gold Wat,-h Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Rings, best quality of Gold Pens. He will supply to order any thing in his line not on hand, apr. 8,1864 —*. .1 ( >STH EN OF THE PKAC'E. IOHN MAJOR," fj JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, HOPHWELL, BEDFORD COUNTY. Collections and all business pertaining to bis office will he attended to prompt ly. Will also attend to the sale or renting of real estate. Instruments of writing cnreftilly prepa red. Also settling ap partnerships and "ther ac counts. April 1, 186— tf. DI KBOHROW & Il T TZ, Editors and Proprietors. JTLFFT OFTRG, - < THERE IS NO DEATH. There is no death !, The stars go down To rise upon some fairer shore; And bright in Heaven's jewelled crown They .-bua IWavoriiivre. There is no death ! The dust wc tread Shall change beneath the trammer showers To golden grain or yellow fruit, Or rainbow tinted fluwers- The granite roeks disorganize To feed the hungry inoss we bear: The forest leaves drink daily life From out the viewless air. There is no death ! The lea ves may fall, The flowers may lade and pass away— The only wail through wintry hours. The coming of the May. There is no death! An angfel form Walks o'er the earth with silent tread, He bears our beat loved things away. And then wc call them "dead." He leaves onr hearts all desolate— He plucks our fairest, sweetest flowers; Transplanted into bliss, they now Adorn immortal bowers. The bird like voice whose jyo tone Made glad this scene of joy aud strife, Sings now in everlasting song A mid the tree of life. And when He sees a smile too bright, Or hearts too pure for taint and vice, lie hears it to that world of light To dwell in paradise. Born into that undying life, They leave us hut to eomc again: With joy we welcome them—the same, Except in sin and pain. And ever near us, though unseen, The dear immortal spirits tread; For all the boundless Universe Is life—they are not dead. GTOIFTWAT LETTER FROM ROBERT DALE OWEN. Negro Suflracc nnil Itcprnenlative Pop. illation. The Three-Fifth Principle in Aggrava ted Form. To THE PRESIDENT; Silt: Prom the recollection?, now twenty years old, of the years when we were Con pressmen together, I derive an abiding faith in your probity, vnur patriotism and your stern devotion to democratic principle. Suf fer me to address to yon, and through you to the People over whom you preside, a few considerations touching a greaJfc measure of ! public policy. I kuow that it is your habit j kindly to receive, if even froic private and ( unofficial source, such honest suggestions as ; are-of a character involving sectional harrno- f ny ami the National safety. Ttaro i. au avaiect- "f the Jlvrnre- .ui fi'ca <ri> ■ question which has, I think, arrested less at- ; tention than it merits; not the aspect of! right; not the question whether, in restoring to a lowly and humble race, down trodden ! for ages,* their outraged liberty, we ought to give them the baHot to defend it: but a ques tion more selfish, relating to otir own race one not of sentiment but of calculation; es- j sentially practical and of imminent itnpor- i tance. Permit me. first, to recall to your notice a i few facts which any one, by reference to the ceueus of 1860 and to the Constitution, can j ! verify. The attual population of the States com posing the Union, and their rejinxentative population. have hitherto differed consider- ! , ably: the actual population, in 186U, being upward of thirty-one . millions (31,148,047), , and the representative population about; twenty-nine millions and a half only (29 - j 553,273). The difference between the two is nearly one million six hundred thousand , (],594,774.) See Compendium of Census, j pages 131, 132. The reason of this is apparent. In the j year 1860 there were, in round numbers, four million of Slaves (3.950,531) in these i States. These slaves were not estimated. ! in the representative population, man for man. Five of them were estimated as three; j for by the Constitutional provision rcgula- j ting the basis of representation (Art. 1, Sec. > 2. '' 3), there was to be taken the whole ] number of free persons and three-fifths of all other persons. Two-fifths of the_ "other persons ' were iel't out. Hut two-fifths ot four millions is one million six hundred , thousand. j About two million four hundred thousand of the slaves aro to be regarded as having entered, under the last Census, into the ba sis of representation. In other words, the white slave-holding population of the South obtained a political advantage the same as that which they would have rcaned by actual j addition to their population of two million four hundred thousand free persons. As und';r the. last Census the ratio of represen tation was fixed at one hundred and twenty seven thousand (Census, nage 22), the , South, in virtue of that legal faction of two . million four hundred thousand additional freemen, had eighteen members of Congress : added to her representation. Her total j number of representatives being eighty four, she owed more than one-fifth of that num ber to her slave property. It follows that if, | in a republican government- the Lumber of free persons be the proper ba-is of represen tation, she had upwards of one-fifth more political influence than her just share. Each one of her voters possessed a. power (so far as the election of the President atid of the House of Representatives was concerned) greater by one-fifth than that of each .North ern voter. No man friendly to equal rights, even if (being a white man ) he restricts the princi ple to peisons of his own color, will offer a justification of n partition of political pow er so unfair as this. It was not defended, on principle, by those who assented to it. It was accepted as a necessity, or supposed ne cessity, in the construction, out of discord ant materials, of the American Union. We of the North have hitherto acted upon ' it, as men under duress —our hands bound | by the Constitution—as it were under pro test. We preferred unequal division of! power, as regards the two great sections of the Republic, to the chance of auarehy. That was in the past. Are we, in the fu ture, hiving got rid, by terrible sacrifice, of the cause of that injustice, still to tolerate the injustice itself, even in aggravated form? Doubtless, now that our hands are free, we have no such intention, Let us take heed lest we increase and perpetuate this abuse, as men often do. without intention. Seldom, if ever, has there been imposed on any ruler* task more thickly surrounded with difficulties than that, now before you, of reconstruction in the late insurrectionary States. Uncertain as we arc of the senti ments and intentions of men just emerging frmn a humiliating defeat, little more can be done than to institute an experiment and then wait to see what comes of it. It would be premature to lay down any settled plan A LOCAL ANI) GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MX>li VI s from which, let events turn as they wilff, j there is to be no departure. We are traver i sing unknown and treacherous sea#, and must uke soundings an we go. Nor should j we omit tlie precaution of a sharp look-out for breakers ahead, ft seems to me that we may expect such on the course we are pur suing. The present experiment appears to be, to leave the work of reconstructing Govern ment in the late luhel South to the loyal whites; or, more accurately stated, to the whites who shall have purged themselves from theenum of treason factual or implied) so far as an oath taken from whatever mo tive, can effect such purgation. Will thi? expeiiimnt, if it proceed ujiiuipeded, result in the permanent exclusion of the negrc front suffrage? In proof that it will, it might suffice to re member that these men have grown up it the Itelief- —have been indoctrinated from th( cradle in the conviction—that the African it a degraded race. Add that the war hai brought the blacks and whites of the Soutl into antagonistic relations, exasperating against the former alike the rich planters I from whose mastership they fled, and th< ! "poor whiTfes.' who always hated them, anc to whom emancipation (raising despisec ones to their level) is a personal affront. But there is a motive for exclusion in thi case stronger than anger, more powerfu than hatred—the incentive of selPaggran dixernent. They who are made the judge? are to be the gainers—unfairly but vasth the gainers—by their own decision. Observe the working of this thing. 'Bj the Constitution the representative nonula tion is to consist of all free persons and three fifths of all other persons. If, by next Win ter. Slavery shall have disappeared, then will be no "other persons'' in the South, Her actual population will then coincidt with her representative population. Sh< will have gained, as to Federal represents tion, 1,Qp0,000 persons. She will be enti tied, not as now to 84 members, but to 94 and her votes for President will be iu pro portion; Congress, if it intends that the Con stitutional rule shall prevail, will have tc alter the apportionment so as to correspond to the new order of things. Now, if the negro is admitted to vote, th< Constitutional rule will operate justly. For then each voter in the South will have pro cisely the same political influence as a votei iutheNcfrth. The unjust three-fifth prin ciple will have disappeared forever. On the other hand, if color be deenict cause of exclusion, then qU the political pow er which is withheld from tTie emancipaUc slave is yained hy the Southefn white. For though, by law. we may deny suf frage to the frcedman, we cannot proven' bis being reckoned among those free person: who constitute the basis of representation. His presence, Whether disfranchised or not adds, in spite of all we can do, to the polit ical influence of the State, for it increase? the numlier of its votes for President anc the number of its representatives in Con gross. Now, somebody must gain by this. The gaiu is shared equally by every aetua iu dm Stills If. mam Stxte. thi number of blacks and whites isequai. and TT in that State, blacks are excluded from vo ting, then every white voter will go to tin 1ollSs armed with twice the political powe; enjoyed hy a white voter in any Northert State. But again, this is on the supposi tion that every white adult in the State i: loyal, and therefore entitled to vote. Are the half of all Souther male adult; at rtlis time, or will tlu-y be for years to conn more than lip-loyal if even that? 1 think you will not say that they are. It would surely he an extravagant calculation. If more than half the whiles in ex-insurrec tionary States shall actually qualify them srlves as voters; will you not find yourself compelled to administer the Government, in the late secession portion of the Union through the agency of its enemies ? One third would be a full estimate, in my judg ment, for the truly loyal. But let us assume that /wo-thirds of all the white male adults of the South become voters, and that they exclude from suffrage, by law or by Constitutional provision, all persons of color, what he lhe politic al consequences under ,-uuh a state of things? If (as we may roughly e timate), by de struction through war and by depletion of population through emigration to Mexico, to Europe and elsewhere, the nunilter of whites throughout the late Rebel y tales shall have beeu reduced uutil blacks and whites exist there in nearly equal manners, then, in the ease above supposed, each vo ter iu these States, when he approached the ballot box duriug a Congressional or Presi dential election, would do so tcidJing THREE TIMES as much influence us a voter in a Northern State. This vast advantage once gained by Southern whites, is it. likely that the£ will ever relinquish it? Nor, if we disfranchise the negro, is there any escape from such consummation, ex cept by rooting out from the Constitution the principle that the whole number of free persons shall be the basis of representation. But that principle lies at the base of all free government. We abandon republicanism itself when we discard it, Thus it appears that the present ex)>eri ment in reconstruction, if suffered to mu its course, and if interpreted as I think wc have just cause to fear that it will he, tends (inevitably, it maybe said) to bring about two results: First: To cause the disfranchisement of the freedman. Whether we effect this di rectly. as bjr provision of law or by a dis qualifying clause in a proclamation, or whether we do it by leaving the decision to his former masters and his old enemies, matters nothing except in form and in Words; the result is brought about with eaual certitude in either way. Passion, prej udice and self-interest concur to produce this result. Settmif : It establishes—not the odious three-fifth clause, not even merely a cjaftHc-—hut something much worse than ei ther. It permits the investiture of the Southern white with a preponderance of po litical ppwer, ever enjoyed since the world began. T do not believe me in this, Mr. President —overlook Or underrate the grave embar rassments that beset yofh- path, turn as you will. I call to mind the overbearing influ ence of passion and prejudice, and I admit that when these prevail, in exaggerated form throughout a large portion of any nation, a wise ruler recognizes the faet of their exist ence and regulates his acts accordingly. But the sway of passion and prejudice, despotic for a season has but a limited term of endu rance. and should be treated as an evanes cent thing. It fa too transient and unstable to furnish basis for a comprehensive system ! of policy. Tenderly it should be treated, Out not falsely repeated or weakly obeyed. Mercy, God like attribute as it is, may run riot". It is very well, bv act of grace, to restore, to penitent Southern insurgents their legally forfeited lights; let us be friends and fellow-citizens once more, as Christiani ty and comity enjoin. But to suffer each of these returning Rebels, when about to east his vole for President or for Representatives of the people, to be clothed with three times BEDFOR33. Pa., FRIIJAY, JURY 31, 3.8G5, as much power as is possessed by a North ern voter exercising a similar right., is, very surely, a somewhat superfluous stretch of clemency. And what manner of men. T pray you, are those whom we propose thus to select from among their follows—granting them powers unknown to democracy, investing them with privileges of' an oligarchical char acter? It is ungenerous to speak harshly of a vanquished foe, Especially of one who has shown courage and constancy worthy of the noblest cause; but the truth is the truth, and is ever fitly spoken. They are men whose terrible misfortune it has been to be born and bred under a system the most cru el and demoralizing the world ever saw. The wisest of those who have been subjected to such a surrounding have confessed its evil power. _ ' There must doubtless," said Jef ferson in his Notes ttn Virginia. *'be an un happy influence on the manners of our peo ple, produced by the existence of Slavery among us. The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exereisc of the most boisterous passions—the most un remitting despotism on one part, and degra ding submissions on the other. * * * The man must be a prodigy who cau retain his manner.- and his morals under such cir cumstances.'" ("Notes." p. 270.) These are the habitual results of the sys tem. To what incredible excesses its occa sional outburst may run we have frightful evidence daily coming before uS; schemes of wholesale incendiarism, involving deaths by thousand of women and children ; schemes to poison, by the malignant virus of the yel low fever, an entire community ; deliberate plans to destroy prisoners of war by insuf ferable hardships and slow suffering ; plots, too successful, alas! to shroud a nation in mourning by assassination. Many honorable exceptions no doubt there are, in whom native virtue resists daily temptation. Such exceptions are to be found in all communities, no matter how pernicious the surroundings. But in deci ding National questions we must be govern- 1 ed by the rule, not by the exceptions. The Southern whites subdivide into three classes: The slaveholders proper, many of whom are excluded from pardon "by the Proclamation of Amnesty; the"poor whites'' a,nd what may be called the yeomen of the South—of which last our country feels that her worthy President is a noble type, and of which we may regard stout-hearted Parson Brownlow as a clerical example. If this last class, whence have come the sturdiest Union men in Secessiondom, con stituted, like the mechanic of New England or the farmer of the West, a large propor tion of the population, we might hope that it would leaven and redeem the extremes of •society around it. But it is found sparse and in inconsiderable numbers, except, per haps. in Eastern Tennessee and the northern portion of North Carolina. The poor whites, of whom the clay-eating pine-lander of Georgia and other Gulf States is the type, far outnumber them. Of this last class Mrs. Fanny Kemble, in ihat wonderful book of hers. ' J ourual of a Ilesidcnce on a ODservaaxfTj, a . 4 x~in j are, I suppose, (she says) "the most de graded race of human beings claiming an Anglo-Saxon origin that can oe found on the lace of the earth—filthy, lazy, ignorant, brutal, proud, penniless savages, without one of the nobler attributes that have been found occasionally allied to the vices of sav age nature. They own no slaves, for they are, almost without exception, abjectly poor; they will not work, for that, as they conceive would reduce them to an equality with the abhorred negroes: they squat and steal and starve on the outskirts of this lowest of all civilized societies, and their countenances bear witness to the squalor of their condi tion and the utter degradation of their na tures." ( Journal , p, 14f>.) I have often encountered this class. I saw many of them last year while visiting, as member of a Government commission, some of the Southern States. Labor degra ded before their eyes has extinguished with in them all respect for industry, all ambi tion, all honorable exertion, to improve their condition. When la>t I had the pleasure of seeing you at Nashville, I met there in the office of a gentleman charged with the duty of issuing transportation and rations to indigent persons, black and white, a notable example of this strange class. He was a Rebel deserter ; a rough, dirty, uncouth specimen of humanity—tall, stout and wiry looking, rude and abrupt in speech and bear ing, aud clothed in tattered homespun. In no civil tone he demanded rations. When informed that all rations applicable to such a purpose were exhausted, he broke forth : "What am Ito do then ? How am Ito get homo'?" "You can have no difficulty" was the re ply. "It is but fifteen or eighteen hours down the river" (the Cumberland,) "by steamboat to where you live. I furnished you transportation; you can work your way." "Work my way !" (with a scowl of angry contempt,) "I never did a stroke of work since I was born, and I never expect to, till my dying day." The agent replied quietly : "They will give you all you want to eat on board if you help them to wood.'' Carry wood !" he retorted with an oath. "Wheflqver they ask me to carry wood, I'll tell them they may set me on shore ; I d rather starve for a week than woik for nu hour; I don't want to live in a world that I can't make a living out of without work." Is it for men like that, ignorant, illiterate, vicious—fit for no decent employment on earth except manual labor, and spurning all labor as degradation—is it iu favor of such insolent swaggerers that we are to disfran chise the humble, quiet, hard-working ne gro? Are the votes of three such men as Stanton or Seward, Sumner or Garrison, Graut or Sherman, to be neutralized by the hallot of one such worthless barbarian? Are there no# breakers ahead? To such an issue as that may not the late tentatives at reconstruction, how fuithfully soever con ceived end intended far good, practically tend? The duty of the United States to guaran tee to every State in the Union a republican form of government is as sacred as the duty to protect each of them from invasion. Is that duty duly fulfilled when, with the pow er of prevention in our own hands, we suffer the white voter in the least loyal, the least intelligent and the- least industrious section of our country, to usurp a measure of politi cal nower three-fold greater than in the rest of the nation, a voter enjoys? Will it be denied that we have the legal jrower in our own hands? Unsuccessful Rebels cannot, by bits of paper called Secession ordinances, take a State out of the Union; but, by levying civil war, they can convert all the inhabitants of a State into public enemies, deprived, as such, by law. of their political rights. The United States ean restore these rights—can pardon these public enemies. And we have the right to pardon on condition; as, for exam ple, on the condition that Slavery* shall cease to exist; or on the condition that none of those per-ons, who form the basis of repre- sentat ion, shall, because of color, l>e depriv ed of the right of suffrage. If we neglect to impose the first condition the cause of the late Rebellion will continue, and will, someday, produce another. If we neglect to impose the second condition, an oligarchy, on an extended scale, will grow up in one large section of the country, work in" grave injustice toward the voters of an other section. The three fifth abuse will re-appear in a giant form. But if we suffer tins it cannot fail to pro duce. as Slavery produced, alienations and heart-burnings. Under any j4an of recon struction involving so flagrant an injustice it is in vain to expect harmony or permanent peace between the Northern and Southern sections of the Union. It is not here denied, nor is it deniable, that, under ordinary ctxewastances, a State may, by a .general law applicable to all, re- strict the nglft'ofsnfrraae yas. for example. to those who pay taxes, <or to those who can read and write. And it is quite true that the effect of such a law would be to give ad ditional political power to those who still en joyed the elective franchise. But a State can only do this after she has a State Gov ernment in operation, not when she is about to frame one. North Carolina is in the Union, as she has always been; but Ler people, having lost, by war against the Government, their political rights, are not allowed to go on under their old Constitu tion and laws. They have to begin again. As Idaho, if desiring to lie a State, would have to do, the people of North Carolina have to elect members of a Convention, which Convention has to frame a State Constitu tion, to be presented, for acceptance or re jection, to Congress. Now, just as Idaho, taking her first step toward State sovereign ty, could not, on her own authority, begin by denying a vote in the election of members of her Convention, to half her free popula tion, or if she did, would find her Constitu tion rejected, for that cause, by Congress, as not emanating from the whole people ; so. in my judgment, ought not North Carolina, having forfeited her State rights and begin ning anew as a Territory does, to be permit ted, in advance, to reject more than a third of her free population —361,522 out of 992, 022. I hope she will not so construe her rights as to venture on such a rejection. If she does, Congress ought to reject her Con stitution as authorized by a part of her peo ple only. But, beyond all this, we cannot safely al low the negro-exemption clause to take its chance along with other possible restrictions to suffrage which a State, fully organized, may see fit to enact. First, because of its magnitude. It is an act of ostracism by one half the free inhabitants of an entire section of country against the other half, equally free, fiftitxtnaig, because of its character and results. It is an act of injustice by by those who have assaulted the life of the nation against those who have defended the nation al life; an act by which we abandon to the tender mercies of the doubtfully loyal and the disguised traitor those whose loyalty has stood every test, untainted, unshaken; men ignorant and simple, but whose rude fideli vT tievv t y|MS sixi.N "L/a-s.. e u:—l— in the forest, or the Union cause imper iled on the battle-field. The decision of a matter so grave as this [ should be taken out of the category of those rights which a State, at her option, may grant or may withhold; because, being na tional in its consequences, it is national in its character. This is a matter for Federal interference, because, like emancipation, it is a matter involving the Federal safety. It is because I know the frankness of your own character. Mr. President, that, at pos sible risk of conflicting opinions, 1 write to you thus frankly. It is because lam deep ly impressed by the vast importance of the issues at stake that I write to you at all. I think of our Union soldiers, the survi vors of a thousand fields. I recall the last days, not of conflict but of triumph, when Confederate arms were stacked and Confed erate paroles were given, and the Stars and Bars fell before the old flag. I remember with what fierce fury those who surrendered at last, fought, throughout a lour years' des perate effort to shatter into fragments that benignant Government under which, for threequarters of a century, they had enjoyed prosperity and protection. I .remember all that was done and suffered and sacrificed, before, through countless discouragements and reverses, treason's plot was trampled down and the glorious ending was reached. And as, in spirit, I follow victors and van quished from the scene of conflict, I think tnat never was nation more gratuitously or more foully assailed, and that never did na tion owe to her deliverers from anarchy and dismemberment a deeper debt of gratiude and good will. Then I ask myself a great question. Shall these soldiers of liberty, returning front fields of death to Northern fields of labor and of peaceful contest —of contest in which the ballot is the only weapon, and the bulle tin of defeat or ofj victory is contained in the election-returns —shall these veterans, who never flinched before military force, be over borne, with their laurels still green, by po litical stratagem? Their weapons of war laid aside, is the reward of these conquerors to be this, that, man to man, they snail be entitled to one-third as much influence in administering their country's Government as the opponents they conquered? Are the victors on the fields of death to become the vanquished in Halls of Legislation? It is a question which the nation cannot fail, ere long, to ask itself; and who eau doubt what the ultimate answer will be? .nay God, who, throughout the great cri sis of our nation's history, overruling evil for good, has caused the wrath of to work out his own gracious ends —directing us, without our wili or agency r in paths of justice and of victory which our human wis dom was too feeble to discover—direct you also, throughout the arduous task before von. to the dust and the Right! ROBERT DALE OWEN. New York, June 21, 1805. . THE following anecdote of the Iron Ihike is recommended to the Secretary of War, and of the Navy, who have spent enor mous sums in fruitless experiments with new inventions. A man came to the Duke. '•What have you to offer?" A bullet proof jacket, your grace.'' "put it on." The in ventor obeyed. The Duke rang a hell. An ai<l-de-eamp presented himself. '"Tell the captain of the guard to order one of his men to load with a ball cartridge. The in ventor disappeared, and was nevei seen again near tfie Horse Guards. No money was wasted in trying that invention. YANKF.ES WANTED. —Rev. J. F W. Ware, of Baltimore, in a letter to the Bos ton Christian liigL*t<r. relates the following: "Said a gcntlcmau. well known here, to me himself a southern man and a large slave owner, who had by word and act notoriously sided with the South—' What .Maryland to day wants is five hundred thousand Yankees. I smiled, and said that I had not placed the number quite so high; when he repeated with emphasis, 'Yes, sir; five hundred thou sand Yankees.' ' Vol 38: No. 30 OUR MISTAKE* ABOUT EACH OTHER. u-itWKm "t a! 1 m ten tbousan d sees those with whom he associate* as they really are. If the Prayer of Burns was granted, and we could all see ourselves as others see us our self estimates would in all probability be much more erroneous than they are now. Jhe truth is, that we regard each other through a variety of lenses, no one of which is correct. Passion and prejudice, love and hate, benevolence and envy, spectacle our eyes, and utterly prevent us from observing accurately. Many of those we deem the porcelain of human clay are mere dirt; and ?! a ? u ™ b ?, r °f those we put down in our black books are no further off from Imaven. and perchance a little nearer, than the wisors who coudeum them. We habit ual!..; undervalue or overvalue each other; and in estimating character, the shrewdest c "l only now and then make true apprisal or the \ irtues and defeats of even our closest intimates. It is not just or fair to look at character troin a standpoint of one's own selection.— A man s profile may be unprepossessing, and yet ins full face agree&ble. We once saw a young man whose timidity wa: a stan- with all his companions, leap into trm Thames, and savfeii boy from drowning, while his tormentors stood panic struck up on the bank. The merchant who gives curt answers in his counting house, may be a tender husband and father and a kind helper of the desolate and oppressed. On the oth ej" hand ; your good humored person, who is all smite and sunsliine in public, may carry sotMeching as hard as the nether millstone m the place where his heart ought to be. -Such anomalies are common. There is this comfort, however, for those whose judgments of their fellow mortals lean to the kindly side; such mistakes go to their credits in the great account. He who thinks better of his neighbor than they deserve cannot be a bad man, for the standard by which his judgment is guided is the goodness of his own heart. It is the base only who believe all men base, —or, in other words, likethem selvos. Few, however, are all evil Every Nero did a good turn to somebody; for when Home was rejoicing over his death sotn? loving hand covered his grave with flowers. Public men are seldom or never fairly judged at least while living. However pure they cannot escape calumny- however -cor rect. they are sure to find eulogists. Histo ry may do them justice: but they rarely get it while alive, either from frtews or foes. THE •'LADIES' MAN. By his air and gait, the ultra fashionable style of bis clothing, the killing curl of his moustache, the "look and die" expression of his simpering face, his stream of small talk, and sundry other signs and tokens of a plethora of vanity, and a lack of soul and brain, you may distinguish at a glance the individual who plumes himself upon being a '"ladies" man." His belief in his own ir- reAstibiUtv is written, all over him And in say tne trutn, your ladies men have seme grounds for their self-conceit. It is indubi table that girls do sometimes fall in love, or what they suppose to be love, with fellows who look as if they had walked out of tailor's fashion-plates—creatures that by the aid of i the various artists who contribute to the "make up" of human poppinjays have been converted into superb samples of what &rt can affect in the way of giving man an un manly appearance. The woman who mar ries one of these flutterers, is to be pitied; for, if she has any glimmerings of common sense, and a heart under her bodice, she will soon discover that her dainty has no more of a man's spirit in him than an auto matic figure on a Savoyard's hand-organ. But a woman worth a true man's love is never caught by such a specimen of orna mental hollow-ware. A sensible woman is, in fact, a terror to "ladies' men, " for they are aware that her penetrating eye looks through them, "and sounds the depth of their emptiness. She knows the man in deed from the trumpery counterfeit, and has no touch of the mackerel propensity to jump at a flashy bait, in her wholesome com position. Tile ladies* linn should be pei initted to live and die a bachelor. His voca tien is to dangle after the sex, to talk soft nonsense, to cany shawls and fans, to as tonish boarding-school misses, and to kin dle love flames as evanescent and harmless as the fizz of a squib. If, however, he must needs become a Benedick, let him be yoked to some vain and silly flirt, bis natural counterpart. So shalt the law of fitness not be outraged.— Literary Companion. NOT (<OOD FOR MAN TO BE ALONE. No one will contend that there arc no crimes committed by married men. Facts would look such an assertion out of counte nance. But it may be said with truth that there arc very few crimes committed by married men, compared with the number committed by those who are unmarried.— Whatever faults Voltaire may have had, he certainly showed himself a man of sense when he said, "The more married men you have, the fewer crimes there will be. Mar riage renders a man more virtuous and more wise." An unmarried man is but half of a perfect being, and it requires the other half to make things right; and it cannot be ex pected that in this imperfect state he can keep the straight path of rectitude any more than a boat with one oar or a bird with one wing, can keep a straight course. In nine cases out of ten where married men become drunkards, or where they commit crimes against the peace of the community, the foundation of these acts was laid while in a single state, or when the wife is, as,is some times the case, au insuitable match. Mar riage changes the whole current of a man]s feelings, and gives hirft a centre for his thoughts his affections, and his acts. Here is a home for the entire man, aad the coun sel, the affections, the example, and the in terests of his,'better half "keep lum from erratic courses, and from falling into a thousand temptations to which he would otherwise be exposed. Therefore the friend to marriage is the friend to society and to his country. And we have no doubt but that a similar effect is produced by marriage on the woman; though, from a difference in their labors, and the greater exposure to temptation on the part of the man. we have no doubt but man reaps a greater udvantage from the restraining influences of marriage than woman does. SOME music teacher ouce wrote that the "art of playing on the violin requires the nicest perception and the most sensibility of any art in £he known world; "upon which an'editor comments in the following manner "The art of publishing a newspaper and making it pay, and at the same time have it please everybony, beats fiddling higher than a kite. AN editor out west has marre d a ci;l j named Church; he says that he h-. i-ni >y--l i more happiness siuee he joined the Church j than he ever did in his lite before. 1 TRUTH ILLUSTRATED. through ft strange ?' Qntr y, led by his fathers hand? 'f*h< lov £*s£hr . Ported ot to him far away m the distance, the heme to which they r re JT?i an( i now the child's mind was b. * K in "" rigbtPlth? " Bat his father's only answer was, "Trust tome. Again the little questioner spoke; • , I cannot see ho# We snail ever get there by climbing this steep mountain aide." Still the reply was. "Keep ftst hold of my hand, and foar nothing.'' So the father and sou went oh their way until, when the little feet were very weary, a sudden tUrta in the road showed them that they were at home. how : it is in such away that God often leads his children. They are like the little one who was so puzzled about the way. "What will become of us?" they often ask, "What will bo to-morrow? or next year? or twenty years to come?'' Now, such ques tions are like the child's. The proper an swer is that which the father gave to him, Trust. ' 'Do whit is right now—to-day; so when to-morrow comes you will find that God is taking care of you and helping you still, and in the end all will be well. ' A WORD TO TOTS BOYS AND CUB* ABOUT ORDER.— Put things right bark ih their place whett done with. Never leave them all aljoat helter-skelter, topsy-turvey —■)'• cf . Wheu yon waa any article—hoe, shovel, rake, pitchfork, axe, hammer, tongs, hoots or shoes; books, slates, pencils, writing ap- Saratus; pins, fhhpbies. pincushions, nee l®?i wqrk-baskefc, kitchen furniture, every article o. housewifery or husbandry, no mat ter what it is—the very moment you have done using it. return it to its proper place. Be sure to have a special place for every thing, and every thing in its place. Order, order, perfect order, is the watch-word— heaven s first law. How much previous time is saved (aside from vexation) by ob serving orders—systematic regularity! And little folks should begin early to preserve order in every thing. Form habits of order. These loose, slipshod, slatternly habits are formed in childhood, and habits once formed are apt to cling for life. Young friends, begin early to keep things in their proper places; study neatness, order, economy, sobriety—in every thing be just, honest, pure," lovely, and you will hava a good report. THE ARAB'S PROOF.—A Frenchman who had won a high rank among men of science, was crossing the great Sahara in company with an Arab guide. lie noticed with a sneer that at times his guide, what ever obstacle might arise, put them all aside, and kneeling on the bnrning sands, called on his God. . Day after day passed, and still the Arab never failed, tiH at last one evening the philosopher, when he rose from his knees, asked turn, with a contemptuous smile, ' How do you know there is a God ? The guide fixed his burning eye on the scoffer for a moment in wonder, and then said sol emnly. 1 "How do I know there is a God ?" How did I know that a man. and not a cam el, passed my hut last night in the dark ness ? Was it not by the print of his foot in the sand ? Even so," and he pointed to the sun, whose last rays were flashing over the lonely desert, "that foot-print is not that of a man-" STRENGTH OF MATERIALS.—-It is a re markable fact that one of the most abund ant materials in nature —iron —is the strong est of all known substances. Made into best steel, a rod of one-fourth of an inch in ammeter win sustain *OOO before breaking; soft steel, 7000; iron wire, 6000; bar-iron, 4000; inferior bar-iron, 2000 ; cast, iron, 1000 to 3000; copper wire, 3000; silver, 2000; gold, 2500; tin, 300; cast. einc. 160, sheet zinc, 1000: cast lead. 55 ; milted lead, 200 Of Wood, box and locust, the same si*e, will hold 1200; the toughest ash, 1000; elm, 900; beech, cedar, white oak, pitch pine, 600; chestnut and soft maple, 550; poplar, 400. A rod of iron is about ten times as strong as a hemp cord. A rope an inch in diameter will bear about two and a half tons, but in practice it is not safe to subject it to a strain of more than about one ton. Half an inch in diameter, the strength will be one-quarter as much; a quarter of an inch, one-sixteenth as much, and so on.— American Artisan. A HINT.—If your sister, while tenderly engaged in a tender conversation with her tender sweetheart, asks jou to bring a glass of water from an adjoining room, you can start on the errand, put you need not return. You will not be missed, that's certain — we've seen it tried. Don't forget this, little BOJ-B. JUVENILE PATRIOTISM.—A bright little girl not four years old hearing an elder broth er, who is a physician, say something about an "attenuation," when she interrupted him quickly with, "What kind of a nation is that-, I'd like to know? There ain't but one nation—fhe star-spangled banner nation !" 'Well, Pat,' said a witty gentleman to his hired man, one morning, 'you've got here first at fast. You were always behind before —but you get here early of late.— How did you come out with your lawsuit you were telling me about ?' 'Faith, yer honor. I come out square all round.' "JOHN," said a doting parent to her gor mandizing son, "do you really think you can cat the whole of the pudding with im punity ?" "I don't know, ma," replied the young hopeful, "but I guess I can with a spoon." "Go to grass!" said.a mother to her daughter. \Y ell, then, I suppose 111 have to marry," ejaculated the fair damsel.— "Why so?" exclaimed the astonished moth er. ' Because all men are grass." The old lady survived. IN Dlinois, a genius advertises on behaif of a certain famous accidental railway that "an experienced coroner and six practical jurors will follow each regular train in spe cial cars, together with a few surgeons and reporters." HARRY TURN married a cousin, of die same name. When interrogated as to why he did so, he replied, ""that it had always been a maxim of his, that one good turn de serves another." A MISERABLE old bachelor, who forgets that the present is not leap year, says. I'lf you meet a young lady who is not veij shy, you had better be a little shy yourself.'' THE water that has no taste is purest; the air that has no odor is freshest; and of all the modifications of manner, the most gen erally pleasing is simplicity. A RETIRED actor, with a fondness for poultry, was asked why he named a favorite hen 'Macduff,' He replied that it was he cause he wanted her to 'lay on. 1 UNCOMFORTABLE.— To be seated at tie table opposite a pretty girl, with a plate of hot soup, on a hot day, a trouhleaonie mous tache, and no handkerchief. 1 AM ASTONISHED, my dear young lady, at vonr sentiments; you make mt start/ "Well, I have been wanting you to start | lor the last hour,"
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