Ihf Iftdftitfl
IS PUBLISHED
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B1 J. K. DIUBORROW I JOHN LITZ
On JULIANA ST., apposite tbi* Mengal House,
BEDFORD, BEDFORD CO., PA.
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GRGFTIJEIFGGAL FT FTTGTNFFTG CARTA.
ATTORSE¥S AT LAW.
JOHN PALMER.
Attorney itt latw. Bedford. Pa.,
Will promptly attend to all business entrusted to
his care, j
Particular attention paid to the collection
of Military claims. Office on Juliannn at., nearly
opposite the Mengel House.) june 23, '6My
JB. CESSNA.
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Office with JeiiN Cessn A, on Pitt St., opposite the
Bedford Hotel. All business entrusted to bis care
will receive faithful and prompt attention. Mili
tary Claims. Pensions, Ac., speedily collected.
Bedford, June 9.1865.
JOHN T, KEAGY,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.,
Will promptly attend to all legal business entrust
ed to his care. Will give special attention to
claims against the Government. Office on Juliana
street, formerly occupied by Hon. A. King.
april:'6s-*ly.
I. R. DVRBORROW JOB IT i.t'TS.
DURBORROW k IrUTZ,
.ITTOK.VE I*N .IT L-fIP,
BEDFORD, PA.,
Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to
their care. Collections made on the shortest no
tice.
They are, also, regularly licensed Claim Agents
and will give special attention to the prosecution
of claims against th Government for Pensions,
Back Pay, Bounty, Bounty Lands, Ac.
Office ofi Juliatiu street, one door .South of the
"Mengel House" and nearly opposite the Inquirer
office. April 28, 1865:tf.
IASPY M. ALSIP,
CI ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.,
Will faithfully and promptly attend to all busi
ness entrusted to his care in Bedford and adjoin
iug counties. Military claims, Pensions, back
pay. Bounty, Ac. speedily collected. Office with
Mann A Span*, oh Juliana street, 2 doors south
ofthe Mctigtl House. apl l, 1864.—tf.
A T. A. POINTS.
iVI ATTORNEY AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.
Respectfully tenders hi* professional services
to the pnblie. Office with J. W. Lingenfclter,
Esq., on Juliana street, two doors South of the
"Mengle House." Dee. 9, 1864-tf.
KIMMELL AND USUEXPKLTER,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW, BEDFORD, PA.
Have formed a partnership in the practice of ;
the Law Office on Juliana Street, two doors South
of the Mengel House,
aprl, 1864—tf.
TOHN MOWER,
*J ATTORNEY AT LAW.
BEDFORD, PA.
April 1,1564.—tf.
DKXTISTS.
c. N. • M'NVtCH, JR.
DENTISTS, BEDFORD, PA.
I Ofi"" in the Bonk Building, JuUono Street.
All operations [rcrtaining to Surgical or Me
chanical Dentistry carefully and faithfully per
formed and warranted. TERMS CASH.
jan6'6S-ly.
Dentistry.
I. N. BOWSER, ResrHEVf DEHTIST, WOOD
BRRRY, PA., will spend the second Monday, Tues
day, and Wednesday, of each month at Hopewell,
the remaining three days at Bloody Ran, attend
ing to the duties of biu profession. At all other
times he can Its found in his oftice at Woodbury,
excepting the last Monday and Tuesday of the
same month, which be will spend in Martinsbnrg,
Blair county. Penna. Persons desiring operations
should call early, as time is limited. All opera
tion- warranted. Aug. 5,L564,-tf.
PHIMKIAJfS.
I \R. B. F HARRY.
I J Respectfully lenders his profeusional ser
vices to the citixens of Bedford nnd vicinity.
Office and residence on Pitt Street, in the building
formerly occupied by I)r. J. 11. Hofius.
April 1,1864—tf. _
T L. MARBOURC4, M. IX,
♦J • Having permanently . located respectfully
tenders his pofessional services to the citixens
of Bedford nnd vicinity. Office or. Juliana street,
opposite the Bank, one door north of Hall A Pal
mer's office. April T, IBM—tf.
IIOTEIN.
Bedford house,
AT HOPEWELL, BEDFORD COUNTY, PA.,
BY HARRY DROLLINGER.
Every attention given to make guests comfortable,
who "stop at this House.
Hopewell, July 20. 1864.
IT S. HOTEL.
U . IIARRISBURG, PA.
CORNER SIXTH AND MARKET STREETS,
OPPOSITE REAPING R. R. DEPOT.
D. H. HUTCHINSON, Proprietor.
j m 6:65.
IjIXCHANdE HOTEL.
El HUNTINGDON. PA.,
JOHN S. MILLER, Proprietor.
April 29th, 1864.—ft.
BANKERS.
G. W. RL PP O. E. SHANNON P. BENEDICT
UI I'P, SHANNON A CO, BANKERS,
BEDFORD, PA.
BANK OF DISCOUNT AND DEPOSIT.
COLLECTIONS made f<T the Fast, West, North
and South, and the general business of Exchange,
transacted. Notes Bod Accounts Collected and
Remittances promptly made. REAL ESTATE
bought and sold. apr.ld,'64-tf.
J S:AVI;I.I:. AC.
I A ANIEL BORDER,
I J PITT STREET, TWO DOORS WEST OF THE BED
FORD HOTEL, BEBFORD, PA.
WATCHMAKER AND DEALER IN JEWEL
RY, SPECTACLES, AC.
He keeps on baud a stock of fine Gold and Sil
ver Watches, Spectacles of Brilliant Doable Refin
ed Glasses, also Scutch Pebble Glasses. Gold
Wat,-h Chains, Breast Pins, Finger Rings, best
quality of Gold Pens. He will supply to order
any thing in his line not on hand,
apr. 8,1864 —*.
.1 ( >STH EN OF THE PKAC'E.
IOHN MAJOR,"
fj JUSTICE OF THE PEACE, HOPHWELL,
BEDFORD COUNTY. Collections and all business
pertaining to bis office will he attended to prompt
ly. Will also attend to the sale or renting of real
estate. Instruments of writing cnreftilly prepa
red. Also settling ap partnerships and "ther ac
counts.
April 1, 186— tf.
DI KBOHROW & Il T TZ, Editors and Proprietors.
JTLFFT OFTRG, - <
THERE IS NO DEATH.
There is no death !, The stars go down
To rise upon some fairer shore;
And bright in Heaven's jewelled crown
They .-bua IWavoriiivre.
There is no death ! The dust wc tread
Shall change beneath the trammer showers
To golden grain or yellow fruit,
Or rainbow tinted fluwers-
The granite roeks disorganize
To feed the hungry inoss we bear:
The forest leaves drink daily life
From out the viewless air.
There is no death ! The lea ves may fall,
The flowers may lade and pass away—
The only wail through wintry hours.
The coming of the May.
There is no death! An angfel form
Walks o'er the earth with silent tread,
He bears our beat loved things away.
And then wc call them "dead."
He leaves onr hearts all desolate—
He plucks our fairest, sweetest flowers;
Transplanted into bliss, they now
Adorn immortal bowers.
The bird like voice whose jyo tone
Made glad this scene of joy aud strife,
Sings now in everlasting song
A mid the tree of life.
And when He sees a smile too bright,
Or hearts too pure for taint and vice,
lie hears it to that world of light
To dwell in paradise.
Born into that undying life,
They leave us hut to eomc again:
With joy we welcome them—the same,
Except in sin and pain.
And ever near us, though unseen,
The dear immortal spirits tread;
For all the boundless Universe
Is life—they are not dead.
GTOIFTWAT
LETTER FROM ROBERT DALE OWEN.
Negro Suflracc nnil Itcprnenlative Pop.
illation.
The Three-Fifth Principle in Aggrava
ted Form.
To THE PRESIDENT;
Silt: Prom the recollection?, now twenty
years old, of the years when we were Con
pressmen together, I derive an abiding faith
in your probity, vnur patriotism and your
stern devotion to democratic principle. Suf
fer me to address to yon, and through you
to the People over whom you preside, a few
considerations touching a greaJfc measure of !
public policy. I kuow that it is your habit j
kindly to receive, if even froic private and (
unofficial source, such honest suggestions as ;
are-of a character involving sectional harrno- f
ny ami the National safety.
Ttaro i. au avaiect- "f the Jlvrnre- .ui fi'ca <ri> ■
question which has, I think, arrested less at- ;
tention than it merits; not the aspect of!
right; not the question whether, in restoring
to a lowly and humble race, down trodden !
for ages,* their outraged liberty, we ought to
give them the baHot to defend it: but a ques
tion more selfish, relating to otir own race
one not of sentiment but of calculation; es- j
sentially practical and of imminent itnpor- i
tance.
Permit me. first, to recall to your notice a i
few facts which any one, by reference to the
ceueus of 1860 and to the Constitution, can j !
verify.
The attual population of the States com
posing the Union, and their rejinxentative
population. have hitherto differed consider- ! ,
ably: the actual population, in 186U, being
upward of thirty-one . millions (31,148,047), ,
and the representative population about;
twenty-nine millions and a half only (29 - j
553,273). The difference between the two
is nearly one million six hundred thousand ,
(],594,774.) See Compendium of Census, j
pages 131, 132.
The reason of this is apparent. In the j
year 1860 there were, in round numbers,
four million of Slaves (3.950,531) in these i
States. These slaves were not estimated. !
in the representative population, man for
man. Five of them were estimated as three; j
for by the Constitutional provision rcgula- j
ting the basis of representation (Art. 1, Sec. >
2. '' 3), there was to be taken the whole ]
number of free persons and three-fifths of
all other persons. Two-fifths of the_ "other
persons ' were iel't out. Hut two-fifths ot
four millions is one million six hundred ,
thousand. j
About two million four hundred thousand
of the slaves aro to be regarded as having
entered, under the last Census, into the ba
sis of representation. In other words, the
white slave-holding population of the South
obtained a political advantage the same as
that which they would have rcaned by actual j
addition to their population of two million
four hundred thousand free persons. As
und';r the. last Census the ratio of represen
tation was fixed at one hundred and twenty
seven thousand (Census, nage 22), the ,
South, in virtue of that legal faction of two .
million four hundred thousand additional
freemen, had eighteen members of Congress :
added to her representation. Her total j
number of representatives being eighty four,
she owed more than one-fifth of that num
ber to her slave property. It follows that if, |
in a republican government- the Lumber of
free persons be the proper ba-is of represen
tation, she had upwards of one-fifth more
political influence than her just share. Each
one of her voters possessed a. power (so far
as the election of the President atid of the
House of Representatives was concerned)
greater by one-fifth than that of each .North
ern voter.
No man friendly to equal rights, even if
(being a white man ) he restricts the princi
ple to peisons of his own color, will offer
a justification of n partition of political pow
er so unfair as this. It was not defended, on
principle, by those who assented to it. It
was accepted as a necessity, or supposed ne
cessity, in the construction, out of discord
ant materials, of the American Union.
We of the North have hitherto acted upon '
it, as men under duress —our hands bound |
by the Constitution—as it were under pro
test. We preferred unequal division of!
power, as regards the two great sections of
the Republic, to the chance of auarehy.
That was in the past. Are we, in the fu
ture, hiving got rid, by terrible sacrifice, of
the cause of that injustice, still to tolerate
the injustice itself, even in aggravated form?
Doubtless, now that our hands are free, we
have no such intention, Let us take heed
lest we increase and perpetuate this abuse,
as men often do. without intention.
Seldom, if ever, has there been imposed
on any ruler* task more thickly surrounded
with difficulties than that, now before you,
of reconstruction in the late insurrectionary
States. Uncertain as we arc of the senti
ments and intentions of men just emerging
frmn a humiliating defeat, little more can be
done than to institute an experiment and
then wait to see what comes of it. It would
be premature to lay down any settled plan
A LOCAL ANI) GENERAL NEWSPAPER, DEVOTED TO POLITICS, EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND MX>li VI s
from which, let events turn as they wilff,
j there is to be no departure. We are traver
i sing unknown and treacherous sea#, and
must uke soundings an we go. Nor should
j we omit tlie precaution of a sharp look-out
for breakers ahead, ft seems to me that we
may expect such on the course we are pur
suing.
The present experiment appears to be, to
leave the work of reconstructing Govern
ment in the late luhel South to the loyal
whites; or, more accurately stated, to the
whites who shall have purged themselves
from theenum of treason factual or implied)
so far as an oath taken from whatever mo
tive, can effect such purgation. Will thi?
expeiiimnt, if it proceed ujiiuipeded, result
in the permanent exclusion of the negrc
front suffrage?
In proof that it will, it might suffice to re
member that these men have grown up it
the Itelief- —have been indoctrinated from th(
cradle in the conviction—that the African it
a degraded race. Add that the war hai
brought the blacks and whites of the Soutl
into antagonistic relations, exasperating
against the former alike the rich planters
I from whose mastership they fled, and th<
! "poor whiTfes.' who always hated them, anc
to whom emancipation (raising despisec
ones to their level) is a personal affront.
But there is a motive for exclusion in thi
case stronger than anger, more powerfu
than hatred—the incentive of selPaggran
dixernent. They who are made the judge?
are to be the gainers—unfairly but vasth
the gainers—by their own decision.
Observe the working of this thing. 'Bj
the Constitution the representative nonula
tion is to consist of all free persons and three
fifths of all other persons. If, by next Win
ter. Slavery shall have disappeared, then
will be no "other persons'' in the South,
Her actual population will then coincidt
with her representative population. Sh<
will have gained, as to Federal represents
tion, 1,Qp0,000 persons. She will be enti
tied, not as now to 84 members, but to 94
and her votes for President will be iu pro
portion; Congress, if it intends that the Con
stitutional rule shall prevail, will have tc
alter the apportionment so as to correspond
to the new order of things.
Now, if the negro is admitted to vote, th<
Constitutional rule will operate justly. For
then each voter in the South will have pro
cisely the same political influence as a votei
iutheNcfrth. The unjust three-fifth prin
ciple will have disappeared forever.
On the other hand, if color be deenict
cause of exclusion, then qU the political pow
er which is withheld from tTie emancipaUc
slave is yained hy the Southefn white.
For though, by law. we may deny suf
frage to the frcedman, we cannot proven'
bis being reckoned among those free person:
who constitute the basis of representation.
His presence, Whether disfranchised or not
adds, in spite of all we can do, to the polit
ical influence of the State, for it increase?
the numlier of its votes for President anc
the number of its representatives in Con
gross. Now, somebody must gain by this.
The gaiu is shared equally by every aetua
iu dm Stills If. mam Stxte. thi
number of blacks and whites isequai. and TT
in that State, blacks are excluded from vo
ting, then every white voter will go to tin
1ollSs armed with twice the political powe;
enjoyed hy a white voter in any Northert
State. But again, this is on the supposi
tion that every white adult in the State i:
loyal, and therefore entitled to vote.
Are the half of all Souther male adult;
at rtlis time, or will tlu-y be for years to conn
more than lip-loyal if even that? 1 think
you will not say that they are. It would
surely he an extravagant calculation. If
more than half the whiles in ex-insurrec
tionary States shall actually qualify them
srlves as voters; will you not find yourself
compelled to administer the Government, in
the late secession portion of the Union
through the agency of its enemies ? One
third would be a full estimate, in my judg
ment, for the truly loyal.
But let us assume that /wo-thirds of all
the white male adults of the South become
voters, and that they exclude from suffrage,
by law or by Constitutional provision, all
persons of color, what he lhe politic
al consequences under ,-uuh a state of things?
If (as we may roughly e timate), by de
struction through war and by depletion of
population through emigration to Mexico,
to Europe and elsewhere, the nunilter of
whites throughout the late Rebel y tales
shall have beeu reduced uutil blacks and
whites exist there in nearly equal manners,
then, in the ease above supposed, each vo
ter iu these States, when he approached the
ballot box duriug a Congressional or Presi
dential election, would do so tcidJing THREE
TIMES as much influence us a voter in a
Northern State. This vast advantage once
gained by Southern whites, is it. likely that
the£ will ever relinquish it?
Nor, if we disfranchise the negro, is there
any escape from such consummation, ex
cept by rooting out from the Constitution
the principle that the whole number of free
persons shall be the basis of representation.
But that principle lies at the base of all free
government. We abandon republicanism
itself when we discard it,
Thus it appears that the present ex)>eri
ment in reconstruction, if suffered to mu
its course, and if interpreted as I think wc
have just cause to fear that it will he, tends
(inevitably, it maybe said) to bring about
two results:
First: To cause the disfranchisement of
the freedman. Whether we effect this di
rectly. as bjr provision of law or by a dis
qualifying clause in a proclamation, or
whether we do it by leaving the decision to
his former masters and his old enemies,
matters nothing except in form and in
Words; the result is brought about with
eaual certitude in either way. Passion, prej
udice and self-interest concur to produce
this result.
Settmif : It establishes—not the odious
three-fifth clause, not even merely a
cjaftHc-—hut something much worse than ei
ther. It permits the investiture of the
Southern white with a preponderance of po
litical ppwer, ever enjoyed since the world
began.
T do not believe me in this, Mr. President
—overlook Or underrate the grave embar
rassments that beset yofh- path, turn as you
will. I call to mind the overbearing influ
ence of passion and prejudice, and I admit
that when these prevail, in exaggerated form
throughout a large portion of any nation, a
wise ruler recognizes the faet of their exist
ence and regulates his acts accordingly. But
the sway of passion and prejudice, despotic
for a season has but a limited term of endu
rance. and should be treated as an evanes
cent thing. It fa too transient and unstable
to furnish basis for a comprehensive system !
of policy. Tenderly it should be treated,
Out not falsely repeated or weakly obeyed.
Mercy, God like attribute as it is, may
run riot". It is very well, bv act of grace,
to restore, to penitent Southern insurgents
their legally forfeited lights; let us be friends
and fellow-citizens once more, as Christiani
ty and comity enjoin. But to suffer each of
these returning Rebels, when about to east
his vole for President or for Representatives
of the people, to be clothed with three times
BEDFOR33. Pa., FRIIJAY, JURY 31, 3.8G5,
as much power as is possessed by a North
ern voter exercising a similar right., is, very
surely, a somewhat superfluous stretch of
clemency.
And what manner of men. T pray you,
are those whom we propose thus to select
from among their follows—granting them
powers unknown to democracy, investing
them with privileges of' an oligarchical char
acter? It is ungenerous to speak harshly
of a vanquished foe, Especially of one who
has shown courage and constancy worthy of
the noblest cause; but the truth is the truth,
and is ever fitly spoken. They are men
whose terrible misfortune it has been to be
born and bred under a system the most cru
el and demoralizing the world ever saw. The
wisest of those who have been subjected to
such a surrounding have confessed its evil
power. _ ' There must doubtless," said Jef
ferson in his Notes ttn Virginia. *'be an un
happy influence on the manners of our peo
ple, produced by the existence of Slavery
among us. The whole commerce between
master and slave is a perpetual exereisc of
the most boisterous passions—the most un
remitting despotism on one part, and degra
ding submissions on the other. * * *
The man must be a prodigy who cau retain
his manner.- and his morals under such cir
cumstances.'" ("Notes." p. 270.)
These are the habitual results of the sys
tem. To what incredible excesses its occa
sional outburst may run we have frightful
evidence daily coming before uS; schemes of
wholesale incendiarism, involving deaths by
thousand of women and children ; schemes
to poison, by the malignant virus of the yel
low fever, an entire community ; deliberate
plans to destroy prisoners of war by insuf
ferable hardships and slow suffering ; plots,
too successful, alas! to shroud a nation in
mourning by assassination.
Many honorable exceptions no doubt there
are, in whom native virtue resists daily
temptation. Such exceptions are to be
found in all communities, no matter how
pernicious the surroundings. But in deci
ding National questions we must be govern- 1
ed by the rule, not by the exceptions.
The Southern whites subdivide into three
classes: The slaveholders proper, many of
whom are excluded from pardon "by the
Proclamation of Amnesty; the"poor whites''
a,nd what may be called the yeomen of the
South—of which last our country feels that
her worthy President is a noble type, and of
which we may regard stout-hearted Parson
Brownlow as a clerical example.
If this last class, whence have come the
sturdiest Union men in Secessiondom, con
stituted, like the mechanic of New England
or the farmer of the West, a large propor
tion of the population, we might hope that
it would leaven and redeem the extremes of
•society around it. But it is found sparse
and in inconsiderable numbers, except, per
haps. in Eastern Tennessee and the northern
portion of North Carolina. The poor
whites, of whom the clay-eating pine-lander
of Georgia and other Gulf States is the
type, far outnumber them. Of this last
class Mrs. Fanny Kemble, in ihat wonderful
book of hers. ' J ourual of a Ilesidcnce on a
ODservaaxfTj, a . 4 x~in j
are, I suppose, (she says) "the most de
graded race of human beings claiming an
Anglo-Saxon origin that can oe found on the
lace of the earth—filthy, lazy, ignorant,
brutal, proud, penniless savages, without
one of the nobler attributes that have been
found occasionally allied to the vices of sav
age nature. They own no slaves, for they
are, almost without exception, abjectly poor;
they will not work, for that, as they conceive
would reduce them to an equality with the
abhorred negroes: they squat and steal and
starve on the outskirts of this lowest of all
civilized societies, and their countenances
bear witness to the squalor of their condi
tion and the utter degradation of their na
tures." ( Journal , p, 14f>.)
I have often encountered this class. I
saw many of them last year while visiting,
as member of a Government commission,
some of the Southern States. Labor degra
ded before their eyes has extinguished with
in them all respect for industry, all ambi
tion, all honorable exertion, to improve their
condition. When la>t I had the pleasure
of seeing you at Nashville, I met there in
the office of a gentleman charged with the
duty of issuing transportation and rations to
indigent persons, black and white, a notable
example of this strange class. He was a
Rebel deserter ; a rough, dirty, uncouth
specimen of humanity—tall, stout and wiry
looking, rude and abrupt in speech and bear
ing, aud clothed in tattered homespun. In
no civil tone he demanded rations. When
informed that all rations applicable to such
a purpose were exhausted, he broke forth :
"What am Ito do then ? How am Ito get
homo'?"
"You can have no difficulty" was the re
ply. "It is but fifteen or eighteen hours
down the river" (the Cumberland,) "by
steamboat to where you live. I furnished
you transportation; you can work your
way."
"Work my way !" (with a scowl of angry
contempt,) "I never did a stroke of work
since I was born, and I never expect to, till
my dying day."
The agent replied quietly : "They will
give you all you want to eat on board if you
help them to wood.''
Carry wood !" he retorted with an oath.
"Wheflqver they ask me to carry wood, I'll
tell them they may set me on shore ; I d
rather starve for a week than woik for nu
hour; I don't want to live in a world that I
can't make a living out of without work."
Is it for men like that, ignorant, illiterate,
vicious—fit for no decent employment on
earth except manual labor, and spurning all
labor as degradation—is it iu favor of such
insolent swaggerers that we are to disfran
chise the humble, quiet, hard-working ne
gro? Are the votes of three such men as
Stanton or Seward, Sumner or Garrison,
Graut or Sherman, to be neutralized by the
hallot of one such worthless barbarian?
Are there no# breakers ahead? To such
an issue as that may not the late tentatives
at reconstruction, how fuithfully soever con
ceived end intended far good, practically
tend?
The duty of the United States to guaran
tee to every State in the Union a republican
form of government is as sacred as the duty
to protect each of them from invasion. Is
that duty duly fulfilled when, with the pow
er of prevention in our own hands, we suffer
the white voter in the least loyal, the least
intelligent and the- least industrious section
of our country, to usurp a measure of politi
cal nower three-fold greater than in the rest
of the nation, a voter enjoys?
Will it be denied that we have the legal
jrower in our own hands?
Unsuccessful Rebels cannot, by bits of
paper called Secession ordinances, take a
State out of the Union; but, by levying civil
war, they can convert all the inhabitants of a
State into public enemies, deprived, as such,
by law. of their political rights. The United
States ean restore these rights—can pardon
these public enemies. And we have the
right to pardon on condition; as, for exam
ple, on the condition that Slavery* shall cease
to exist; or on the condition that none of
those per-ons, who form the basis of repre-
sentat ion, shall, because of color, l>e depriv
ed of the right of suffrage.
If we neglect to impose the first condition
the cause of the late Rebellion will continue,
and will, someday, produce another. If we
neglect to impose the second condition, an
oligarchy, on an extended scale, will grow
up in one large section of the country, work
in" grave injustice toward the voters of an
other section. The three fifth abuse will
re-appear in a giant form.
But if we suffer tins it cannot fail to pro
duce. as Slavery produced, alienations and
heart-burnings. Under any j4an of recon
struction involving so flagrant an injustice it
is in vain to expect harmony or permanent
peace between the Northern and Southern
sections of the Union.
It is not here denied, nor is it deniable,
that, under ordinary ctxewastances, a State
may, by a .general law applicable to all, re-
strict the nglft'ofsnfrraae yas. for example.
to those who pay taxes, <or to those who can
read and write. And it is quite true that
the effect of such a law would be to give ad
ditional political power to those who still en
joyed the elective franchise. But a State
can only do this after she has a State Gov
ernment in operation, not when she is about
to frame one. North Carolina is in the
Union, as she has always been; but Ler
people, having lost, by war against the
Government, their political rights, are not
allowed to go on under their old Constitu
tion and laws. They have to begin again.
As Idaho, if desiring to lie a State, would
have to do, the people of North Carolina
have to elect members of a Convention, which
Convention has to frame a State Constitu
tion, to be presented, for acceptance or re
jection, to Congress. Now, just as Idaho,
taking her first step toward State sovereign
ty, could not, on her own authority, begin
by denying a vote in the election of members
of her Convention, to half her free popula
tion, or if she did, would find her Constitu
tion rejected, for that cause, by Congress, as
not emanating from the whole people ; so. in
my judgment, ought not North Carolina,
having forfeited her State rights and begin
ning anew as a Territory does, to be permit
ted, in advance, to reject more than a third
of her free population —361,522 out of 992,
022. I hope she will not so construe her
rights as to venture on such a rejection. If
she does, Congress ought to reject her Con
stitution as authorized by a part of her peo
ple only.
But, beyond all this, we cannot safely al
low the negro-exemption clause to take its
chance along with other possible restrictions
to suffrage which a State, fully organized,
may see fit to enact. First, because of its
magnitude. It is an act of ostracism by one
half the free inhabitants of an entire section
of country against the other half, equally
free, fiftitxtnaig, because of its character and
results. It is an act of injustice by by those
who have assaulted the life of the nation
against those who have defended the nation
al life; an act by which we abandon to the
tender mercies of the doubtfully loyal and
the disguised traitor those whose loyalty has
stood every test, untainted, unshaken; men
ignorant and simple, but whose rude fideli
vT tievv t y|MS sixi.N "L/a-s.. e u:—l—
in the forest, or the Union cause imper
iled on the battle-field.
The decision of a matter so grave as this
[ should be taken out of the category of those
rights which a State, at her option, may
grant or may withhold; because, being na
tional in its consequences, it is national in
its character. This is a matter for Federal
interference, because, like emancipation, it
is a matter involving the Federal safety.
It is because I know the frankness of your
own character. Mr. President, that, at pos
sible risk of conflicting opinions, 1 write to
you thus frankly. It is because lam deep
ly impressed by the vast importance of the
issues at stake that I write to you at all.
I think of our Union soldiers, the survi
vors of a thousand fields. I recall the last
days, not of conflict but of triumph, when
Confederate arms were stacked and Confed
erate paroles were given, and the Stars and
Bars fell before the old flag. I remember
with what fierce fury those who surrendered
at last, fought, throughout a lour years' des
perate effort to shatter into fragments that
benignant Government under which, for
threequarters of a century, they had enjoyed
prosperity and protection. I .remember all
that was done and suffered and sacrificed,
before, through countless discouragements
and reverses, treason's plot was trampled
down and the glorious ending was reached.
And as, in spirit, I follow victors and van
quished from the scene of conflict, I think
tnat never was nation more gratuitously or
more foully assailed, and that never did na
tion owe to her deliverers from anarchy and
dismemberment a deeper debt of gratiude
and good will.
Then I ask myself a great question. Shall
these soldiers of liberty, returning front
fields of death to Northern fields of labor
and of peaceful contest —of contest in which
the ballot is the only weapon, and the bulle
tin of defeat or ofj victory is contained in the
election-returns —shall these veterans, who
never flinched before military force, be over
borne, with their laurels still green, by po
litical stratagem? Their weapons of war
laid aside, is the reward of these conquerors
to be this, that, man to man, they snail be
entitled to one-third as much influence in
administering their country's Government
as the opponents they conquered? Are the
victors on the fields of death to become the
vanquished in Halls of Legislation?
It is a question which the nation cannot
fail, ere long, to ask itself; and who eau
doubt what the ultimate answer will be?
.nay God, who, throughout the great cri
sis of our nation's history, overruling evil
for good, has caused the wrath of to
work out his own gracious ends —directing
us, without our wili or agency r in paths of
justice and of victory which our human wis
dom was too feeble to discover—direct you
also, throughout the arduous task before
von. to the dust and the Right!
ROBERT DALE OWEN.
New York, June 21, 1805. .
THE following anecdote of the Iron Ihike
is recommended to the Secretary of War,
and of the Navy, who have spent enor
mous sums in fruitless experiments with
new inventions. A man came to the Duke.
'•What have you to offer?" A bullet proof
jacket, your grace.'' "put it on." The in
ventor obeyed. The Duke rang a hell. An
ai<l-de-eamp presented himself. '"Tell the
captain of the guard to order one of his
men to load with a ball cartridge. The in
ventor disappeared, and was nevei seen
again near tfie Horse Guards. No money
was wasted in trying that invention.
YANKF.ES WANTED. —Rev. J. F W.
Ware, of Baltimore, in a letter to the Bos
ton Christian liigL*t<r. relates the following:
"Said a gcntlcmau. well known here, to me
himself a southern man and a large slave
owner, who had by word and act notoriously
sided with the South—' What .Maryland to
day wants is five hundred thousand Yankees.
I smiled, and said that I had not placed the
number quite so high; when he repeated
with emphasis, 'Yes, sir; five hundred thou
sand Yankees.' '
Vol 38: No. 30
OUR MISTAKE* ABOUT EACH
OTHER.
u-itWKm "t a! 1 m ten tbousan d sees those
with whom he associate* as they really are.
If the Prayer of Burns was granted, and
we could all see ourselves as others see us
our self estimates would in all probability
be much more erroneous than they are now.
Jhe truth is, that we regard each other
through a variety of lenses, no one of which
is correct. Passion and prejudice, love and
hate, benevolence and envy, spectacle our
eyes, and utterly prevent us from observing
accurately. Many of those we deem the
porcelain of human clay are mere dirt; and
?! a ? u ™ b ?, r °f those we put down
in our black books are no further off from
Imaven. and perchance a little nearer, than
the wisors who coudeum them. We habit
ual!..; undervalue or overvalue each other;
and in estimating character, the shrewdest
c "l only now and then make true apprisal
or the \ irtues and defeats of even our closest
intimates.
It is not just or fair to look at character
troin a standpoint of one's own selection.—
A man s profile may be unprepossessing,
and yet ins full face agree&ble. We once
saw a young man whose timidity wa: a stan-
with all his companions, leap into
trm Thames, and savfeii boy from drowning,
while his tormentors stood panic struck up
on the bank. The merchant who gives curt
answers in his counting house, may be a
tender husband and father and a kind helper
of the desolate and oppressed. On the oth
ej" hand ; your good humored person, who is
all smite and sunsliine in public, may carry
sotMeching as hard as the nether millstone
m the place where his heart ought to be.
-Such anomalies are common. There is
this comfort, however, for those whose
judgments of their fellow mortals lean to the
kindly side; such mistakes go to their credits
in the great account. He who thinks better
of his neighbor than they deserve cannot be
a bad man, for the standard by which his
judgment is guided is the goodness of his
own heart. It is the base only who believe
all men base, —or, in other words, likethem
selvos. Few, however, are all evil Every
Nero did a good turn to somebody; for when
Home was rejoicing over his death sotn?
loving hand covered his grave with flowers.
Public men are seldom or never fairly
judged at least while living. However pure
they cannot escape calumny- however -cor
rect. they are sure to find eulogists. Histo
ry may do them justice: but they rarely get
it while alive, either from frtews or foes.
THE •'LADIES' MAN.
By his air and gait, the ultra fashionable
style of bis clothing, the killing curl of his
moustache, the "look and die" expression
of his simpering face, his stream of small
talk, and sundry other signs and tokens of
a plethora of vanity, and a lack of soul and
brain, you may distinguish at a glance the
individual who plumes himself upon being
a '"ladies" man." His belief in his own ir-
reAstibiUtv is written, all over him And in
say tne trutn, your ladies men have seme
grounds for their self-conceit. It is indubi
table that girls do sometimes fall in love, or
what they suppose to be love, with fellows
who look as if they had walked out of tailor's
fashion-plates—creatures that by the aid of i
the various artists who contribute to the
"make up" of human poppinjays have been
converted into superb samples of what &rt
can affect in the way of giving man an un
manly appearance. The woman who mar
ries one of these flutterers, is to be pitied;
for, if she has any glimmerings of common
sense, and a heart under her bodice, she
will soon discover that her dainty has no
more of a man's spirit in him than an auto
matic figure on a Savoyard's hand-organ.
But a woman worth a true man's love is
never caught by such a specimen of orna
mental hollow-ware. A sensible woman is,
in fact, a terror to "ladies' men, " for they
are aware that her penetrating eye looks
through them, "and sounds the depth of
their emptiness. She knows the man in
deed from the trumpery counterfeit, and has
no touch of the mackerel propensity to
jump at a flashy bait, in her wholesome com
position. Tile ladies* linn should be pei
initted to live and die a bachelor. His voca
tien is to dangle after the sex, to talk soft
nonsense, to cany shawls and fans, to as
tonish boarding-school misses, and to kin
dle love flames as evanescent and harmless
as the fizz of a squib. If, however, he must
needs become a Benedick, let him be yoked
to some vain and silly flirt, bis natural
counterpart. So shalt the law of fitness not
be outraged.— Literary Companion.
NOT (<OOD FOR MAN TO BE ALONE.
No one will contend that there arc no
crimes committed by married men. Facts
would look such an assertion out of counte
nance. But it may be said with truth that
there arc very few crimes committed by
married men, compared with the number
committed by those who are unmarried.—
Whatever faults Voltaire may have had, he
certainly showed himself a man of sense
when he said, "The more married men you
have, the fewer crimes there will be. Mar
riage renders a man more virtuous and more
wise." An unmarried man is but half of a
perfect being, and it requires the other half
to make things right; and it cannot be ex
pected that in this imperfect state he can
keep the straight path of rectitude any more
than a boat with one oar or a bird with one
wing, can keep a straight course. In nine
cases out of ten where married men become
drunkards, or where they commit crimes
against the peace of the community, the
foundation of these acts was laid while in a
single state, or when the wife is, as,is some
times the case, au insuitable match. Mar
riage changes the whole current of a man]s
feelings, and gives hirft a centre for his
thoughts his affections, and his acts. Here
is a home for the entire man, aad the coun
sel, the affections, the example, and the in
terests of his,'better half "keep lum from
erratic courses, and from falling into a
thousand temptations to which he would
otherwise be exposed. Therefore the friend
to marriage is the friend to society and to
his country. And we have no doubt but
that a similar effect is produced by marriage
on the woman; though, from a difference in
their labors, and the greater exposure to
temptation on the part of the man. we have
no doubt but man reaps a greater udvantage
from the restraining influences of marriage
than woman does.
SOME music teacher ouce wrote that the
"art of playing on the violin requires the
nicest perception and the most sensibility of
any art in £he known world; "upon which
an'editor comments in the following manner
"The art of publishing a newspaper and
making it pay, and at the same time have it
please everybony, beats fiddling higher than
a kite.
AN editor out west has marre d a ci;l j
named Church; he says that he h-. i-ni >y--l i
more happiness siuee he joined the Church j
than he ever did in his lite before. 1
TRUTH ILLUSTRATED.
through ft strange
?' Qntr y, led by his fathers hand? 'f*h< lov
£*s£hr . Ported ot to him far away
m the distance, the heme to which they
r re JT?i an( i now the child's mind was
b. * K in "" rigbtPlth? "
Bat his father's only answer was, "Trust
tome.
Again the little questioner spoke; • ,
I cannot see ho# We snail ever get there
by climbing this steep mountain aide."
Still the reply was. "Keep ftst hold of
my hand, and foar nothing.''
So the father and sou went oh their way
until, when the little feet were very weary,
a sudden tUrta in the road showed them that
they were at home.
how : it is in such away that God often
leads his children. They are like the little
one who was so puzzled about the way.
"What will become of us?" they often ask,
"What will bo to-morrow? or next year? or
twenty years to come?'' Now, such ques
tions are like the child's. The proper an
swer is that which the father gave to him,
Trust. ' 'Do whit is right now—to-day;
so when to-morrow comes you will find that
God is taking care of you and helping you
still, and in the end all will be well. '
A WORD TO TOTS BOYS AND CUB* ABOUT
ORDER.— Put things right bark ih their
place whett done with. Never leave them
all aljoat helter-skelter, topsy-turvey —■)'•
cf . Wheu yon waa any article—hoe, shovel,
rake, pitchfork, axe, hammer, tongs, hoots
or shoes; books, slates, pencils, writing ap-
Saratus; pins, fhhpbies. pincushions, nee
l®?i wqrk-baskefc, kitchen furniture, every
article o. housewifery or husbandry, no mat
ter what it is—the very moment you have
done using it. return it to its proper place.
Be sure to have a special place for every
thing, and every thing in its place. Order,
order, perfect order, is the watch-word—
heaven s first law. How much previous
time is saved (aside from vexation) by ob
serving orders—systematic regularity! And
little folks should begin early to preserve
order in every thing. Form habits of order.
These loose, slipshod, slatternly habits are
formed in childhood, and habits once formed
are apt to cling for life.
Young friends, begin early to keep things
in their proper places; study neatness, order,
economy, sobriety—in every thing be just,
honest, pure," lovely, and you will hava a
good report.
THE ARAB'S PROOF.—A Frenchman
who had won a high rank among men of
science, was crossing the great Sahara in
company with an Arab guide. lie noticed
with a sneer that at times his guide, what
ever obstacle might arise, put them all aside,
and kneeling on the bnrning sands, called on
his God. .
Day after day passed, and still the Arab
never failed, tiH at last one evening the
philosopher, when he rose from his knees,
asked turn, with a contemptuous smile,
' How do you know there is a God ? The
guide fixed his burning eye on the scoffer
for a moment in wonder, and then said sol
emnly. 1 "How do I know there is a God ?"
How did I know that a man. and not a cam
el, passed my hut last night in the dark
ness ? Was it not by the print of his foot
in the sand ? Even so," and he pointed to
the sun, whose last rays were flashing
over the lonely desert, "that foot-print is
not that of a man-"
STRENGTH OF MATERIALS.—-It is a re
markable fact that one of the most abund
ant materials in nature —iron —is the strong
est of all known substances. Made into
best steel, a rod of one-fourth of an inch in
ammeter win sustain *OOO before
breaking; soft steel, 7000; iron wire, 6000;
bar-iron, 4000; inferior bar-iron, 2000 ; cast,
iron, 1000 to 3000; copper wire, 3000; silver,
2000; gold, 2500; tin, 300; cast. einc. 160,
sheet zinc, 1000: cast lead. 55 ; milted lead,
200 Of Wood, box and locust, the same
si*e, will hold 1200; the toughest ash, 1000;
elm, 900; beech, cedar, white oak, pitch
pine, 600; chestnut and soft maple, 550;
poplar, 400. A rod of iron is about ten
times as strong as a hemp cord. A rope an
inch in diameter will bear about two and a
half tons, but in practice it is not safe to
subject it to a strain of more than about one
ton. Half an inch in diameter, the strength
will be one-quarter as much; a quarter of
an inch, one-sixteenth as much, and so on.—
American Artisan.
A HINT.—If your sister, while tenderly
engaged in a tender conversation with her
tender sweetheart, asks jou to bring a glass
of water from an adjoining room, you can
start on the errand, put you need not return.
You will not be missed, that's certain —
we've seen it tried. Don't forget this, little
BOJ-B.
JUVENILE PATRIOTISM.—A bright little
girl not four years old hearing an elder broth
er, who is a physician, say something about
an "attenuation," when she interrupted
him quickly with,
"What kind of a nation is that-, I'd like
to know? There ain't but one nation—fhe
star-spangled banner nation !"
'Well, Pat,' said a witty gentleman to
his hired man, one morning, 'you've got
here first at fast. You were always behind
before —but you get here early of late.—
How did you come out with your lawsuit
you were telling me about ?'
'Faith, yer honor. I come out square all
round.'
"JOHN," said a doting parent to her gor
mandizing son, "do you really think you
can cat the whole of the pudding with im
punity ?" "I don't know, ma," replied the
young hopeful, "but I guess I can with a
spoon."
"Go to grass!" said.a mother to her
daughter. \Y ell, then, I suppose 111 have
to marry," ejaculated the fair damsel.—
"Why so?" exclaimed the astonished moth
er. ' Because all men are grass." The old
lady survived.
IN Dlinois, a genius advertises on behaif
of a certain famous accidental railway that
"an experienced coroner and six practical
jurors will follow each regular train in spe
cial cars, together with a few surgeons and
reporters."
HARRY TURN married a cousin, of die
same name. When interrogated as to why
he did so, he replied, ""that it had always
been a maxim of his, that one good turn de
serves another."
A MISERABLE old bachelor, who forgets
that the present is not leap year, says. I'lf
you meet a young lady who is not veij shy,
you had better be a little shy yourself.''
THE water that has no taste is purest; the
air that has no odor is freshest; and of all
the modifications of manner, the most gen
erally pleasing is simplicity.
A RETIRED actor, with a fondness for
poultry, was asked why he named a favorite
hen 'Macduff,' He replied that it was he
cause he wanted her to 'lay on. 1
UNCOMFORTABLE.— To be seated at tie
table opposite a pretty girl, with a plate of
hot soup, on a hot day, a trouhleaonie mous
tache, and no handkerchief.
1 AM ASTONISHED, my dear young lady,
at vonr sentiments; you make mt start/
"Well, I have been wanting you to start
| lor the last hour,"