PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNC>, No. 6 9 , HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA [No. 102, of Vol. ll.] Discourses on Davila—No. 51. " Patrum interim animos, certamen regni, ac cupido verfibat." two armies met in Burgundy—but the Piinces, being in- X ferior, evaded an engagement. The Queen Mother, in 1570, had too much penetration not to unravel the manoeuvres of the Marftials de Cofle and Damville. She informed the King of them, and pcrfuaded him to listen to pronofitions of accommodation. She perceived that the paflions and the perfidy of these grandees, might throw the (late into the greatest dangers, if the war was continued. She was still more de termined by the news which (he received from Germany, where the Prince Cafimir began to raise troops in favor of the Hugonots. The finances were exhausted to such a degree, that they knew not where to find funds to pay the Swiss and Italian troops, to whom they owed large arrears. In short, they wished for peace; and were weary of a war which held all men's minds in perpetual alarms, which reduced a great part of the people to beggary, and which cost the date so many men, and so much money. The King held, with the Queen Mother, the Duke of Anjou, and the Cardinal of Lorraine, councils, in which they rcfolved to return to the projett, already so many times formed and abandoned to grant peace to the Hugonots—to deliver the kingdom from joreign troops, and finally to employ artifice, and take advantage of favorable conjunc tures —to take off the chiefs of the party, which they thought would yield oj itjef infallibly, as soon ai it fhouldfee itfelf deprived of the support of its leaders. It was thus, that the court would have substituted craft instead of force, to execute a design, which the obstinacy of the Hugonots, or the want of fidelity in those who commanded armies, had always defeated whenrccourfe had been only to arms, With such dark and horrid views were overtures of peace made, and conditions concluded. The Princes and Admiral, still diffi dent and diftruftful, retire to Rochellc. The Kiug gain their confidence. To this end, he proposes to give his filter Marguerite in marriage, to the Prince of Navarre, and to make war in Flanders upon the Spaniards. The marriage is resolved on, and all the Chiefs ot rhe Hugonots come to Court. The Queen of Navarre is poifoncd. After her death the marriage is celebrated, dur : ng the fealts of which, Admiral Coligni is wounded by an af faflin. The King takes the resolution that, as in extreme cases it is imprudence to do things by halves, the Hugonots should be exter minated. The night between the 23d and the 24th of August, 1572, a Sunday called Saint Bartholomew's Day, the Admiral is maflacred, and almost all the other Calvinifts are cut in picces in Paris, and in several other cities of the kingdom. Such, in nations where there is not a fixed and known consti tution, or where there is a constitution, without an effe&ua! ba lance, arc the tragical effe&s of emulation, jealousies and rivalries deftruftion to all the leaders—poverty, beggary and ruin to the followers. France, after a century of such horrors, found no re medy against them but in absolute monarchy : noi did anv nation ever find any remedy against the miseries of such rivalries among the gentlemen, but in despotism, monarchy, or a balanced consti tution. It is not necelTary to fay, that every despotism and mo narchy that ever has existed among men, arose out of such emula tions among the principal men ; but it may be aflerted with con fidence, that this cause alone is fufficient to account for the rife progress and establishment of every despotism and monarchy in the four quarters of the globe. It is not intended at this time to pursue any further this inflic tive though melancholy history, nor to make any comparisons, in detail, between the state of France in 1791, and the condition it was in two or three centuries ago. But if there are now differen ces of opinion in religion, morals, government and philosophy if there are parties and leaders of parties—if there are emulations if there are rivalries and rivals—is there any better provision made by the constitution to balance them now than formerly ? If there is not, what is the reason ? who is the cause ? All the thunders of heaven, although a Paratonnere had never been invented, would not in a thousand vears have destroyed so many lives, nor otca fionrd so much desolation among mankind, as the majority of a legislature in one uncontrouled aflembly may produce in a single Saint Bartholomew's Day. Saint Bartholomew's Davs arc the na tural, neceflary and unavoidable effect and consequence of diversi ties in opinion, the spirit of party, unchecked passions, emulation and rivalry, where there is not a power always ready aud inclined to throw weights into the lightest scale, to preserve or restore the equilibrium. With a view of vindicating republics, commonwealths and free States, from unmerited reproaches, we have detailed these anec dotes from the history of France. With equal propriety we might have resorted to the history of England, which is full of contefls and diffeniions of the fame fort. There is a morsel of that history, the life and attions of the prote&or Somerset, so re markably apposite, that it would be worth while to relate it—for the prcfent however it mull be waved. It is too faftiionable with writers to impute such contentions to republican governments, as if they were peculiar to them ; whereas nothing is further from reality. Republican writers themselves have been as often guilty of this mistake, in whom it is an indiscretion, as monarchical "writers, in whom it may be thought policy ; in both however it isanerror. W? shall mention only two, Machiavel and deLolme. In Machiavel's history of Florence, lib. 3, we read " It is given | from above that in all republics, there should be fatal families, , are born for the ruin of them ; to the end that in human affairs nothing should be perpetual or quiet." indeed this were acknowledged to be the will of heaven, as chiavel seems to afTert, why should we entertain resentments against such families ? They are but inflruments, and they cannot ut answer their end. If they are commiflioned from above to 4l e angels, why should we oppose or resist them ! As to the end" there are other caufcs enough, which will forever pre vent perpetuity or tranquility, in any great degree in human af 'airs* Animal life is a chemical process ; and is carried on by unceasing motion. Our bodies and minds, like the heavens the p. and the sea, like all animal, vegetable mineral nature; 1 e the elements of earth, air, fire and water, are continually C an S ,n g- "1 he mutability and mutations of matter, and much pore of the inteile&ual and moral world, are the consequence o! Jw-sof nature,not less without our power than beyond our compre ssion. While we are thus allured that in one sense nothing in uman affairs will be perpetual or at reft ; we ought to remem 'er at fame time, that the duration of our lives the security ol our property, the existence of our conveniences, comforts anr Pea ures,the repofeof private life and (he tranquility of fociet) a,c paced in very great degrees, in human power. Equal law , C nrr '" an d executed, great families as well as little ones, u rc^ And that policy is not lefj pernicious tha' •' p nlofophy is falfe, which reprcfentj such families as lent Wednesday, April 20, 1791. by heaven to be judgments : It is not true in fact. On the con trary they are rent to be blessings - and they are blessings, until bv T.T'r u "™ tt ' lgn ° ratlCe and im P r "dence, in refuting to ef tabliffi such inftituttons as will make them aUays blessings, we ■ urn t hem into cutfes. There are evils it is true which attend them ts well as all other human blessings, even government, liberty, vir tue and relig-.on. It is the province of philosophy and policy to increase the good and lcffcn the evil that attends them as much as poHiole. But it is not surely the way, either to encreafe the good or ltiien the evil which accompanies such families, to represent chem to the people as machines, as rods, as scourges, as blind and mechanical instruments in the hands of divine vengeance, un mixed with benevolence. Nor has it any good tendency or el a to endeavor . to render them unpopular ; to make them ob jects of hatred, malice, jeaioufy, envy or revenge, to the common people. The way ol wisdom to happiness is to make mankind more friendly to each other. The existence of such men or fami lies is not their fault. They created not themselves. We, the Plebeians, find them the workmanfliip of God and i.ature like ourselves. The constitution of nature and the course of provi dence has produced them as well as us : and they and we must live ogether; it depends upon ourselves indeed whether it {hall be in peace, love and friendlhip, or in war and hatred. Nor are they reasonably the objetts of censure or averfiou. of resentment, envy or hatred, for the gifts of fortune, any more than for those of na ture. Conspicuous birth is no more in a man's power to avoid, than to obtain. Hereditary riches are no more a reproach than they are a merit. A paternal estate is neither a virtue »ior i fault. He must nevertheless be a novice in this world who does not know that these gifts ot fortune, are advantages in society and life, which confer influence, popularity and power. The diftin&ion that is made between the gifts of nature and those of fortune appears to be not well founded. It is fortune which confers beauty and strength, which aie called qualities of nature as much as birth and hereditary wealth, which are called accidents of fortune : and on the other hand it is nature which confers these favors, as really as stature and agility. FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. [Continued from our last.] IF a man has power over me, and aperfon con vinces me that he is my adversary, his power immediately becomes an object of fear : Fear speedily becomes hatred, and I am incited to de flroy the power, which so disturbs me. The power of a good government is naturally an ob ject of love and admiration. Every man confid ing in the benevolent disposition of his rulers, considers their power as his own—and we consi der our own power with great complacency and regard. But when a state legillature palles a cen sure upon Congress, how does it operate upon men's opinions ? The citizen may fay, this As sembly has power over my life and property — it decides on other laws wifely, and without be ing disobeyed—why fliould it be less competent to decide on this law, which it has called a bad one, than upon other occasions : Those who make bad laws, and attempt to subvert liberty, are cer tainly very bad men, and very unfit to hold the reins of authority any longer. What sentiments will succeed thefeimpreffions ? Those who nnderftand human nature will fay, this man will fear and hate the government, and as soon as he thinks he has malecontents enough on his fide to support him, he will despise and disobey it. But what if this appeal to his passions fliould be made at the moment when a law, in dispensably neceflary to the union, but highly obnoxious to the fears and prejudices of the peo ple, is going into operation ! If the gunpowder fliould not happen to take fire, we are not to thank those for our escape who throw firebrands. What renders this pratfiice of States remon strating against the laws of the union peculiarly delicate is, the nature of our confederation—one government over many governments : What can keep them from interfering, bnt their mutually (hunning one another's walks. But if they will take up in one house the bufinefsof another, and decide it in opposition to Congress, one of two things will take place—either the censure will have no effect, and be disregarded, which by abating the dignity and refpetftability of the censuring body, is an injury to the cause of good government, and brings it into contempt : Or if it has any effect, it must be to the prejudice of the body censured—making it appear ignorant or ill-intentior.ed—deftroying men's confidence in it, and of course abating the influence of the laws : This effei-T: is pernicious—but it is infinite ly worse in violent party times ; for when a state ranges itfelf on the fide of one party, and fulmi nates censures against the other, the dignity of a great body-politic gives the contest the afpecft of a national quarrel. In this ltate of things, the address of a few bad men, and the violence of many weak ones, may push it to the decision of thefword, which usually arbitrates between an gry societies. Let the candid and discerning lovers of peace and good order weigh this ten dency of our affairs. Every free man has his weight with our elective government; leave him 821 o [Whole No. 20 £.1 by remonftrancc to seek redress, lie will not want advocates : Besides the man of his choice, cham pions enough will espouse his cause, and make a merit of their zeal in it ; at lead the enquiry will be fair, and the decision will be submitted to the calm unbiafled judgment of the public. [To be continued CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. TUESDAY, Feb. 8. The BANK BILL under confdtration, MR. MADISON OBSERVED, that the present is a question which ought to be conducted with modera tion and candor—and therefore there is no oc casion to have recourse to those tragic represen tations, which have been adduced— warmth and passion fliould be excluded from the discussion of a fubjeft, which ought to depend on the cool dic tates of reason for its decision. Adverting to the observation of Mr. Smith, (S. C.) " that it would be a deplorable thing for the Senate of the United States to have fallen on a decision which violates the conflitut ion," he enquired, What does the reasoning of the gen tleman tend to ihew but this, that from refpett tothe Senate, this house ought to fanftion their decisions ? And from hence it will follow, that the President of the United States ought, out of refpecft to both, to fanifiion their joint proceed ings ; but he could, he said, remind the gentle man, of his holding different sentiments 011 ano ther occasion. Mr. Maaifon then enlarged on the exa<ft bal lance or equipoise contemplated by the conftitu tion,to be observed and maintained between the several branches of government—and shewed, that except this idea was preserved, the advanta ges of different independent branches would be loft, and their separate deliberations and deter minations were intirely useless. In describing a corporation he observed, that the powers proposed to be given, are such, as do not exist antecedent to the existence of the cor poration ; these powers are very extensive in their nature, and to which a principle of perpe tuity maybe annexed. He waved a reply to Mr. Vining's observations on the common law, [in which that gentleman had been lengthy and minute, in order to inva lidate Mr. Madison's objection to the power pro posed to be given to the Bank, toinake rules ancl regulations, not contrary to law.] Mr. Madil'on said the question would involve a very lengthy discussion—and other objects more intimately connected with the fubject,remained to be confi- dered The power of granting Charters, he observed, is a great and important power, and ought not to be exercised, without we find ourselves ex pressly authorised to grant them : Here he dila ted on the great and extensive influence that in corporated societies had on public affairs in Eu rope : They are a powerful machine, which have always been found competent to effecfi objects on principles, in a great measure independent of the people. He argued against the influence of the prece dent to be established by the bill—for tho it has been said that the charter is to be granted only for a term of years, yet he contended, that grant ing the powers on any principle, is granting them in psrpetuum —and afluining this right on the part of the government involves the afliimption of every power whatever, Noticing the arguments in favor of the bill, he said, it had been observed, that " govern ment neceflarily pofl'efles every power,"—How ever true this idea may be in theory, he denied that it applied to the government of the United States. Here he read the reftritfive clause in the Con stitution—and then observed that he saw 110 pass over this limit. The preamble to the Conftiturion, said lie, lias produced a new mine of power ; but this is the
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