PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA [No. 105, of Vol. 11. Discourses on Davila—No. 31. (concluded.) NARROW and illiberal sentiments are not peculiar to the rich or the poor. If the vulgar have found a Machiavel to give counte nance to their malignity, by his contracted and illiberal exclamations againlt illustrious families, as the curse of heaven : the rich and the noble have not unfrequently produced fordid inltances of individuals amongthemfelves, who have adopt ed and propagated an opinion that God hates the poor, and that poverty and misery on earth are infli&ed by Providence in its wrath and displea sure. This noble philofopliy is surely as shallow and as execrable as the other Plebeian philolb phy of Machiavel ; but it is countenanced by at leift as many of the phenomena of the world. Let both be discarded as the reproach of human understanding, and a disgrace to human nature. Let the rich and the poor unite in the bands of mutual affection, be mutually sensible of each others ignorance, weakness and error, and unite in concerting measures for their mutual defence, against each other's views and follies,by support ing an impartial Mediator. That ingenious Genevan, to whom the English nation is indebted for a more intelligible expla nation of tlieir own constitution than any that has been ever publilhed by their own Aclierly or Bacon, Bolingbroke or Blackllone, has quoted this paflage of Machiavel, and applied it, like him, to the dishonour of republican governments. De Loltne, in his constitution of England, Book 2. c. 1. fays—" 1 cannot avoid tranferibing a part of " the speech which a citizen of Florence add relied " once to the Senate : the reader will find in it a " kindofabridgedftoryofall republics." Ilethen quotes the passage before cited from Machiavel. Why should so grave an accusation be brought againtt republics ? If it were well founded, it would be a very serious argument against such forms of government: but it is not. Thediflen tions of families are not the effect of republican government, but of human nature. They are the unavoidable consequence of that emulation, which God and nature have implanted in the hu man heart, for the wisest and be!f purposes, and which the public good, instead of cooling or ex tinguifliing, requires to be directed to honour and virtue, and then nourilhed, cheriftied, and cultivated. If such contentions appeared only in republican governments, there would befome color for charging them as a reproach to these forms: but they appear as frequent and as vio lent in despotisms and monarchies, as they do in commonwealths. In all the despotisms of Asia and Africa, in all the monarchies of Europe, there are constant fucceftions of emulation and rivalry, and consequently of conceits and di (Tendons among families. Defpocifm, which crushes and decapi tates, sometimes interrupts their progress, and prevents some of their tragical effecfts. Monar chies, with their spies, lettres de cachet, dun geons and iriquifitions, may do almost as well. But the balance of a free government is more ef fectual than either, without any of their injus tice, caprice or cruelty. The foregoing examples from the History of France, and a thousand others equally striking which might be added, (how that Bourbons and Montmorencis, Guises andColignis, were as fatal families in that kingdom as the Buondelmenti and Huberti, the Donati andCer chi, the Rici and Abbizzi, or Medici at Florence. Instead of throwing falfe imputations on re publican governments ; instead of exciting or fo menting a vulgar malignicy against the most re fpetfiable men and families—let us draw the pro per inferences from history and experience—let us lay it down for a certain faift, firlt, that emu lation between individuals, and rivalries among families, never can be prevented : second. let us adopt it as a certain principle that they ought hoc to be prevented, but directed Co vircue, and 'hen Simulated and encouraged by generous ap plauTe and honorable rewards. And from chele premises let the conclusion be, as it ought to be, that an effectual controul be provided in the con tution, 10 check their exceilcs and balancetlieir If ihis conclulion is not drawn, ano ther will follow of itfelf—the people will be the 8 ' and the leaders will worry each other and the people too, till both are weary and afbamed, and from feeling, not from reasoning, set up a roauer and a despot for a Protestor. What kind °f a Piotecftor lie will be, may be learned hereaf ter from Stephen Boetius. Saturday, April 23, 1791. FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES, [con c l uded,] CONGRESS has 110 armies—and if it had, our people might mock at force if that only was used to govern them. It mud frame its laws on such principles as an enlightened public will ap prove : let the public then form its opinions calm ly—lay facfts and arguments before it. Those who do not chufe to be calm may give vent to their passions in the Gazettes; a free press is a sluice-way which lets off the torrent : But do not blind the public with authority ; do not flop the ufeful progrels of enquiry by telling it it is too late, the trial is over, the point is adjudged by the State legislature ; is there not danger that this decision of a State will make right opinions too liafty and wrong ones too obllinate, so as to render the former despicable and the latter per nicious ? Every man may judge for liimfelf whether State resolutions will croud narrow local prejudices in to Congrels, or whether they will secure us an adniiniitration upon liberal national principles. The public will judge too whether a State go vernment is the mod impartial judge of the con du<ft ofCongrefs. It is best that a cause ftieuld not be carried for trial before a tribunal which is fufpeCied to have an interest in giving judg ment against the defendant. I am proud of iny country, becaufc I know chat the government of it is a free one, and I think it is well administered, but these bleflings are loft to him whose mind ispoifonedby suspicion. To vapourish women and hypochondriac men, even health is no blessing. If State resolutions andin (lruiftions convince liim that he is governed by knaves in Congress who have bound liberty fall for {laughter, he is more to be pitied than a fa tisfied slave. He will even make a bad defender of that liberty which, though he values, he deems loft. Ic cannot be denied that State resolutions may be used to pull down a government. When the national administration shall have become so cor rupt and wicked as to be intolerable, this inflru ment of deftrutftion may be employed with suc cess. Perhaps fomc men in the State legislatures are of opinion that the proper time for begin ning this work of deftruftion is already arrived. An ENQUIRER. FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. SONNET VI TO E G W I N A. GO verse, fofi-whifpering, to ECwina fay— 'Tis riot that rich complexion's lucent white, Tinged with the Role's fragrance-blufhing light, O'er all her lovely features loves to stray ; Nor yet, that Nature, with a fon^difplay, Hath spread her auburn treffesoTt the fight, And fram'd her lips the seal of sweet delight, And op'd her eyes resplendent on the day ; Tell her 'tis not, that o'er each motion, Grace Sheds a fott lustre, as (he deigns to move, Giving new beauties to the ambient place ; That every tho't, and all my foul, is love. But, that her mind, its radiant worth to prove, Imprints the foul of Beauty on her Face. ELLA. Philadelphia, April 20. ExtraElfrom the Minutes of the House of Representatives of the Com monwealth of Penrijylvania. FRIDAY, April 8, 1791 THE Address to the National Aflembly of France, read April 6th inft. was read the second time, and adopted unanimously, viz. SIR, . THE Representatives of the People of Pennfylvama, have unan imously concurred in the desire of expressing to the Nation al Assembly of France, their sympathetic feelings on the fubjeft of their virtuous exertions in the cause of freedom : 1 hey lincerely offer their congratulations on the success that has attended them, which they have viewed, in its progress with the most pleasing and anxious sensations. A nation which has been a£luated by such magnanimous policy, which, with a noble enthusiasm, so generoullv mterpofed its pow er, lo profufely poured forth its treasures, and mingled its blood with ours, in defence of the liberties of America, is entitled to a grateful return of our regard, and to the warmest wishes that sensi bility or attachment can express. It was under the operation of these feelings, that we have al ways lamented that a brave and gallant people, who have become the voluntary companions of our freedom, should not themselves be free ; that after having aflifted in ere£hng for us a temple of li berty, they Ihould return to the house of bondage. Fortunately the scene is changed, and your present situation awakens the molt amiable sympathies of the human heart. We now view, with grateful exultation, your glorious triumph of reason over prejudice—of liberty and law, over flaveryand def poric will. You have nobly broke the fetters that bound you to , our former government, and have, *n the view of astonished Eu iOpe, undertaken a revolution, founded on that pure and elcrnen 825 Hkso [Whole No. 207.] :ary principle, that the people are the source of power, that in them it is naturally inherent, and from them can alone be derived. The truth of this hallowed maxim, the pride and boast of our American constitutions, could not remain undiscovered, and un attended to, amidst the blaze of patriotism and philosophy which has long enlightened France. We rejoice that your government, though differently organized, is eltablifted on such congenial principles,as to cement byftrong er, because more kindred ties, the friendftip that nowconnefls us. As an evidence of this disposition, we can allure you that the fuffrages and sentiments of our citizens are all united in the warm est predile£tions for your cause, and your country. We antici pate the happiness and glory that will await you, when those var ious resources by which you are surrounded, and which nature has so profufely lavished on you, shall be put into energetic motion by the operation of a free government. We fondly hope that no untoward or inauspicious circumstance may intervene to interrupt your glorions career, until you have effe&ually restored to the bleflings of equal liberty, civil and reli gious, so many millions of our fellow-men ; until you have abo lifted the odious and arrogant diftinttions betwixt man and man —until you have implanted in the minds of the people, a generou» and paflionate enthusiasm for their country, instead of a confined, though romantic, attachment to the person of a King. But whilst viewing with awe and admiration the principles you have eftablifted, and which we ardently wist may defy the ef forts of time, tyranny and treachery to overthrow, we cannot but rejoice that you have been expoled in your progress to few of those convulsive struggles, that so strongly marked thevarious aeras of the American Revolution. If our solicitude for your success could be cncreafed from the operation of extraneous motives, it would receive considerable force from the animating and philanthropic refle&ion, that other nations of Europe, from the influence of your example, will learn to value and vindicate the rights of man ; and that such political institutions will be more generally eftablilhed, as by experience are found to contain principles favorable to the happiness of our species, and suited to the dignity of our nature. To the Prejidznt of the National Assembly of France. From the New-Havbn Gazette I HAVE frequently observed, that those per sons who are troubled with weak or defective eyes, endeavour to remedy the evil by using fpecftacles with coloured glades. The prevalence of this pra<3ice is an indication of the inattenti on of man to fubjeifts of the utinofl. importance ; and will be some apology for the following re marks. Every person who has removed suddenly from a very dark situation to a strong light; or the contrary, is confeious of having experienced a very painful sensation. The sudden dilation or contratftion of the pupil of the eye, and the vio lent exertion which is required in the surround ing inufcles,to enable us to perceive obje<Siswith diltindtnefs, when the quantity of light has been much increased or diininifhed, strain and injure the vifive faculty. Coloured fpedtacles operate in a similar manner; and consequently every time we put them on, or take them off, the eye fuffera. Thus the weakness we designed to re move is perpetuated ; and after having accustom ed ourselves to the use of them for some time, the eye becomes so tender, that we are never af ter able to relinquish with facility the ailiftance , they afford us. If the light proves troublesome to theeye, na ture has pointed out the manner in which the remedy should be applied. In a very ftronglight we always projeA our eyebrows to preserve o«ir eyes. This should teach us that the proper mode of excluding all the fuperfluous rays of light, is to suspend a shade from our foreheads.—For thi» only diminishes the quantity of light, without altering its natural qualities by any interposing medium. There are two methods by which we can de termine, whether a parcicular pair of fpedtacles is injurious to the eye:—r. If it is evident that that organ has been {trained or fatigued, we may conclude that the convexity or concavity of the glafles we have used, was not adapted to the si tuation of our eyes: This inconvenience is not confined to the colour, and can only be remedi ed by changing the form of the glass.—2. If af ter having used Spectacles tor some time, we lliould find upon removing them, that every sur rounding objetSl is tinged in a disagreeable man ner, we may conclude that the eye has been for ced into an unnatural state, and has consequent ly fufFered : coloured glafles produce this effetft. Besides, green is not transparent—And if, by indulging ourselves in the practice of wearing coloured Spetftacles, we should become so much habituated to their uSe, as to be unable to fore go their assistance without the greatest inconve nience ; in the decline of life, when the decreas ing convexity of the humours of the eye, renders it neceflary that we should employ convex glafles, coloured ones will by no means answer the pur pose for which they are designed—The eyes of elderly persons are defective on two accounts ; i fir ft, because the rays of light do not converge
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