the last feflion, it was so now : for the gentleman in his ftatc ment of the reasons of the committee, had declared, that the com mittee were not poffefTed of proofs with refpe& to the rcftri£ti ons of other nations. Sir, (hall we {Tumble on in the dark with out those proofs ? Shall we burthen a portion of our citizens without ascertaining the neceflity of our doing so P Let us procure those proofs—let us have evidence of this encouragement's being wanting, previous to our.laying this additional weight. But, Sir, "who has a right to complain on this occasion ; the merchants of Poitfmouth or the merchants of Savannah ? Let us compare the grievance of tonnage in the two places. New-Hamp(hire, Sir, pays of foreign tonnage the amount of 469 dollars and fifty cents ; a mighty sum indeed ; from thenoife made about it an indifferent person might suppose it fufficient to fatisfy the national debt. The state of Georgia, which on a former occasion was supposed barely capable of defraying the travelling expenccs of their mem bers, pays of foreign tonnage 2600 dollars 17 cents—a difference Scarcely to be coinparcd. A gentleman from North-Carolina, (Mr. Williamfon) had fup poited the report, but hoped it never would be adopted on the principles of establishing a navy. Mr. Jackson observed that his icafons feemcd to be the keeping the carrying trade within our feives. Sir, it is a doubt with me if the carrying trade is benefi cial to the United States; if it enriches individuals it certainly does not the community; writers on trade divide it into three branches, thehome or coasting trade, which is allowed to be the mod bene ficial to the nation ; the foreign trade which is next beneficial, and the carrying trade which is not at all beneficial, unless it be as a nursery for feamen—dircftly oppofitc to the sentiments of the gen tleman. The carrying trade is thereforet ery beneficial to coun tries dependent on their navies—it is said to be particularly so to Great-Britain : but, fir, is our interest the fame with the intcrefl of that nation ? Docs our national importance and even our very security depend as hers does on the strength of her fleets? If inva ded (hall we look to a navy for protest on ? No, fir, to the agri cultural interest—to the hardy sons of the Weft—to the Ameri can yeomanry we (hall appeal and we (ball there find support. The carrying trade is of no great consequence to us, nor is it to many other countries; it is taking a produttive capital from the nation it belongs to, to be employed in the service and carrying the surplus produce of other countries. The most celebrated wri ters have declared even in Great-Britain, that the coal trade from Newcastle to London is the most beneficial that nation is concern ed in With us, fir, the whole coasting trade is in the hands of our fellow citizens, where I wrJh it to remain, as I think it high ly advantageous, and this of itfelf is a very great encouragement But Sir, if we examine, I believe, on the principle of encour agement what we have done,it will be found|fufficient. I have in my hands, Sir, some paragraphs of newspapers (which he read.) By these, Sir, it appears, that (hip-building is most rapidly ad vancing—a vessel is now building at Boston of 900 tons, one at Salem of 1100 and 22 at Philadelphia of upwards of 250 tons each. What more that branch of mechanics would want, lam at a loss for—unlefs they with more work than they have hands- to accompli(h ; for I fancy if it was to be much more increased, they must fend to other countries for the workmen. It is jnft the fame with arts and manufactures—they arc every where extending thcmfelvcs, and no doubt owing to the ample encouragement giv en last feflion. Shall we then, if we find the encouragement al ready given fufficient, be still adding to the burthens of the fouth crn states ? Will not they have a right to fay that they are not at tended to; because they are not clamorous with petitions, (hall they be saddled with additional weights? It (hould be remem bered, that there is not to this day,a fmgle petition for anyone request from the citizens of the state of Georgia before CongTcfs, whilst other states have brought before the house a number which wonld take three fcflions to decide on—because (he wus modest, was (he to be imposed on ? He hoped her still voice would at least draw some attention. He believed that the southern states were a good milch cow to the Union, but he trusted if the Union milked her, they would not ride her at the fame time—the additional ton nage appeared to him to be doing this. He concluded with reminding the gentlemen (Mr. Madison, Mr. Fitzfimons, Mr. Sherman and Mr. Lawrance)of their former sentiments, and trusted he (hould not now find them avowing o pinions contrary to them. TUESDAY, May 25• Mr. V 1 n1 n g having voted in the affirmative on the queflion,Whether Mr. Gale's motion for the Committee* f rijing, and reporting the twelve feSHons ojthe Funding Bill, in order to their being discharged, as in our lafl, i oft and obferi>ed. That as the vote he had now given en might appear in confident with his past condutt on this great question, it became neccffary that he (hould fay something on the oecafion. He said he was a warm advocate in favour of the as sumption of the state debts, agreeable to the plan proposed by the Secretary of theTreafur) —the whole of that report was valuable ; he (hould regret losing any part of it—and he had full confidence that the measure of alfumption would be finally adopted—at pre sent however lie considered the objett of the bill before the Com mittee, independent of the bill proposed to be annexed, as of pri mary consequence to the United States.—He tho't the two objects might be fiparated ; and he was not willing bv grasping at a lha dow to lose the substance.—He thought the aflTuinption might be brought forward with propriety in the form of a resolution—and he would pledge himfelf do it.—He thought this would comport with the idea of the Secretary.— Mr. Sedgwick Jaid that the gentlemen in favor of ihe alfumption were very unfortunate in not being able to unite in the means oj obtaining an cbjetl, which they not only approve, but cohfider as necrjfary to the execu tion of juflice, and important to the welfare and happiness of this coun try. That a great majority of those who were infavor of the mea sure, thought it ought to be provided for before the funds /hould be es tablished which are tofecure the prefcrvation of public credit. That o tker gentlemen were of opinion that there was no natural counettion, and that therefore the fubjefls should be separated. That he himfelf was of the former opinion. He said it had been often offer ted and to his remembrance never denied, that the State debts werefo unequal, that in some States it would be found impracticable to make an adequate provision for them, and at the fame time for those States to contiibute their equal proportion to the national treasury. That these circumflances were well known to those men to zuhom the people would commit the adminijlration of their State govern ments ; In this fituati-on what meajures would the duty and intciefl of these men induce them to pursue ? Unqueflionably, without delay, by the best means lu their power, to adoJ& a fyflem jor the prefcrvation of pub lic faith. Suchfyflem and that to be adopted by this government could rot concurrently be earned into execution ; the one or the other mufi fail; ioth were the measures of governments depending on popular opinion.— That it ought to be a fubjett oj enquiry therefore, which would mofl pro bably he the objeCl of popular affettion ; here a knowledge of a few fattr would be Jufficieni to determine the judgment. He said he/poke only xrf Mjffachufetts because his knowledge of faEls on this fubjett, did not ex tend beyond it—that in that State a very great proportion of the national Je> urities had been alienated, and that at a very low slate of depreciation. The purchasers of thefefecurities, from principles well known and which are infeparablefrom the human heart were not the objefls of affectionate regard ; the fijlem therefore which is to secure this debt cannot itfelf be popular. On the other hand, the State debt having had the interefl regu larly paid for some time, and at no time being without any provision for that purpof, had much the greater part of it remained in the hands cf the original holders. It was djlributed throughout every part of the State, and in every village and neighborhood there remained a grateful recolleflion of the merit of those Jervices which were rendered as the con federation for the exifling demands againfl the government ; that from a cool and iiifpa/fionate rejledion on Ihefe faEls, gentlemen would be able with certainty to preditt,,without a Jpiritof prophccy, the ijfue of a legif laiive cpzttnjion on this ground between the national aid State govern- Vtc ».ts. Mr.Se&uUk fdia that to his mind there wis a'n inexpiuabie miflery in the condutt ofgentlemen who declared themselves in favor of the af \fumption, and that they confide red it irrelative to the Jubjett of funding the debt, and yet declined giving the reasons on which such an opinion was founded. That he ardently zofhed the gentlemen would condescend to give the explanation their fijtnds requested ; hitherto they h*id myfleri oufly declined to do it. He requefled thai they would bepleafd to remem ber that a very conftderable majority of thoje who are in favor oj the mea- Jure,fuppofed the debts contracled by the States for the support of the war, to be the proper debts oj the United States. Jj this was a well founded opinion thete could not pojjibly exifl a doubt, out they should be added to the lifl which already contained many different species of fecurities — that now was certainly the proper time to determine whether that opinion was jujl or erroneous. Hefurtherobferved thatthis was the proper t me to determine on this fub jefl from another very luportant confideratiOn—-if the State debts are af fumedy alt the sources of revenue without violence or injujhee, will be at the dijpofa! and under the controul of this government. J hat without the ajjumptionyJeizing on those u-hich are necessary to fee tire the mtrrejl of the, State debts, would be in the extreme both violent and unjifl. That a tax. Jor inflance on spirituous liquors zvas for many reajons proper and would be in a great degree productive; that notwithflanding should that article, under the pre lent cncumflances be excised. it would b: putting this govern on a competition, to which he believed it would be found unequal. Mr. Sedgwick further observed that the gentleman Jrom Virginia (Mr. Madison) at a time when he had not the happiness to be prejeut, at the end of eight weeks debate on this fubjczl, during which time he had remained only a silent hearer, had come forward in a speech, which had bet n given to the public, and he was informed with great accuracy— that by means of dfhargmgy immediately afterwards the committee J torn the further const deration of the fubjefl % no answer had been given to it ; that this speech ushjichhe feared was defgned to make an unjair and un due tmprejfion on the public was a performance in his opinion com posed of unfounded jacls % monflrous premises and incovcl five deductions ; that it would well become the magnanimity of the gentleman and tfe par tiality of his friends to permit a full examination[of his argument that it might jujlly be determined haw J*r it deserved the char nil er he had im puted to it. WEDNESDAY, MAY 26. Mr. Gilmfen in forced the House that yesterday the joint committee of both Houses waited on the Preudent of the Uaited States and presented the following bills : An A<ft to prescribe the mode in which the pub lic records, ami judicial proceedings in each State, (hall be authenticated so as to take efFetfl in every other State. An A<sc to provide for mitigating or remitting the forfeitures and .penalties accruing tinder tbe revenue laws in certain cases therein mentioned. An Act to continue in force an Act parted at the last feflion of Congress, entitled an Act to regu late procedes in the Courts of the United States. An A(ft for the government of the territory of the United States, South ofthe river Ohio. A meflage was received from the President of the United States informing the House that he had given his aflent to the two firft of the above A(fts. The other two originated in the Senate. Mr. Page made a motion which was fecondcd by Mr. Parker, that the committee ot the whole be discharged from any further confuleration of the bill respecting the Stale of Rhode-Island, arid added the following observations : Mr.PAG"E. Sir, I rife to move that thecommit teeof the whole be discharged from confiderin" the bill refpetting die State of Rhode Island, which originated in the Senate—and hope that it will by the house be rejected—for I think, as the Con vention of that State is to lit in a few days we should have nothing before Congress which could tend to influence their choice ofthe Constitution under which|they are to live. It peculiarly behoves this House, as Representatives of Republican States, which have always aflerted their rights to judge for themielves in all cases which interest ed them as freemen—which adopted the plan of government after mature deliberation, unbiafled by any such motives as the bill alluded to holds out to Rhode Island 1 I fay it becomes this House therefore to take care that their filler State now about to consider of the propriety of adopting the Constitution, shall be as free to judge for herfelf as was any ot her State in the Union-Should this bill pass, ami fliould Rhode-Island adopt the Con ftitution, (lie will come with so bad a grace into the Union, that (he mull: be afliained when (he en ters it, and the independent Stares must blufli when they receive her—She will be laughed at by the majorities in the other States, an<?defpi fed by the minorities—How fir this may tend to strengthen the Union let those who favor the bill judge. She would be in the situation of a sol dier preft into the service, looked upon as un worthy to be ranged with the volunteers—f u s. peeled of an inclination to desert, till perhaps indeed it may become her interest, like his to do so, and to art vigorouily against those who had mfulted her. Surely Sir, it becomes this House to pity the 3fia 'S norant > who know not the blessings of our New-Government, to forgive the perverse and wicked who oppose it from base principles, and to (hew a generous indulgence to that jeaious, cautious republican Spirit, which in deed we should clierilh and revere. Let rhk House manifeftfuch adifpofition, and I will ven- Rhode .fland will find it her intereftto unite with States poflefling fucli magnanimity—her rights /he will fee can never be violated, and her true interests never can be neglerted; but Sir, if we (hew that we are more anxious to com pleat the numbers of our States than to preserve inviolate the rights of freemen, and the principles of the late glori ous revolution if we are more folicious to rfftri A imuggltng than to extend the benign influence of our New Constitution, through I flan d, as well as through the twelve other States, 470 wliat can tliat State expect from a union States thusdifpofed ? But if v; 6 not only mani. feftly Ihew thisdifpofmon, but alio a malevolence resembling that which Great Britain flawed when (he in her rage to answer her revenge, and ex tend her despotic power over America, flint up the port of Boston, hoping to starve into fubniii fion its virtuous citizens—Must not th« Islanders, like the Boltonians detest the cruel a r tempt, resent it, and by their tefentnienr, may not the consequences be too much like followed in the cafe alluded to ? May tfcey no be applauded by true Republicans thr6iigWa' th world ? May they not be fuppoi ted by the ene mies of our peace ? " Sir, they will take advantage of every circui- Ranee which may afford them an importunity of gratifying their envy or revenge. There is ~e '. haps but one nation upon earth, which wilh's ' fee these Stares fiourilh in peace, and it may no be long before flxe may think that our growing greatness may interfere with hers. Let us therefore run the risk of endangering the and harmony of the United States—Let us i-r even wound the feelings of a filler State—'etui not expose ourselves to the charge of inconf te, - cv, impropriety, raihneis, and cruelty, hue b us to avoid rhofe charges, discharge the committee of the whole, take up the bill in the House and reject it at once—leaving Rhode Island u:\binficil (by any thing Congrefscan do) to adopt or reject the Constitution, as they may think proper If they adopt it the bill will be unne-efiary— !f'-h y Ihould reje<fi it, then let us leave them on a foot, ing with foreigners—they are allies at prefrjv and Should be treated as such. But it is laid o revenue is in danger. Sir, take my advice an I you will make it the interest of Rhode Island i» unirewith us, or at leal! lay her under an highob ligation not to lmuggle ; but go on with the bii! ana you force her to smuggle—nay, perhsps rj be your enemy forever. States in Europe ad joining each other, (hew us, that this bil neceflary. It would be thought madness there, to interdict all commercial intercourse of neigh! boring States, merely with a view to prevent i mugglilvg—lt would 1 bel ie% e too be looked upon as equal to a declaration of war. Sir I lament that this bill has been committed, but if it fliould now be taken up and rejected, it will be doing all that can be done—and will (hew that as soon as the attention of the House was turned to it, a proper regard was (hewn fur the rights of freemen, i his bill is too inconfiftegt with the character the Representatives of thifr States ought to lupport—it has too much the ap. pearance of certain Britirti acts of Parliament, which our conftituerits have execrated. Surely Si«> the Representatives ot M:\flachufetts, aiuil unite with me in opinion, that such a bill AmU not be committed—The Members of States which applauded the glorious spirit of that State in op position to a similar a<£t, who rilked their all in her support, and thereby acquired liberty and immortal honor, will, I trust, vote with me—and surely the States which came late into tlieUnioii ( and such as adopted the Conllitution by a final} majority, will consider that the cafe of Rlvode. Island, might have been their own—Surely even those, if such there be aniongft us, who think that devoted State to be as Britirti Miniftersfaid Ame rica was, a nest of miscreants, will allow that it will be inhuman topunilh the innocent with the guilty. I think therefore that the bill deserves not the (auction of this honfe—that it is impoli tic and unjust—l hopethe committee will be dis charged, and the bill taken up for a third read ing, and rejected, time enough, to leave the Con vention of Rhode-Island free to adopt theCoufti" tution or reject it as they may pleale. Let us consider with what indignation the Con vention of any of the States, which we represent, if about to fit on such an occasion, would have re ceived such an A<t of Congress—would they not have protested against it, as an itifult, and ad journed without deliberating on the favorireCon ftitution Is there a man in this house were he in (uch Convention, who would not agree tofuch protest and adjournment ? But Sir, Tet us confi • <lefi S n bill : If it be intended to induce the State of Rhode Ifl-tnd to come into the Union, I think I have (hewn that it is badly cal culated to answer thatjpurpole—and ifintended so p: event finuggling, I think I have (hewn that it is more likely to produce that evil, than to prevent it. .~ Inot ' oll be agreed to, no inconvenience can arise, but much inifchief may be prevented. I hope therefore that the House will agree with me, that the committee of the whole be dischar ged, and will not leave such a bill hanging over the heads of the people of Rhode-Hland, which nui put them into a situation different from that ° any, other State in the Union when they adopt ed the Constitution—Let it not be said, Sir, I con jure this House, that the confederated Repub lics of America have united upon any otherprin. cip e than that of a free and perfect conviction of the excellence of their federal plan of govern ment—Let it not be said that fear had any (hare in bringing even the fmalleftftate into the Union Let us not treat a filler (late in the very man ner we disdained to be treated by Great Britain.
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