PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FEXNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK [No. 7, of Vol. 11-j TRANSLATED FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. fROM TriE LETDEN GAZETTE Published by Stephen Luzac. TA Paper that is considered in Europe as the most authentic medium of Intelligence—and as such circulates more extensively than any other fi juilar publication.] CONTINUED. COPENHAGEN, 26 Dec. 1789 THE day before yesterday tlie Supreme Tribu nal, whifh reviied the process of the confpi • racy to burn the ftriUiaii and Daniili fleets in our ports, pronounced definitejudgment,by which the Sieur Benzelllierna is condemned to be beheaded. His accomplices, O'Brien, and Shields, to public labor for life. The only hope which at present remains for the unfortunate Swiss officer, is in the King's clemency. ExtraCl of a Utter from Paris, 31 Dec. The Marquis and Marchioness de Favras were apprehended on the night of the 24th and 2Jth. They wereaccufed of letting on foot a plot to af faflinate M. Neckar, the Marquis de la Fayette, and M. Bailly, to fill Paris with armed people, carry off the King, See. On the morning of the 26th, Monfieui the King's brother, had an inter view with the Marquis and M. ,Bailly—in confe tjuence of which it is presumed, that he formed the resolution of addreliing the Commons of Pa ris in perfon,to refute the odious measures impu ted to him. He was received by the Represen tatives and the Saltefies with every mark of ap plause, and placed in an armed chair on the left fide of the Mayor. M. Bailly answered his speech in terms expres sive of the favorable ideas whichthe Commons ol Paris entertained of the Brother of a King, who was the Reflorer of French Liberty, complimented him on his having shewn himfelf as the firlt citi zenof the kingdom, byvotingfur the third estate in thefecond Aflembly of the Notables. He con cluded with offering him, in the name of the As sembly, the tribute of refpeCi and acknowledg ment which were due to his iciuiments—the ho nor of his presence, and more particularly to the value hefet on the esteem of Freemen. M. Bailly's difconrfe was received with the loudest acclamations, and a cry of No pardon .'No pardon for tliofe who had accnfed him in so hei nous a manner, as to aflociate his name with those guilty people. Monsieur however exprefled his desires to pursue lenient measures. M and Ma. dam Favras have been committed prifonei s to the Abby de St. Germain, as guilty of treason againjl the nation. Monsieur not fatisfied with juftifyiii£ linnfeU before the commons of Paris, conceived the mat ter of so serious a nature as to induce him to write a letter to the national Aflembly on the fub jeft, which was read on Monday 20th December, afte'rwhich the Duke de Levis, proposed, that the committe of enquiry of the national Aflembly " should take immediate measures with those of the city of Paris, to report as soon as possible concerning the affairs of M. de Favras, and what they may discover refperting the injurious libel •against Monsieur." M. Alexander de Lamets obl'erved on this motion, " that although Mon sieur was the firfl citizen of the kingdom, like other citizens he was fubjeift to the laws, that the Aflembly ought not to order a particular search warrant for a libel, in his favor, that this matter ought to be referred to the proper tribu nals, that the Chatelet having already taken up the bulinefs, it ought to reft tlieie. M. le Chapei.ier, and the Count de Mirabeau ftmporting the fame principles, the Aflembly de creed that there v>as no necejfity to deliberate on the fubjefi. Previous tothe difcuflion on Monsieur s letter, the Aflembly after a long and animated debate decreed, that the federal provincial States and departments fliould deliver up iill accounts, pa pers and proceedings relative to the administra tion of the feveial departments, to the per ion 8 appointed to succeed them by the national Al fembly.who are to invefligate all accounts for the last ten years ; excepting tliofe of the trea surers and receivers deceased, and alio such ac counts as have been adjudged by the superior <o Afur which it was decreed without much dif ficulty " that in those provinces where the mu nicipal officers poflefs the exercile of juris diction in civil and litigntcd matters, they (hould continue provisionally, the fame functions as heretofore, until the organization of the judicial v powei s. 441 WEDNESDAY, MAT j, 1790 THE BRAVE ENGLISHMAN. LONDON, FEB. 11. MR. NESHEM, the young midftiipman, whole gallantry in saving the life of M. Plan- TAißE,attlie instant when a savage mob were, from the fimilitudeof his face and height to those of a Nobleman of the Aftriflocratic party, hurry ing him to execution, procured the decree of a Civic Crown, and a Sword of the uniform of the National Guard, from the AfTeinbly of the Com mons of Paris, isdailv expe<ftedin England. Ihe Prefidert, in tonimß,*>icating the decree to Mr. Nefhem, addressed him in the following terms : " roUNG STRANGER, " You have merited well of.the capital of the French Empire, in saving a citizen which isilear to it, at the hazard of your own life ! The Aflem bly of the Commons wishes to acquit itlelf of the debt,by prefentingyouwith its acknowledgments. " After the example of Rome, in the days of its glory and liberty, it presents you with a Civic Crown, as the reward of your virtue. " It arms you with the sword of the National Guard, to be the future instrument of your cou rage. Your parents will there read, and not without interest, the infeription of your generous atchievement. " When on your return you shall meet the re gard of your country—you shall fay, that you have seen, on the banks of the Seine, a people brave and long addiifted to frivoli ty —but who now enjoy with pleasure tlieoccafion of recompenftng virtue—You will tell them, that free nations are as brethren—that France and England owe to each other a reciprocal elteem, and that the objecfl mod worthy the ambition of each is—to insure the general happiness of hu manity 1" |C7= We have seen French papers which contain the particulars of the above event—ami we have taken June pains to aftertain them—as y wh le they teflij)' t0 the intrepidty of the gallant EngHjhman —they are flrikingty denionflrable »f the gratitude of our allies : it fee its thai M PlaiHpire had been fcized the tnobj who, mob-like, were hurrying him to the fatal lamp-poji for execution, without a hearing —The Na tional Guards, under the Marquis de laF ay ett e,t vert marching to his rescue : But the cord was tied round his neck, and his body almojt fufpindcd in the air ,when Mr. Nefhem, knowing M. Plantaire's innocence, rushed through the crowd to prevent the execution : He was told that herifqued his life in the attempt—to this he replied, " That he had rather do that, than an innocent man should fuffer' and immedi ately with his sword, cut the halter, jufl above AI. Plantaire's head. Before the mob could again make it Jafl, M. Plantaire was rescued —and thus through the bravery oj a jlranger, preserved to his country, Mafia. Centinel. CHURCHES. Londoh, how magnificent —how populous. London, from the number of its churches, must be the inoft religious city in the world—yet the churches of London are seldom full—generally empty —For, in London, religton is a trade car ried on by gospel-managers, in golpel-fhops. — One, two, three, —hundred methodist meeting houses, in each of which the Preacher goes upon this text, " lam the way What, is there but one way to heaven .' O, many ways—in London, there are as many ways pointed out for a man s foul, to journey towards heaven, as towards the opposite point—and each has its Overseers. You may goto heaven by the uew light, or the old light; thro the Moravian half-penny hatch— the Mugeletotiian foot-path—the turn-stiles ofmetho difm, or a hundred other ways, laid down in the geography of the different preachers but then each ofthefe ways has its parallel, that kads to a different climate. LEYDEN, [ United Provinces.'] fib. 16. By letter! from New York, of so late a date as Bth Jan. last, we are informed, that on that very day, the Congress of the United State, of America met for the ad time since the adoption of the New Conftitution,to which even Nonh-Carolina had.lately acce ded On the solemn occasion, the illuftnous WASHINGTON opened the feflions by deliver.ng a speech full of congratulations and exhortations, ab/olutely on the model of those delivered in Parliament by the King of England, with the following difference only in the way of dressing. \ Co-citizens of the Senate,and, oj the House of RefreJentaUves.&c. id. —Gentlemen of the House of Reprcfintattves, £Sc, od —Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of ReprefentaUves, " I have directed the proper officers to lay before you the pa pers and estimates," &c. - Thu-weobferve, to (hew not only that very little is wanting to Mi. WASHINGTON to be something like « King; butthatlet the fiift niagiilratcof any country bear the title that fancy may ap &us° propriate to him, the time is at hand when all European govern ments mud be modelled upon those of old and New-England : Mankind will hear no more of absolute Monarchy. The King ot [he French has given up the offenfive motto, God and my sword ; all the Potentates are aware of the neceflity of following the wife example : They are only anxious how to meet the wish of the people with something like good gtace. CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 31. The proportion for affami'ig tie State debts under cmfideratiotl. MR. SMITH (S. C.) replied to Mr. Williamfon, he said he was not afraid of the assumption business loling ground by a reconsideration. He was sorry tohear that North-Carolina would be defrauded of half a million by the measure, but he believed there was more probability of a fraud being committed, it no as sumption was jo take place. Part of the gentleman's reasoning, said Mr. Smith goes more in favor of the meafurs than againd it; and the remainder of his arguments are not difficult to refute. The gentleman has observed that it was imprudent to add to the debt, which was already a large one, by the assumption ; that the amount of the date debts was uncertain, and that a dooi'was dill to be opened to encreafe them : It is not adding to a debt, Mr. Smith said, to acknowledge those we owe, and we have al ready resolved that Congress owes these debts which have been improperly called date debts, because they were Incurred for ge neral purposes ; it is not a wanton a£t, but an honed avowal, that these debts ought to be paid by the union—their aflual amount is immaterial if they are due. Has not the house declared they will fund the domed'ic debt, and is that all liquidated ? There are eighty millions of continental bills Hill unsettled, a man cannot refufe paying a just debt because he is notacquainted with the pre cise amount of all his debts; no door is opened to new claims from individuals, but only a permifllon to the states to bring for J ward tbeir claims, this will not encreafe the amount of the (late debts, for they are already liqui<J«ted by the several states, it will only affect the final fettlemcnt between the states and the United States. The fame member has said, that North-Carolina owes to her citizens a large debt, amounting <o several millions which she has assumed, and which Congress ought to pay, and he addu cesthat as an argument against the assumption, when in fa& it is the strongest reason he could have offered to shew its justice and propriety; lor it would be the height of injustice to burden that state with the payment of a large sum which (he does nAt owe ; but if the measure is wrong, he would vote against it, although it should be for the intercft of North-Carolina. In this the gentle man was to be commended ; but the committee of the whole, af ter fair difcuflion, had declared the measure to be right; if it was right when that vote was taken, an adventitious circutnflance could not make it wrong. Suppose North-Carolina had not ac ceded, then the measure would have been declared a right one by a decided majority ; its accession cannot make it a wrong one, especially when it is so obvious that it will befor her mtereft. We are cautioned against the imprudence of undertaking what we cannot pay ; but either the state debts are to be paid, or they* are not. If they are never to be paid, I give up the argument; iftheyareto be paid, and that is admitted on all fides, then lam clear it will be moreeafy for Congress to pay them than the dates* it will require less money to be levied on the people. The resour ces are the fame, whether they are paid by the one or the other; but the collection will b« moie simple and economical in the out cafe than in the other. The only qucftion is, whether these re fourcei (hall flow into the pockets of the creditors through one channel or through thirteen. The Secretary of the Treafufy ha» allured us he has ample funds for the purpose, and others in re- » serve, without laying a land-tax; his calculations have been ques tioned, but as he is a responsible officer, who has undoubtedly contemplated the fubjefl with attention, and whose reputation is in some measure pledged for the accuracy of his reports, I am in clined to give credit to them, until I hear them refuted, from his calculations it is evident, that the state debts may be funded with the greatest ease by the union, ani with infinitely more ad vantage to the people in general than by the several dates. To prove our inability, we have been told, that the inhabitants of France who reside in Paris, contribute each 64 livres annually, and those who dwell in the country 19 livres, to the government. Apply this to the citizcns of the United States, and what will be ttiercfalC: Suppose 200,000 inhabitants dwelling in towns, pay ing annually 64 livres, or fourteen dollars, this would furniflith6 sum of 2,800,000 dollars; And suppose 2,800,000 inhabitants re siding in the country, paying nineteen livres, or three and an half dollars, this would give 9,800,000 dollars, making together the aggregate sum of 12,600,000 dollars; but the sum required for the interest on the debt, including those of the several states and the civil lift, is only 3,840,000 dollars, leaving a surplus re venue of 8,760,000 dollars. Thus the instance which the gentle man cites, to prove the inadequacy of our resources, has a direct contrary effect, and if applicable contradi&s his own assertions. It is said that the impost will be inadequate to the purpose, and is uncertain, and that a poll and land tax, which may be collett ed with greater certainty, are to be deprecated, because they would be odious to the people. I adroit that if the state creditors are excluded from the benefits of the impost, it will be ineffici ent even to discharge the interest on the continental debt, because the obftruttions which will be thrown in its way by the state le gislatures in funding the state debts, and the facility which will be given to smuggling by the injured state creditors, will conside rably reduce the avails of the impost which may be laid for that purpose ; but if the state creditors who are considerably more numerous than the other class are included in the provision, they will have an interest in supporting the due colle&ioe of the re venue, and the general popularity of the impost will ensure its operation. If the citizens of North-Carolina deprecate a dire& tax, they will find their advantage in the aflfumption ; for if they are left to fund their own debts, they must resort to dire6l taxes they are deprived of the impost althogether ; little or no Revenue can be drawn from a state cxcifer-they must therefore raise all their supplies by a direfb tax. One orother of thefeconfequences must therefore ensue ; either that state must distress her citizens an nually byimpofmg an enormous direst tax payable in good money, or she must defraud her creditors by paying them off in a depre ciated paper. —These are hard alternatives, but they are the in evitable fconfequencea of a non-aflumption. The member from that state has said that her citizens, though numerous, are not wealthy. This is another reason, in my judge ment, why the aflumption would be advantageous to them ; for citizens who are not wealthy, contribute less to the revenue by impost than by direst taxes. A poor man pays as much by a poll tax as a rice man ; but each individual pays by an impost only in [Whole No. in.]
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