PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FEXNO, No. 41, BROAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK
[No. 7, of Vol. 11-j
TRANSLATED
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
fROM TriE LETDEN GAZETTE
Published by Stephen Luzac.
TA Paper that is considered in Europe as the most
authentic medium of Intelligence—and as such
circulates more extensively than any other fi
juilar publication.]
CONTINUED.
COPENHAGEN, 26 Dec. 1789
THE day before yesterday tlie Supreme Tribu
nal, whifh reviied the process of the confpi •
racy to burn the ftriUiaii and Daniili fleets in our
ports, pronounced definitejudgment,by which the
Sieur Benzelllierna is condemned to be beheaded.
His accomplices, O'Brien, and Shields, to public
labor for life. The only hope which at present
remains for the unfortunate Swiss officer, is in the
King's clemency.
ExtraCl of a Utter from Paris, 31 Dec.
The Marquis and Marchioness de Favras were
apprehended on the night of the 24th and 2Jth.
They wereaccufed of letting on foot a plot to af
faflinate M. Neckar, the Marquis de la Fayette,
and M. Bailly, to fill Paris with armed people,
carry off the King, See. On the morning of the
26th, Monfieui the King's brother, had an inter
view with the Marquis and M. ,Bailly—in confe
tjuence of which it is presumed, that he formed
the resolution of addreliing the Commons of Pa
ris in perfon,to refute the odious measures impu
ted to him. He was received by the Represen
tatives and the Saltefies with every mark of ap
plause, and placed in an armed chair on the left
fide of the Mayor.
M. Bailly answered his speech in terms expres
sive of the favorable ideas whichthe Commons ol
Paris entertained of the Brother of a King, who
was the Reflorer of French Liberty, complimented
him on his having shewn himfelf as the firlt citi
zenof the kingdom, byvotingfur the third estate
in thefecond Aflembly of the Notables. He con
cluded with offering him, in the name of the As
sembly, the tribute of refpeCi and acknowledg
ment which were due to his iciuiments—the ho
nor of his presence, and more particularly to the
value hefet on the esteem of Freemen.
M. Bailly's difconrfe was received with the
loudest acclamations, and a cry of No pardon .'No
pardon for tliofe who had accnfed him in so hei
nous a manner, as to aflociate his name with those
guilty people. Monsieur however exprefled his
desires to pursue lenient measures. M and Ma.
dam Favras have been committed prifonei s to the
Abby de St. Germain, as guilty of treason againjl
the nation.
Monsieur not fatisfied with juftifyiii£ linnfeU
before the commons of Paris, conceived the mat
ter of so serious a nature as to induce him to
write a letter to the national Aflembly on the fub
jeft, which was read on Monday 20th December,
afte'rwhich the Duke de Levis, proposed, that
the committe of enquiry of the national Aflembly
" should take immediate measures with those of
the city of Paris, to report as soon as possible
concerning the affairs of M. de Favras, and what
they may discover refperting the injurious libel
•against Monsieur." M. Alexander de Lamets
obl'erved on this motion, " that although Mon
sieur was the firfl citizen of the kingdom, like
other citizens he was fubjeift to the laws, that
the Aflembly ought not to order a particular
search warrant for a libel, in his favor, that this
matter ought to be referred to the proper tribu
nals, that the Chatelet having already taken
up the bulinefs, it ought to reft tlieie. M.
le Chapei.ier, and the Count de Mirabeau
ftmporting the fame principles, the Aflembly de
creed that there v>as no necejfity to deliberate on the
fubjefi.
Previous tothe difcuflion on Monsieur s letter,
the Aflembly after a long and animated debate
decreed, that the federal provincial States and
departments fliould deliver up iill accounts, pa
pers and proceedings relative to the administra
tion of the feveial departments, to the per ion 8
appointed to succeed them by the national Al
fembly.who are to invefligate all accounts for
the last ten years ; excepting tliofe of the trea
surers and receivers deceased, and alio such ac
counts as have been adjudged by the superior
<o Afur which it was decreed without much dif
ficulty " that in those provinces where the mu
nicipal officers poflefs the exercile of juris diction
in civil and litigntcd matters, they (hould continue
provisionally, the fame functions as heretofore,
until the organization of the judicial v powei s.
441
WEDNESDAY, MAT j, 1790
THE BRAVE ENGLISHMAN.
LONDON, FEB. 11.
MR. NESHEM, the young midftiipman, whole
gallantry in saving the life of M. Plan-
TAißE,attlie instant when a savage mob were,
from the fimilitudeof his face and height to those
of a Nobleman of the Aftriflocratic party, hurry
ing him to execution, procured the decree of a
Civic Crown, and a Sword of the uniform of the
National Guard, from the AfTeinbly of the Com
mons of Paris, isdailv expe<ftedin England. Ihe
Prefidert, in tonimß,*>icating the decree to Mr.
Nefhem, addressed him in the following terms :
" roUNG STRANGER,
" You have merited well of.the capital of the
French Empire, in saving a citizen which isilear
to it, at the hazard of your own life ! The Aflem
bly of the Commons wishes to acquit itlelf of the
debt,by prefentingyouwith its acknowledgments.
" After the example of Rome, in the days of
its glory and liberty, it presents you with a Civic
Crown, as the reward of your virtue.
" It arms you with the sword of the National
Guard, to be the future instrument of your cou
rage. Your parents will there read, and not
without interest, the infeription of your generous
atchievement.
" When on your return you shall meet the re
gard of your country—you shall fay, that you
have seen, on the banks of the Seine, a people
brave and long addiifted to frivoli
ty —but who now enjoy with pleasure tlieoccafion
of recompenftng virtue—You will tell them, that
free nations are as brethren—that France and
England owe to each other a reciprocal elteem,
and that the objecfl mod worthy the ambition of
each is—to insure the general happiness of hu
manity 1"
|C7= We have seen French papers which contain
the particulars of the above event—ami we have taken
June pains to aftertain them—as y wh le they teflij)' t0
the intrepidty of the gallant EngHjhman —they are
flrikingty denionflrable »f the gratitude of our allies :
it fee its thai M PlaiHpire had been fcized the
tnobj who, mob-like, were hurrying him to the fatal
lamp-poji for execution, without a hearing —The Na
tional Guards, under the Marquis de laF ay ett e,t vert
marching to his rescue : But the cord was tied round
his neck, and his body almojt fufpindcd in the air ,when
Mr. Nefhem, knowing M. Plantaire's innocence,
rushed through the crowd to prevent the execution : He
was told that herifqued his life in the attempt—to this
he replied, " That he had rather do that, than
an innocent man should fuffer' and immedi
ately with his sword, cut the halter, jufl above AI.
Plantaire's head. Before the mob could again
make it Jafl, M. Plantaire was rescued —and thus
through the bravery oj a jlranger, preserved to his
country, Mafia. Centinel.
CHURCHES.
Londoh, how magnificent —how populous.
London, from the number of its churches, must
be the inoft religious city in the world—yet the
churches of London are seldom full—generally
empty —For, in London, religton is a trade car
ried on by gospel-managers, in golpel-fhops. —
One, two, three, —hundred methodist meeting
houses, in each of which the Preacher goes upon
this text, " lam the way What, is there but
one way to heaven .' O, many ways—in London,
there are as many ways pointed out for a man s
foul, to journey towards heaven, as towards the
opposite point—and each has its Overseers.
You may goto heaven by the uew light, or the
old light; thro the Moravian half-penny hatch— the
Mugeletotiian foot-path—the turn-stiles ofmetho
difm, or a hundred other ways, laid down in the
geography of the different preachers but then
each ofthefe ways has its parallel, that kads to
a different climate.
LEYDEN, [ United Provinces.'] fib. 16.
By letter! from New York, of so late a date as Bth Jan. last, we
are informed, that on that very day, the Congress of the United
State, of America met for the ad time since the adoption of the
New Conftitution,to which even Nonh-Carolina had.lately acce
ded On the solemn occasion, the illuftnous WASHINGTON
opened the feflions by deliver.ng a speech full of congratulations
and exhortations, ab/olutely on the model of those delivered in
Parliament by the King of England, with the following difference
only in the way of dressing.
\ Co-citizens of the Senate,and, oj the House of RefreJentaUves.&c.
id. —Gentlemen of the House of Reprcfintattves, £Sc,
od —Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of ReprefentaUves,
" I have directed the proper officers to lay before you the pa
pers and estimates," &c. -
Thu-weobferve, to (hew not only that very little is wanting to
Mi. WASHINGTON to be something like « King; butthatlet
the fiift niagiilratcof any country bear the title that fancy may ap
&us°
propriate to him, the time is at hand when all European govern
ments mud be modelled upon those of old and New-England :
Mankind will hear no more of absolute Monarchy. The King ot
[he French has given up the offenfive motto, God and my
sword ; all the Potentates are aware of the neceflity of following
the wife example : They are only anxious how to meet the wish
of the people with something like good gtace.
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 31.
The proportion for affami'ig tie State debts under cmfideratiotl.
MR. SMITH (S. C.) replied to Mr. Williamfon, he said he
was not afraid of the assumption business loling ground by
a reconsideration. He was sorry tohear that North-Carolina would
be defrauded of half a million by the measure, but he believed
there was more probability of a fraud being committed, it no as
sumption was jo take place. Part of the gentleman's reasoning,
said Mr. Smith goes more in favor of the meafurs than againd it;
and the remainder of his arguments are not difficult to refute.
The gentleman has observed that it was imprudent to add to
the debt, which was already a large one, by the assumption ; that
the amount of the date debts was uncertain, and that a dooi'was
dill to be opened to encreafe them : It is not adding to a debt,
Mr. Smith said, to acknowledge those we owe, and we have al
ready resolved that Congress owes these debts which have been
improperly called date debts, because they were Incurred for ge
neral purposes ; it is not a wanton a£t, but an honed avowal, that
these debts ought to be paid by the union—their aflual amount is
immaterial if they are due. Has not the house declared they will
fund the domed'ic debt, and is that all liquidated ? There are
eighty millions of continental bills Hill unsettled, a man cannot
refufe paying a just debt because he is notacquainted with the pre
cise amount of all his debts; no door is opened to new claims
from individuals, but only a permifllon to the states to bring for J
ward tbeir claims, this will not encreafe the amount of the (late
debts, for they are already liqui<J«ted by the several states, it will
only affect the final fettlemcnt between the states and the United
States. The fame member has said, that North-Carolina owes
to her citizens a large debt, amounting <o several millions which
she has assumed, and which Congress ought to pay, and he addu
cesthat as an argument against the assumption, when in fa& it is
the strongest reason he could have offered to shew its justice and
propriety; lor it would be the height of injustice to burden that
state with the payment of a large sum which (he does nAt owe ;
but if the measure is wrong, he would vote against it, although it
should be for the intercft of North-Carolina. In this the gentle
man was to be commended ; but the committee of the whole, af
ter fair difcuflion, had declared the measure to be right; if it was
right when that vote was taken, an adventitious circutnflance
could not make it wrong. Suppose North-Carolina had not ac
ceded, then the measure would have been declared a right one by
a decided majority ; its accession cannot make it a wrong one,
especially when it is so obvious that it will befor her mtereft.
We are cautioned against the imprudence of undertaking what
we cannot pay ; but either the state debts are to be paid, or they*
are not. If they are never to be paid, I give up the argument;
iftheyareto be paid, and that is admitted on all fides, then lam
clear it will be moreeafy for Congress to pay them than the dates*
it will require less money to be levied on the people. The resour
ces are the fame, whether they are paid by the one or the other;
but the collection will b« moie simple and economical in the out
cafe than in the other. The only qucftion is, whether these re
fourcei (hall flow into the pockets of the creditors through one
channel or through thirteen. The Secretary of the Treafufy ha»
allured us he has ample funds for the purpose, and others in re- »
serve, without laying a land-tax; his calculations have been ques
tioned, but as he is a responsible officer, who has undoubtedly
contemplated the fubjefl with attention, and whose reputation is
in some measure pledged for the accuracy of his reports, I am in
clined to give credit to them, until I hear them refuted, from
his calculations it is evident, that the state debts may be funded
with the greatest ease by the union, ani with infinitely more ad
vantage to the people in general than by the several dates. To
prove our inability, we have been told, that the inhabitants of
France who reside in Paris, contribute each 64 livres annually,
and those who dwell in the country 19 livres, to the government.
Apply this to the citizcns of the United States, and what will be
ttiercfalC: Suppose 200,000 inhabitants dwelling in towns, pay
ing annually 64 livres, or fourteen dollars, this would furniflith6
sum of 2,800,000 dollars; And suppose 2,800,000 inhabitants re
siding in the country, paying nineteen livres, or three and an
half dollars, this would give 9,800,000 dollars, making together
the aggregate sum of 12,600,000 dollars; but the sum required
for the interest on the debt, including those of the several states
and the civil lift, is only 3,840,000 dollars, leaving a surplus re
venue of 8,760,000 dollars. Thus the instance which the gentle
man cites, to prove the inadequacy of our resources, has a direct
contrary effect, and if applicable contradi&s his own assertions.
It is said that the impost will be inadequate to the purpose, and
is uncertain, and that a poll and land tax, which may be collett
ed with greater certainty, are to be deprecated, because they
would be odious to the people. I adroit that if the state creditors
are excluded from the benefits of the impost, it will be ineffici
ent even to discharge the interest on the continental debt, because
the obftruttions which will be thrown in its way by the state le
gislatures in funding the state debts, and the facility which will
be given to smuggling by the injured state creditors, will conside
rably reduce the avails of the impost which may be laid for that
purpose ; but if the state creditors who are considerably more
numerous than the other class are included in the provision, they
will have an interest in supporting the due colle&ioe of the re
venue, and the general popularity of the impost will ensure its
operation. If the citizens of North-Carolina deprecate a dire&
tax, they will find their advantage in the aflfumption ; for if they
are left to fund their own debts, they must resort to dire6l taxes
they are deprived of the impost althogether ; little or no Revenue
can be drawn from a state cxcifer-they must therefore raise all
their supplies by a direfb tax. One orother of thefeconfequences
must therefore ensue ; either that state must distress her citizens an
nually byimpofmg an enormous direst tax payable in good money,
or she must defraud her creditors by paying them off in a depre
ciated paper. —These are hard alternatives, but they are the in
evitable fconfequencea of a non-aflumption.
The member from that state has said that her citizens, though
numerous, are not wealthy. This is another reason, in my judge
ment, why the aflumption would be advantageous to them ; for
citizens who are not wealthy, contribute less to the revenue by
impost than by direst taxes. A poor man pays as much by a poll
tax as a rice man ; but each individual pays by an impost only in
[Whole No. in.]