[No. XCVII.] THE TABLET No. XCVII " D sceit difcovtrs a little mind, -which flops at tem porary expedients without rising to tomprehenflve views oj conduß." WE often meet with persons who wilh to pals themselves off upon the world, forfome thing different from what they really are. Per haps there are few people who, in all situations, are contented to be viewed in their true colors. Deception, however, will sooner or later betray itfelf ; and 110 mask can be specious enough to prevent the characters of men from being ulti mately tried by a genuine standard. Low cun ping may tempt men into artifices that produce iome temporary advantages ; but such people soon finifh their career of fame and influence. A of mere cunning takes but a narrow view of the causes that lead to real prosperity. He ima gines he has an acute discernment, and commen ces his plans of intrigue with alluring hopes of success. But fortunately for mankind, it gener ally happens, that before he has done hitnfelf much good, or others much hurt, he is entangled jn a web of his own weaving. There is a strange propensity in men to occu py a respectable ftatiou in lite, in some easier way, than by deserving it. l"o rife gradually into dif tinftion by regular steps of merit, does not com port with the ardor and impatience of an enter prising spirit. It is presumed by ambitious men that ri more expeditious mode may be adopted, qrid that they may accelerate their object by putting on fallacious appearances. His head mult be weak, who does not forefee the effect of such disguise ; ajid his heart must be perverse, who does no! detest the practice of it. When a per son, on his firft setting out in life, aflumes a falfe character, it is a proof, either, that he has not confidence iji his real one, or that he has a native predilection for duplicity. Candor and sincer ity arc the only fafe ground, on which any one can tread, who means topreferve the refpetft and good will ot his fellowmen. He may, to be sure cap tivate attention, and even gain some confidence and esteem by an artificial glare of conduct. But I appeal to the experience of every pcrfon who ever tried to promote his views, by tricks of cun ning, and language of insincerity, whether he did not find that the end of all his efforts was disqui etude and disgrace. No prudent man would ven ture, 3nd no honorable man would wifli a repu tation so degrading and precarious. Itisimpolnblein thenatureof things,that there should not be a want of cqnfiftency in the acftions of a man, whej commences his course in fallhood. There are perplexities unavoidably attending every departure from truth, which will expose men, in ipite of the moll artful coloring, with which traulacftions of deceit can be glofleci. The moment a man relinquiflies truth and fair-dealing as a guide, he has nothing certain to direct his steps. Fof, when he is reduced to a Ibift, that re quires a disavowal of his real motives, he must soon fall into contradictions. There is not dex terity enough in the faculties of the most saga cious man, to pursue a long course of duplicity, undifcoveted. It is true some dark, mysterious men retain through life a considerable degree of influence* But it should be remembered these are generally a paflive kind of characters, who rather may be said, not to acft, at all, than to act infiiicerejv. They learn, by concealing their ac tual defects, a prudent line of demeanor that is a substitute for valuable qualifications. This ne gative reputation can be no desirable object for a of vigor and enterprize. Thole who are ambitious to make a respectable figure ii| society, and take an active part in the momentous affairs of the world, lhould have too much spirit to be fatisfied with a negative cha racter, and too much honesty to wear a disguised one. They must riot Ihrink from that fcru'.iny which exhjbitstheir qualities intjieir most natur al fjiades. If they will bear the examination of 'trufhand reason, there is no danger but they will ultimately rife into diftinguilhed notice. A man destitute of intrinsic worth, can not know himfelf too soon ; for if he is destined to move in the in ferior walks of life, it can be no consolation to him that he had artfully or accidentally reached a confpicuoys station, which was beyond the lphere of his merit. I cannot close this number better than by presenting the reader with an ex trad: front an elegant author, whose remarks on this fubjecft are fpriglnly a,nd pertinent. " That darkness of charaifter, where we can f4 fee no li^art—thofe foldings of art through PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYSIV^ — UAYS BY 3° m fENNO, No. 9l MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK, WEDNESDAY, MARCH, 17, , 790 . which no native affedlion is allowed to pene u ' rate ».,P r^f en t an objedt unamiablc in every fea <t if" ° 'ut Particularly odious in youth.— it at an age when the heart is warm, when the << en '? tl ° ns are strong, and where nature is ex u P e , e „t° fliew itfelf free and open, we canal it rj y. e deceive, what is to be expe<ft i( e > w hen we shall be longer hackneyed in the n a y s me J l , when interest shall have com- pieted the obduracy of our hearts, and exper lence fliall have improved us in all the arts of guile I" ADDRESSof the SOCIETY of the CINCINNATI in the State of SOUTH-CAROLINA. VOTEP NOVEMBER 17, 1780. To GEORGE WASHINGTON, Prudent oj United States. u 1 A, POSSESSED of every feeling that can ast on grateful hearts, A the Society of the Cincinnati eftablifiied in the State of South- Carolma, beg leave to congratulate you on the happy occasion which has once again placed you in a situation of rendering gene ral good to their country. Retired from the buly scenes of life, to reap the rewards of your virtuous atts, and to enjoy the glory you had already obtained, your lellow-citizens received you with exulting happiness ; they law in you thcpatriot-hcro,the friend and saviour of their country • and with hearts filled with gratitude and affeflion, they invoked the Allwife-Dilpofer of human events to render that retirement happy. The period, however, arrived when the abilities of the virtuous patriot were again to be called forth to assume a public charattcr. A general political government was formed, by which the hap piness of the country for whose liberty you had fought, was now to be eftabli thed. To preside at the head of this new government, to eltablifh it with permanency, the people fought, in the Great Wajhingtm, the virtues on which they could rely with fafety, and from which they might expefl to receive every benefit without al loy. They had experienced his abilities, they had experienced his integrity and his inviolable love for his country. Nor did they seek in vain. The fame noble spirit which actuated you at the beginning of our late contest with Great-Britain,now operated. —You received and obeyed the summons; and although you should make a facrifice, yet you nobly determined—lt was the voice of your country, in whofefervice every inferior consideration of cafe and retirement must give place. As citizcns, we congratulate you, Sir, on this additional proof of your country's confidence. As soldiers who partook with you in mapy of the dangers and hardships which attended the general army under your command, we beg leave to i:xprefs our warmest attachment to your person, and fincereft wi(h for your happiness and honor ; and that we may, under your rule, supported by your amiable virtues, happily experience and long enjoy the fruits of of a government which nas for its bafts, the GOOD of the PEO PLE of AMERICA. By order of the Society, (Signed) WILLIAM MOULTRIE, Prejidcnt. The PRESIDENT'S ANSWER. To the STATE SOCIETY of the CINCINNATI in South-Carolina, GENTLEMEN, FROM a convittion that the dispositions of the society of the Cincinnati eflablifhed in the State of South-Carolina are peculiarly friendly to me, I cannot receive their congratulations on the occasion which gave birth to their address, without emotions of peculiar fatisJaQion. The interejl that my fellow-citizens so kindly took in the happinef which they Jaw me enjoy in my retirement after the war, is rather to be attributed ta their great partiality in my favor, than to any singular title I had to their gratitude and ajfcaion. Notwithflanding I was conscious that my abilities had been too highly appreciated : yet I felt, that, whatever they were, my country had a jujl claim upon me, whenever the exercise of them should be deemed con ducive to its welfare. With such feelings, I could not refujeto obey that voice which 1 had always been accuflomed to rejpefl, nor hesitate to forego a rofohition which I had formed of passing the remainder of my days in retirement. Andfo far am I from having reason to repent of the decided measure 1 took, in thecrijis of organizing a new general government, that I ought rather, perhaps, to felicitate ihyfjtf upon having met the wishes, and experienced the afjijlance of a patriotic and enlightened people, in my arduous undertaking. Always fatisfcd that I jhould be supported in the adminiflration of my office, by the friends of good government in general, 1 counted upon the favorable sentiment and condufl of the officers of the late army in par ticular. Nor has my expettation been deceived. As they were formerly diflingufhed by their eminent fortitude and patriotism in their military I'fervice, during the mojl trying occajions, so are thefame men now, min gled in the mass of citizens, conspicuous for a difinterejied love of order, and a jealous attention to the preservation of the rights of mankind. Nor I is it conceivable that any members of the community should be more wor ' of the enjoyment of liberty, or more zealous to perpetuate its duration, ; than those who have so nobly and so fuccefsfully defended its flandara in | the new world. I Jincere/j thank you, Gentlemen, for your expression of attachment to m y P cr f<> n i an d vvifh for my happiness and honor. On my part, I only dare to engage, itjhall he my incejfant fludy, that you may happily ex perience and long enjoy the fruits of a government, which has for its 1 bafts the good jof the American people. G. WASHINGTON. CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. THURSDAY, FEB. 2j, 1790. IN Committee of the whole House—The proposition foraffum ing the State Debts and the amendments proposed thereto by Mr. White, being under confederation. (continued.) Mr. Gerry in a speech of some length, combated the prin ciple on which the motion was founded—it contemplated, he fiid, the debts in question as the debts of the states, while in fafi they were the debts of the United States; for the states had con t rafted the debts as agents of the union—and it was well known, that a debt ccntrattcd by an agent was as binding on, as though it had been done by the principal; it being an eftabliflied max im, " qui facit per alium facit per fe," there can be no diftin&ion in equity then between a debt contracted by Congress, its quartei maftcrs, or other purchasing officers, and by a state employed by Congress; the creditors in each cafe being the creditors of the uni on. Mr. Gerry said, he had before dated, that the firft armv, although federal, was raised, supplied and paid by the. Hates, till lit was commanded by continental officers—that the states, on the £>HU$. PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN pav of'thr " n k Ul j' S r had made S°<?d 'he depreciation of the at the fr '<J ut "n'ly fupplicd and recruited it, had taking i, c g ' 3,rumcd - the debts of the union, bv caving iL CC n £ Ca u S r° P" made by federal officers by the federal debt, and by various other modes, ed to the a cnn, yj van >a) if he was not mifmformed, had ailum her ri , "i ° fivC m ' llion dolla,s ° f ,h <-' federal debt due to then are = nd ,P lac^. th « sum on the date funds. As the Hates paid bv th, IT '1% C ' r ? ltlze,>s ' oughtnof these in equity to be the n ,L n , j , ta ' es ' for P ro P en y tllU ' Applied them ? When the M . d " K ' the laltCrhad »" 'he resources oF taxation" f 7u , th ' ,mpo ''' exciff - a »d sole right of duett thev rnnM'though Congress had the power of taxing states, from t° g ° n " fanh 1 er ' and that power could not be excrcifed drr a no" C T"' °/ a , rul = of apportionment required by the confe oronrr, ca ? 'he states could not form an estimate of their property as required by that compact : It mult therefore be evi on ln!il entrusted 'he states with fuppHes for the uni lut'ion » C /" am state refourccs ' and fa y the late revo ' ,n thc °f government, these resources are by the uni. on in part alienated from the states to the fedetal government ' IC '' ! s the cafe ot the impost ; and as Congress are now extend thfft | ,f taxa,,on > to another part, the excise, on which resources 7 cd,tors P»ncipally depended, Congress are bound in .rIA V" . < ? U " y to P rovide f or the payment of these debts con. tatted, attherequeft and for the benefit of the United Stales. 1 hey are bona fide debts of the union, and only differ from the j debt "> theform of the negociation; perhaps it may Be laid, that the creditors having considered the states asdeb -100, have no legal claim against the Uniied States. But should „ ."1" a 3 " P^ n *" C ' l an un j u ft an d ungenerous principle, would not the state creditors have reason to consider the whole as a state trick, or juggle to defraud them of their dues? And would thev ever after rely on the faith of Congress? There can be no good realon then for the afTertion, that the states can only be creditors or in other words, that their debts can be only alTumed, accord "f ! he Proportions of the balances that may be due to them retpeflively on a final liquidation. Mr. Gerry said, thc gentle man White) had observed, that by adopting thc firft amend ment we should again open the door for state claims ; that if it mould[remain shut, perhaps some fnjuftice would take place, but it the doors should again be opened, there A-ould be great uneafi n among some of the states. I n answer to this Mr. Gerry con ceived, that the states considered justice as the basis of their system ot policy, and would never be opposed to a measure that would prevent injustice. If however, he was mistaken in this point; if i le foundations of the state and federal governments were not laid in juiticr, he thought their career would be but thort; but he had no apprehenhons of this kind. He observed, that Mr. White had said, in cafe of an adempti on, lome fta[e creditors may accede to it, and others not; that of the latter number would probably be the citizens of Virginia, in which cafc (he must pay herown creditors, and contribute to the payment of the debts assumed by the union. But where is the difficulty, fay, Mr Gerry, in this cafe? Congrcfs, considering the Itate creditors of Virginia ascreditors of the union, will pro- Vide for them as for other federal creditors. And it will make no difference to the creditors, to the (late, or to Congress, whether the latter pays the inttreft to the state, and the state to the credi tors, or whether Congress pays it direflly to the creditors. This seems too clear to be denied. The gentleman has said, if the debts are assumed, Congress will fund, but not discharge them ; whereas the dates will'do both. How, fays Mr. Gerry, does it appear that Congress will be less dupofed than the states, to pay off the public debt ? The secretary in his report has an eye to a finking fund ; and there is no doubt of every exertion on the part of the uaion, to difchargc the debt. True it is, the states, with the impost and excise, have made fomc progress in this buftnefs ; but deprived of those resources, there will be less profpeft of the debts being paid by the states, than by the United States* The debts of the states will now accumulate, as the federal debt did Whilst the states had those refourccs. The gentleman fays, that if all the revenue from impost and eX cise 1] thrown into our hands, it will not be adequate, and we must resort to direa taxes, which would meet the disapprobation of all the States. But in answer to this, Mr. Gerry observed. that we have but little experience of the avails of the impost, and none of the excise, and can therefore form no judgment how far they are capable of improvement. One thing we know, that the im post is greatly injured by the State administration of cxcife, and we also know that the latter is eluded in a great meafureineach State; f<* that under the federal administration of impost and excise, both would probably be much increased* Mr. Gerry then mentioned the defalcations of eJccife • that the colleflion of it was generally supposed in Mafiachufetts, not to exceed 25 per cent, of what ought to be the amount,and liated the manner in which the payment of it was eluded. It is impoflible, therefore, fays he, at this time to determine whether those resour ces are or are not equal to the funds required. But suppose they are not, how does it appearthat the States will be uneasy at direst taxation, if it is necelTary to support public credit ? I consider public credit as. tile main pillar of the government. If it is well established it will be more valuable than the mines of Peru ; for it will command what resources you may want—and those can do no more : it will also command the confidence and attachment of: your bed citizens, which will be infinitely more valuable—will strengthen ) our government, and make it: mmoveable. A govern ment founded in juflice is so great a bleflirtg as that enlightened citizens, like those of the United States, will not only contribute then property, but will risk every thing in support of such a go vernment. Mines may enable a government to procure an army of mercenaries but the power of these is not to he compared with that of good citizens, a£ling from principled It cannot therefore be doubted, that if dire& taxes are necelTary to pay the just debtj of the Union, and to support its credit, the citizens will submit to it. Ifwe refer to the propositions of the States for amending th<* constitution, there is nothing in them that juftifies the contrary fuppofnion ; but I shall be always opposed to dire£l taxes till it (hall appear that they are indifpenfibly neceflary. The gentleman supposes that the assumption will leHen the in fluence of the States and elevate the general government, and has quoted my observation, that the States out of debt, would be out of danger : and not as gentlefnen in theoppofition conceived, in debt out of danger. To confute this doflrine, the gentleman has stated a cafe, and fays, if owning an estate he owed money on" it, he Ihould think it more fafe to take the estate into his hands and pay his debts with its incomes, than to mortgage his estate to ano ther on his engaging to pay the debts—But Mr. Gerry obfetved, that the resources for paying the State debts are taken from them, ana the question in the cafe stated is, whether the owner of an es tate who owed debts on it, would not expe£l that the person who occupied it (hould with the incomes pay the debts of the estate rather than leave the owner to pay them. In the cafe of a minor,
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers