FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. MR. Ff.XNO, \ CANDID view of thecircumftancesandcau fes which have heretofore tended to give .•mprefilons unfavorable to the American public character, may probably lead to an investigation of the means by which a remedy is to be effected —a future confidence eftablifned—and the respec tability of this country placed on an immovable balls. It is not the leafl surprising to the thinking mind, that the critical situation of public affairs, during a long and perilous war, should deprive these States of an opportunity to examine nicely, the texture of tliofe forms of government which were ereifled during that period, or how far their principles promised liability and firmnefs in their operation—nor is it more to be wondered at, by those who are acquainted with human nature, that after the object which originated the late contest was obtained, and before cool reason had confirmed a Union which common danger only had prompted, that each branch in the copart nership should discover an inclination to rid itl'elf of its proportion of the price of our Independence —and a jealousy relating to the share each would have in the advantages resulting from it, while the collective whole should appear to have no other idea of a future well established govern ment," but as the erection of a tyranny at home in lieu of the one they had just rid themfelvesof from abroad, arising from the vibrations of the pendulum to the opposite extreme. ' The aforementioned causes jointly operated to produce imbecility, error, and in some instan ces, fraud in our public a<fts—to destroy mutual confidence among our citizens, and to bring up on us the contempt of foreign powers ; the gener al interest became a facrifice to the contracted po licy of each State—the little views of some in dividuals, and the licentious hopes of many others. Happy for America a different scene now opens to view—and the dark (hades in the picfiure just given, are fait diflipating undtr the operation of a free, but efficient national government —and every heartmull dilate with joy at our profpeifts, ■while with reason we can anticipate all those Bleflings which inuft neceflkrily accrue from a speedy restoration of public faith and honor up on the establishment of an adequate system for funding the debt,of the United States. As communities are but the collection of indi viduals, the fame principles and practices which tend to advance the interest of each individual in his private capacity, must lead to their cor porate welfare—nor can any thing morally wrong be politically right—tho the contrary max im has been often inculcated—its milchievous consequences have ever been manifcit—while the principle itfelf of adhering flriilly to the dictates ofjuftice in public affairs, must influence the well disposed Statefinan—he will find the policy of hisconduft also evidenced in the former splen dor of the ancient States of Greece and Rome, and the modern one of Great-Britain, who by a sacred regard to her public promises, has been able to command resources astonishing to all the world, and to carry on a series of wars which would have made bankrupts of all the other powers of Europe. Among the preliminary steps to an adequate funding system in America, will be the ademp tion of the State debts by the Union. The his tory of France from the earliefl stage of her po litical exigence, is pregnant with evils resulting from the division of power in her government, and the exclusive rights veiled in the provincial parliaments : The present deranged state of her finances maybe in a great nieafurd traced to the fame sources—while the oppoilte of the whole scene, as exhibited in Great Britain, is owing to the reverse of her political economy. To pro duce firmnefs, liability and vigor in national mea sures, it is expedient that all interests should be as far as possible united svith one general concen tration of power—a division in either cafe, is pro ductive of jarrings and dil'cord, and consequent languor and indecision : From this it will appear evident, that one uniform fyftein of Finance ill this country is not only a neceflary but an indis pensable measure— the mode once confirmed, the next consideration will be as to the means by which government shall be enabled to comply with its promises, and appropriations—and here the propriety of an excise, in addition to the im port, appears palpable, as the former will be in sufficient to answer the above purposes, though (as I have observed in some former papers) a re duction of the interell should take place under the new establishment. The produdt of borh Impift and Excise I also concciveto be virtually depending on the exten fionof our commerce, and having our intercourse with other nations secured by explicit treaty or contract—no longer to be fubjecft to the uncer tain tenure of legislative adts—while commercial agents are deputed abroad to guarantee the ob servance offuch contracts, and to protedt the in terests of individuals trading to foreign ports. The necessity of these regulations become more apparent when we refie<ft that the rapid increase of this country in population and wealth, and the enterprize of its inhabitants, will naturally ex cite the oblervation of the European powers, and soon give rife to all the jealousies of commercial rivalfhip. Our commerce with them, unsupport ed by treaty, would probably feel all thole in jurious fluctuations which such jealousies have a tendency to produce—while our commerce will be greatly allilled by the foreign regulations just attended to, the importance of a code of well con ftrucftcd infpe&ion laws at home is equally obvi ous—and tliefe ought no longer to be executed by those who value neither faith or honor ; but by men of eftablilhed reputation, and who will not confentto facrifice their character at the Ihrine of avarice—till this is the cafe our infpedtion laws will only serve to encreafe the evils they are intended to prevent. Most of the nations of Europe, sensible of the importance of commerce, are using every means' for its extension and liberal eftablifhmerit, and the removal of those impediments to it, which have heretofore existed in France, are among the most conspicuous improvements of her late enlightened policy. The advantages reaped by Great-Britain from this source need no comment. Examples brought from abroad will have their due weight—but the good information, and poli tical knowledge poflefled, abftradtedly by Con gress, must suggest the propriety of an early at tention to the fubjecl here treated of, as involv ingthe most eflentialobjedts whicngave rife to the late revolution in our government, and as inti mately conne<fted with the general prosperity and welfare of the American Empire PRESIDENT SULL IVAN's MESSAGE To the Hon. Senate W House of Represen tatives, \of New-Hampshire.] Gentlemen, TUTHyiNG been informed, that doubts have a _ risen in the minds of some, whether my hav ing accepted the office of Diftrid: Judge has not difqualified me from adling as President of the State, until a new election takes place, I confefs that I have never been able to discover any in compatibility in the two offices. But as some have attempted toprove this by urging the words of a Constitution framed for the purpose of esta blishing over the people of New-Hatnpfhire a free, sovereign and independent government—l must observe, that thisgoverment hasftnee been changed by the voice of the people, who have agreed that their fafety depended on thesr retinquijhing many of the powers retained by the people tn that Constitution, to a General Government eftablijhed for the people oj each and every State -who fnould adopt it ; -which to them was to become the general law of the land. The people of this State did, in the 7>iojl folejnn manner, a dept and ratijy that Constitution ; and jrom that e vent, THIS CEASED TO BE A FREE, SOVEREIGN, and indetendent state ; and upon my being elected to the office of President, Iwas only sworn to perform and fulfil the duties incumbent on me as President of a free and confederate State ; and I was at or near the fame time sworn to support the Constitution of the United States, by virtue ofalaw enacted by yourselves. While I was continuing to preside in this State, I was appointed under that Constitution which the people of New-Hampshire had adopted for themfclves, a Judge of the Federal Court. My own inclinations were far from leading me to wish to continue in both offices ; but I was put in by the people, and could not devise a way of re signing the trust committed to me, but into the hands who honoured me with it. I well knew that the time for electing a new President was near at hand, when the people might have an op portunity of declaring who should preside over them ; and all the public papers having been en trusted to my care, and the affairs of the State un folded to me, I could not, without an unpardona ble breach of trust, neglect to lay them before you. I also considered, that while I was living in the State, no other person could, by your own laws, adminiller the neceflarj oaths to you, to qualify you to ast as Legislators, while the time for which I was chosen was not expired ; and as I knew that this would probably be the last session of this Court, for the present year ; and I had no inclination to propose myfelf as a candidate for another— I concluded delicacy would have pre vented some persons from pursuing the methods they have adopted, for gratifying a spirit which ought never to lodge itfelf in the branch of a Legi/la ture. J a J Gentlemen, You will fee the ficuation I am in, anil may ealily conceive of my feelings upon this fubjetft being brought forward, at every opportunity, tofa'- tiate that spirit which hat often, bej ore this fejjion of the Court, displayed it ft If before vie, and used every effort again ft me. The Prciident and Senate ofthe United States were, at the time of my appointment, well ac quainted with my having to finilh my year in presiding over this State ; but no hint has ever been given tome of my acceptance of an office under the present general government, rendering 346- AMERICANUS. void any State appointment; even though I have had the honour of being often, since my accep tance of the office of Diftrid; Judge for New- Hamplhire, in company with the President of the United States, who knew I was the President of this State, and treated irte as luch, although he at the fame time knew that I had long before accept ed the office of Federal Judge. I know the candour andjuftice of the members of both branches ; and I have too high an opinion of their integrity and uprightness to suppose, chat they will fuffer themselves to be influenced by the efforts of one or more, who cannot avoid at •very opportunity, discovering the spirit -which ailu itet them in their conduit. I have the honour &c fee. JOHN SULLIVAN. Dec. 29, 1789 CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1790. A Memorial from Hon. Robert Morris, late fuperintendant of finance, enclosed to the speaker was read—the enclosure contained a requefl that the memorial might be entered on the journals of the House—laid on the table. The mcmorialid after dating a variety of fa&s relative to the business of which he had been appointed fuperintendant the dif ficulties, delays, and embarrassments which had prevented a final adjudment and settlement of his accounts—petitions that com missioners may be appointed for that purpose. Mr. Goodhue presented a petition from sundry inhabitants of S .Icm—dating that thro' a very particular condruftion of a feftioi, in the coading law, velTels owned by the citizens of the United States, and as they thought properly qualified as such, had been obliged 10 pay the alien duty in some of the southern States— and praying relief or a refund of the duty so paid—laid on the table Several petitions and memorials were read, from persons who had made sundry discoveries, and invented certain machines pray, ing encouragement, and a securing of the benefits of their in ventiont—laid on the tabic. On motion of Mr. Sedgwick the committee of the whole house was discharged from any further discussion of the bill providing for the actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United State? It was then voted that the blanks in the bill Ihould be filled" up. The firft blank relpeaed the time to be allowed for corJkleat mg the enumeration—6, 4, and 3 months were proposed. X Mr. Sedgwick observed, that as so Idng a time is to elapse be fore the affidants are to enter upon the business, the work of pre paration will be completed in such a manner, that he conceived three, two, or even one month will be fufficient. Mr. White said that he was very sure that in many of the States <w ? ,three or four months will not be fufficient— and fix month's Will be found (hort enough to complete the enumeration in those States—in the eadern States the business may be finidied in a much Ihorter period—but when the time (hall be elapsed, that is allow ed by law and the enumeration is completed in some of the States, and the numbers fully returned, it cannot be supposed that those States who have not completed theirs, (hould acquiefcc in any regulations, and eilablilhments founded on so imperfect a census. r Ml. Burke was in favor of allowing the longest period—and Itated a great variety of obstacles and impediments in the way of compleating the ennumeration within so (hort a time, even as fix months ; and the census when returned in so incompleat a state, it could not be supposed would be fatisfaftory ; it would create uneafincfs and terminate in absolute injustice. Mr. Jacklon adverting to the peculiar circumftaoces of the States, particularly Georgia ; and the recent acceflion of North-Carolina ; the extenflvenefs of the territory of those States, and the dispersed situation of their inhabitants— contended that lix months would be but a (hort time to compleat the business in. Mr. Madison observed that the situation of the several States was lo various, that the difficulty of adopting a plan for effefline the bulincfs upon terms that woulf 1 give general fatisfaftion, can only be obviated by allowing fufficient time. Some of the States have been in habits of taking an enumeration of their citizens ; others have never done it at all ; to the former the business will be eafv, and may be compleated within perhaps the (horteft period : in the others, it will be attended with difficulties at present unfore ■ addition to these, there is a variety of other confuta tions to be taken into view ; there must be a greater number of a Imunts employed in the southern States ; there are many con ingencies that cannot be provided against ; the afliftants may die, and leave the business unfinifhed ; it may be neceffarv to appoint others ; the returns from so many persons, from such cxtenfive diitntts, will require filch a length of time, as leaves no probabi lity that it can be compleated in a shorter period than fix months. Mr. Sedgwick said he had no wi(h to precipitate the business • the equalizing the representation ought to be a matter of serious contemplation to every gentleman.it is peculiarly so to the delega tion from those States who are so unequally represented : I wish tor a lull and competent enumeration; and am for allowing full time to compleat it in : But there does not appear to me to be y ,u° rC Jrn ob J ca,on raised from the contingency of thedeath of the afliftants : The longer the pctiod, the greater the proba bility of such events : And I am clearly of opinion thatextend •«g the period will not conduce to obtaining finally so accurate an enumeration. 7 Mr. Smith, (S. C.) Mr. Burke, and Mr. Jackfonmadea few ad aitional observations, when Ihequedion being taken on « fix months," it was carried in the affirmative. ,J h ,< a " l(h . n ' 5 fa , ilin g to make returns to the marshals within the time limitted by this ast to forfeit 200 dollars. pJrl™ ar ! h . a ,! S '°- ma^, retUinSof the aggregate amount to the Pre ident ot the United States, by thefirft day of June next, un der penalty of 800 dollars. J °tV b k la n u S - WCre si " cd in amendments which had been adopted—The bill being gone through. It was patted, tobeena&ed. , was received from the President ofthe United States United St",""*' u"? the for glvin S effe£l to the laws of the nnf« ! Kil" SUte , oi North Carolina, and for other pur poses, which has received the Prelident's assent and signature ,i„ x COI r mUtC ? wholc ' on lhe report of the Secretary of rrpdl M "■ P rov,flon for the support of the public credit Mr. Baldwin in the chair. Mr. Smith (S.C.) after premising a mode which he deemed eli g >,e in ta 'ing up the fubjc£ls contained in the report, read cer tain resolutions which he proposed to lay on the table : These re- Jolutions he luppofed would bring the several obiefts of difcuflion 01 . n k ' ,° }■ ,a *' committee might proceed vw ith more accu racy in the business. r,J, hC l C r j fO ' U, L° nS , r , cfcrred to the principal objects of the re port—laid on the table. J d,kf ® oud " ,ot c "tered into a consideration of the fubjeft of the debt . He adverted to the resolution of the last session, and to the answer of the House to the Prcfident's speech ; by which he con eive i. it . ruted States have pledged themselves to make ade quate provision tor the support of the public faith : He thought the mo c po.ntc oui by the gentleman from South Carolina, would
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