[No, LXXXVIII.] THE TABLET No. LXXXVIII. " The mofl ejfefitialway to promote the good of the people, is to prevail on them to perform their duty." EVERY person who takes a fcrious review of the incidents with which he has been affetfted will confefs, that he has fuffered more «vil from pretended friends,than from open ene mies. Norisit difficult to aflign a reason, why this should be the cafe.—We guard ourselves, at all points, against those wefufpe<ft to be our ad verlaries ; while we heedlessly expose our opini ons, our character and our property to those who make profefiions of friendfhip. No circumstance more fh ongly marks a want of firmnefs in a real friend, or a want of sincerity in a supposed one, than his complimenting our vices, or encourag ing our errors. If individuals fuffer severely from the fickle nefs or insincerity of those who pass for friends, how much more liable is the community to be imposed on, by those who afl'ume the name of patriots > Artful politicians accomplish their views by the warm wishes and patriotic concern they ex press for the public good There is a much eafl er way to gain public favor than bydeferving it. The molt (lender talents are fufficient to please and seduce the people, but it requires real abi lities and fortitude to promote their belt interest. Nothing can be more evident than that those who clamor the moll, about the public good, promote it the lealt. The rant and declamation of cer tain blusterers who live among the ignorant parts of the community beguile the people into falfe notions of government, and keep them vexatious and dilcontented. There are always some cur rent prejudices of which designing men may a vail themselves, and which in some instances may recommend them more effe<stually to the po pulace, thananhoneft independent line of con dud:. Theadtions of such men however deserve any other appellation more than that of patrio tism. No man should be deemed a patriot who has not given other specimens of public spirit, than fair speeches and pompous profefiions. The people will seldom do wrong, if influential cha racters will endeavor to convince them what is right. But when those who should inftrudt the ignorant,and admonish the vicious,aft foperverfe ly, as to flatter the one, and mislead the other, how can it be expected that the public opinion will be a fafe guide to dire<ft public measures ? While there are so many men whose importance in society depends on cherishing errors in the public mind,how difficult is ittoproduce a perfecfl union of sentiment in favor of a just and honorablefyftem of politics ! The people, when they are honestly informed and fairly advised, will acquiesce in whatever will promote the public prosperity. It requires some art and address to beguile man kind into a belief, that confufion is better than order ; that, injustice is preferable to honesty. There cannot be a more plausible cover for bad intentions, than a pretence that they correspond with the public opinion. Such a pretext is the more convenient as it cannot easily be detected. In many intereftingqueftions the public opinion is a very indefinite thing. It is often appealed to refpecfiing objedts which it has never contempla ted. A sentiment prevailing among a few men, should not be called a public sentiment. FROM THE INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE. MR. ADAMS, HOW far the spirit of the citizens of New- Hampfliire is changed since the adoption of the Federal Conftitntion, I cannot pretend to fay —but the aHertion of thePrefident of that State, that their government " has ceased to be a free, " sovereign, and independent State" isfoalarm ing, that it ought to put the citizens of every State in the Union, upon the nioft serious reflec tion. If that State has surrendered its sovereign ty and independence, it follows that every State has done the fame ; and provided this is the cafe, to what a deplorable situation have we reduced ourselves, by the adoption of the Federal Cojillitu tion.—No man, however, has before been hardy enough to come forward with so flagrant an afler t«L>n ; the most violent partizans have been cau tious how far they ventured on this ground, know ing that it was too early a period to broach such treasonable sentiments. By this declaration the alarm has gone forth, and it has now become the duty of the Jeveral States, in their legiilative ca pacities, to remonstrate againftfucha bold attack gfi&yfotub PUBLISHI-.D WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. g, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK; SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1790, upon their freedom, sovereignty, and indepen dence—and tho the State of New-Hamplhire lhould fuffer their President to proceed in his ca reer with impunity, yet it is not doubted, but thole States which ltill mean to support their free dom, sovereignty and independence, will bear public testimony against the declaration, and ear ly check the wicked designs of men, however ele vated their station. BRUTUS. THE OBSERVER.—No. XVII The re-eflnilijhment of public credit, a measure of found policy. TNmylaftnumberlconfidercdthe re-eftabli(hment of public A credit, as a measure of justice to the national and state credi tors. It may also be inquired, is it a measure of polic) ? An ad vantage to the creditors is apparent; but will this advantage be equal to the injury which mud happen to the people at large by an attempt ? If the mealure will be mutually advantageous,all ground for questioning is gone ; and having no alternative, we mult proceed in the molt wife and economical manner to provide funds : But if it will be deftruftive to the people, if justice and policy are opposed, the question yet remains to be new traced, and lolved on political grounds. There is an old adage, " honesty is the best policy," to which I have not known an exception. The wisdom wliich instituted the connections, dependencies and wants of society, doth not commonly, if ever, fuffer an opposition between the moral dutv and worldly good, either of individuals or communities. But as the question in consideration is tooconfequential to be riflted on a maxim,more frequently spoken than felt, we must call up proba ble confcquences to determine it. t-i/" l ?- ra i' ure! - P°'' c y' we m(,n have varying opinions: This chicfly arises from different degrees of information, and from a limitation of the questions, on which a judgment is formed. Those who espouse various opinions, before they become warm in debate,ought mutually to communicate every information,and ex amine the whole extent and all the consequences of the question to be decided. Is It good policy, or for the benefit of the people at large to reflore Ametican credit? Two persons of the fame honesty, may give a different answer to this question, from the different limitations which they affix to it in their own minds. One con siders its present operation, without regard to distant and national conferences, his education and connexions in business do not en able him to comprehend these, without very particular informa tion ; he appeals to the present moment only, and thinks it is bet ter for himfelf and for a majority of his neighbors, not to pay, than it is to pay taxes; he knows not the purposes for which pub lic credit are necelfary, nor the great benefits which will accrue by its restoration, to agriculture, commerce, and manufa&ures ; he fees no present danger from foreign enemies, and thinks not best to IT (tore it. Another person is acquainted with these fub jefh, and knows that by avoiding a present small evil, we rilk the danger of a thousand which are greater, and perhaps also our very national exiftenee. Theconfequencesof a depreciated credit have been too recently felt, to need a very particular description. War is a complica tion of calamities to the best appointed nation : To one dellitute of finance and credit, it in a 1 moil certain ruin. Your late war began in a sacred enthusiasm, breathed forth from heaven on the great body of the people, which supplied a thousand wants, and gave a circulation to a paper without foundation. As this enthu siasm abated the public distress began; and half the mifchicf we endured, arose more from want of credit, than from the policy or power of Great Britain. A nation who can pay only in pro miles, which are but half believed, loses a power over its own internal resources. » Was it not a want of credit which often nearly disbanded vour army ? Was it not this which obliged you to execute every measure inthe most expenfivemanner ? When you had brought intothe field, a military force, of one third of the appointed compliment Was it not a want of credit which obliged you to creatc a more numerous and more devouring host of purchasers, and retainers on the public supplies, and even to convert your town officers into gentlemen of the public departments ? Why was your army but half filled, which caused a protra&ion of the war ? Not from a want of brave and hardy men : but by a want of credit. Hence arose the neceflity of those vexatious calls on the militia, at a season of the year most ruinous to the farmer, and which was a greater drawback on his interest, than all the taxes h-' was called to pay. It is true these things are paired, and we hope never to fee ano ther war ; the wish is pious and pacific,but wishing is not fighting, and will never defend our country. The principles of ambition and violence ft 111 exist in the world, and the nations have not yet beat their fwordsinto ploughfharts ; little crossings of interest, may be strangely aggravated into bloody contention. The way to pre vent war is a constant preparation to repel ; so good a country as this without credit and a system of defence, is a strong temptation to the avarice and ambition of the world. Should the United States by any unforefeen event be drawn in to war, how, without an established credit are they to make de fence ? The richcft nation in Europe cannot support war without having recourse to credit, and much less can these States do it. Past events will not be soon forgot ; and if your promises are not ful filled in some reasonable way, where arc the men who will again loan their property to the public ? Where is the farmer or manu facturer who will fell you his provision or cloathing; or the soldier who will risk his life for papeT, when they know it is the custom of the people, after danger is past, to forget their engagements P Had another war overtaken these States before the organization of our present government, defence would have been impoflib!e : with a treasury destitute of money and credit, .we could not have enliftcd, cloathed and fed five thousand troops. Many private citizens were more capable of levying fuccefsful war, than the whole Union : a nest of pirates might have destroyed our whole trade, and laid many of our sea ports under contribution, ar.d there was no public capacity to repel them. Our present government begins to be revered abroad ; but denv them the means of estab lishing credit, and we fink back to ignominy, and a state of dan ger. Suffer me next, to recal your attention from the danger of a fo reign war, without credit to support it ; to consider the evils which may arise within ourselves from the famecaufe. A people destitute of credit, are in imminent and constant danger of being enslaved by such bold ufurpcrs as may wish to wrest from them their properties. By a late infurrettion, New-England was attu ally threatened, and I pray that the other States may notice the warning. Tho MafTachufetts was the feat of insurgency, the fame spirit wrought in the neighboring States, and all wife men confi dercd it as a common evil. The insurgents had doubtless some PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN real grievances, which might have been rcdrelTcd by a proper r.p . plication ; but instead of this they put thexnfelves under the gui dance of mad, base. and weak leaders. While we pitied the people, we were obliged to condemn thtir eaufe. The f-ious consequences and ending off this affair are well known. Had that infurre&ion been headed by a in an of ambition, intrigue, exren iivc popularity and wealth, it would probably have overturned ths government of New-England, and laid a ioundation for some kind of dominion moll dangerous for our liberties. Were it either prudent or neceiTdry, I could name you many gieat characters in America, who, it virtue had not prevented, might have regalized themselves and families, and formed a civil constitution in violence, suited to their own interests, and to their adherents in success. The very fame people who are jealous for their privileges, in the hour of confederation, at a time of madness and infurrettion will give them all away ; and in this very manner many free nations have loft their liberty. Had such a thing been attempted by one, or by a coalition ot a few great and popular characters ; neither Congress, nor the State assemblies, who were wholly destitute of credit, could have repelled them. It ought to be a firft maxim of policy with a free republic, to preierve an un unfpottcd faith* by which they may command their own resour ces, either against foreign invasion or domestic infurre&ion, and purchase foreign afliflance. The terrors of a despotic Prince, and the influence of a nobility devoted to his will, may with little credit, draw out the refourccs of kingdom ; but I trust the American republic will never have such terrors or nobility ; (he must depend on the virtue and information of her citizens, and the purity of her national charac ter. Patriotism is a lacred name ! And I believe there is more of it in this, than any other country, and the way to preserve it is to uphold national credit. Patriotism doth not consist in a few men giving their all for public purposes in the hour of danger, and without an expe&ation of being reimbursed ; if it did, wait to the time of trial, and an experiment will prove that we have few pa triots. To be willing to contribute a just proportion, and pay an equal share in the public expences—to be honest, and aflift our go~ vernment in honest, is to be a Patriot. A fixed credit is the only means for economy in national ex pences, which is another reason for its re-eftabli foment. Certain expences, and to a large amount, are unavoidable in every nation ; and these will be doubled on the people, as thev are obliged to make payment, by a lax and depreciated credit. I have inculcated in my former numbers, that high nominal taxa tion imposed on the principles of depreciation, is eventually paid by a great part of the people nearly equal to silver and gold. A fu(picious credit always operates agaiuft the people ; all bargain ing for the public is on disadvantageous terms; the man who deals with them considers a risk, and a£ts from the fame motive as he makes hazard in a lottery ; a derangement runs thro all public officers ; it prevents responsibility and punctuality in all national concerns; and when an honest man has the care of the peoples' interests, he expe&s to manage them with loss ; and an idea is gradually fprcad in the minds of men, that there is no evil in rob bing the public. Foreign nations, and merchants are eagle-eyed to difeern the debilitated power of the country, and are not afraid to offend its majesty by abusing its fubje&s—commerce languishes, produce is low, and the farmer eventually pays the bill of national loss. If the national debt be negletted, still there mail be provision made for certain expenccs ; an enfeebled credit will greatly in crease these, and I believe to as great a sum, as would be neceflarv to fund the debt honorably, and support all other expences on the principle's of a punctual regard to public faith. A man who is flack, and has obtained a reputation of being worse than his promise, lives poor at great expence ; it is the fame with a nation, only in a greater degree. The falfe man may be compelled by law, but the flack nation cannot ; these things are considered by those who deal with them, and they are treated in charafler. Tho my paper be already too long, there is one among many other confidcrations, which I cannot omit mention ng A violation of national promises, or tardiness in fulfilling them, hath a definitive influence on the morality of the people. When the legislature of a nation sport with their engagements, every lesser corporation catches the fame spirit and pra&ice. The pi ivate citizen argues in fclf-juftification, if our lawgivers violate the promises of a nation ; if the greatest and most informed men will defraud for the public, because they have power ; I may do the fame with impunity when an occasion presents. A depreci ated public credit in its various operations, for a series of years, hath done more to difleminate these dangerous sentiments, than all the institutions of science and religion have done to retard them. Let government beware of that corruption in principle and man ners, which by increasing, will prove its ruin. FROM THE MASSACHUSETTS CENTINEL. AGRICULTURAL. THE government of the United States,mayjuft ly be denominated the " Landholder's Govern ment" as at its head prefidesone of the most dis tinguished Landholders and Cultivators in the United States—who knows the advantages result ing from the promotion and encouragement of Agriculture—and who is well aware of the bur dens under which it hath lain, from the absurd and erroneous systems of taxation adopted in the several States. The Farmers, therefore, are fatis fied, that they shall yet fee good days > and while the Farmer of Mount-Vtrnon, and the many re fpetfable Hulbandmen now in the Legislature of the Union, are their rulers, that the dry taxes, under which they have laboured so long, will fliortly be no more—but that every encourage ment wisdom can fuggelt, will be given to those, who by cultivating the earth, add moll eflentially to the benefit and prosperity of our Republic. , Under this, then, theirjgovernment,fecurity shall reside under their Tines—and feeling the benefit of a liberal system of laws, learning, science, and the arts that adorn life, shall rife up spontaneous in regions as yet untrod by the traveller, by the poet —and unmeasured by the chain of the geometrician.—The reign of religion unfettered by superstition, and uncontroled by arbitrary es tablishments, shall meliorate our condition as men.
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