[No, LXXXVIII.]
THE TABLET
No. LXXXVIII.
" The mofl ejfefitialway to promote the good of the
people, is to prevail on them to perform their duty."
EVERY person who takes a fcrious review
of the incidents with which he has been
affetfted will confefs, that he has fuffered more
«vil from pretended friends,than from open ene
mies. Norisit difficult to aflign a reason, why
this should be the cafe.—We guard ourselves, at
all points, against those wefufpe<ft to be our ad
verlaries ; while we heedlessly expose our opini
ons, our character and our property to those who
make profefiions of friendfhip. No circumstance
more fh ongly marks a want of firmnefs in a real
friend, or a want of sincerity in a supposed one,
than his complimenting our vices, or encourag
ing our errors.
If individuals fuffer severely from the fickle
nefs or insincerity of those who pass for friends,
how much more liable is the community to be
imposed on, by those who afl'ume the name of
patriots > Artful politicians accomplish their views
by the warm wishes and patriotic concern they ex
press for the public good There is a much eafl
er way to gain public favor than bydeferving it.
The molt (lender talents are fufficient to please
and seduce the people, but it requires real abi
lities and fortitude to promote their belt interest.
Nothing can be more evident than that those who
clamor the moll, about the public good, promote
it the lealt. The rant and declamation of cer
tain blusterers who live among the ignorant parts
of the community beguile the people into falfe
notions of government, and keep them vexatious
and dilcontented. There are always some cur
rent prejudices of which designing men may a
vail themselves, and which in some instances
may recommend them more effe<stually to the po
pulace, thananhoneft independent line of con
dud:. Theadtions of such men however deserve
any other appellation more than that of patrio
tism. No man should be deemed a patriot who
has not given other specimens of public spirit,
than fair speeches and pompous profefiions. The
people will seldom do wrong, if influential cha
racters will endeavor to convince them what is
right. But when those who should inftrudt the
ignorant,and admonish the vicious,aft foperverfe
ly, as to flatter the one, and mislead the other,
how can it be expected that the public opinion
will be a fafe guide to dire<ft public measures ?
While there are so many men whose importance in
society depends on cherishing errors in the public
mind,how difficult is ittoproduce a perfecfl union
of sentiment in favor of a just and honorablefyftem
of politics ! The people, when they are honestly
informed and fairly advised, will acquiesce in
whatever will promote the public prosperity. It
requires some art and address to beguile man
kind into a belief, that confufion is better than
order ; that, injustice is preferable to honesty.
There cannot be a more plausible cover for bad
intentions, than a pretence that they correspond
with the public opinion. Such a pretext is the
more convenient as it cannot easily be detected.
In many intereftingqueftions the public opinion
is a very indefinite thing. It is often appealed to
refpecfiing objedts which it has never contempla
ted. A sentiment prevailing among a few men,
should not be called a public sentiment.
FROM THE INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE.
MR. ADAMS,
HOW far the spirit of the citizens of New-
Hampfliire is changed since the adoption of
the Federal Conftitntion, I cannot pretend to fay
—but the aHertion of thePrefident of that State,
that their government " has ceased to be a free,
" sovereign, and independent State" isfoalarm
ing, that it ought to put the citizens of every
State in the Union, upon the nioft serious reflec
tion. If that State has surrendered its sovereign
ty and independence, it follows that every State
has done the fame ; and provided this is the cafe,
to what a deplorable situation have we reduced
ourselves, by the adoption of the Federal Cojillitu
tion.—No man, however, has before been hardy
enough to come forward with so flagrant an afler
t«L>n ; the most violent partizans have been cau
tious how far they ventured on this ground, know
ing that it was too early a period to broach such
treasonable sentiments. By this declaration the
alarm has gone forth, and it has now become the
duty of the Jeveral States, in their legiilative ca
pacities, to remonstrate againftfucha bold attack
gfi&yfotub
PUBLISHI-.D WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. g, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK;
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1790,
upon their freedom, sovereignty, and indepen
dence—and tho the State of New-Hamplhire
lhould fuffer their President to proceed in his ca
reer with impunity, yet it is not doubted, but
thole States which ltill mean to support their free
dom, sovereignty and independence, will bear
public testimony against the declaration, and ear
ly check the wicked designs of men, however ele
vated their station. BRUTUS.
THE OBSERVER.—No. XVII
The re-eflnilijhment of public credit, a measure of found policy.
TNmylaftnumberlconfidercdthe re-eftabli(hment of public
A credit, as a measure of justice to the national and state credi
tors. It may also be inquired, is it a measure of polic) ? An ad
vantage to the creditors is apparent; but will this advantage be
equal to the injury which mud happen to the people at large by
an attempt ? If the mealure will be mutually advantageous,all
ground for questioning is gone ; and having no alternative, we
mult proceed in the molt wife and economical manner to provide
funds : But if it will be deftruftive to the people, if justice and
policy are opposed, the question yet remains to be new traced,
and lolved on political grounds.
There is an old adage, " honesty is the best policy," to which
I have not known an exception. The wisdom wliich instituted
the connections, dependencies and wants of society, doth not
commonly, if ever, fuffer an opposition between the moral dutv
and worldly good, either of individuals or communities. But as
the question in consideration is tooconfequential to be riflted on a
maxim,more frequently spoken than felt, we must call up proba
ble confcquences to determine it.
t-i/" l ?- ra i' ure! - P°'' c y' we m(,n have varying opinions:
This chicfly arises from different degrees of information, and from
a limitation of the questions, on which a judgment is formed.
Those who espouse various opinions, before they become warm in
debate,ought mutually to communicate every information,and ex
amine the whole extent and all the consequences of the question
to be decided.
Is It good policy, or for the benefit of the people at large to
reflore Ametican credit? Two persons of the fame honesty,
may give a different answer to this question, from the different
limitations which they affix to it in their own minds. One con
siders its present operation, without regard to distant and national
conferences, his education and connexions in business do not en
able him to comprehend these, without very particular informa
tion ; he appeals to the present moment only, and thinks it is bet
ter for himfelf and for a majority of his neighbors, not to pay,
than it is to pay taxes; he knows not the purposes for which pub
lic credit are necelfary, nor the great benefits which will accrue
by its restoration, to agriculture, commerce, and manufa&ures ;
he fees no present danger from foreign enemies, and thinks not
best to IT (tore it. Another person is acquainted with these fub
jefh, and knows that by avoiding a present small evil, we rilk
the danger of a thousand which are greater, and perhaps also our
very national exiftenee.
Theconfequencesof a depreciated credit have been too recently
felt, to need a very particular description. War is a complica
tion of calamities to the best appointed nation : To one dellitute
of finance and credit, it in a 1 moil certain ruin. Your late war
began in a sacred enthusiasm, breathed forth from heaven on the
great body of the people, which supplied a thousand wants, and
gave a circulation to a paper without foundation. As this enthu
siasm abated the public distress began; and half the mifchicf we
endured, arose more from want of credit, than from the policy
or power of Great Britain. A nation who can pay only in pro
miles, which are but half believed, loses a power over its own
internal resources. »
Was it not a want of credit which often nearly disbanded vour
army ? Was it not this which obliged you to execute every measure
inthe most expenfivemanner ? When you had brought intothe field,
a military force, of one third of the appointed compliment
Was it not a want of credit which obliged you to creatc a more
numerous and more devouring host of purchasers, and retainers
on the public supplies, and even to convert your town officers into
gentlemen of the public departments ? Why was your army but
half filled, which caused a protra&ion of the war ? Not from a
want of brave and hardy men : but by a want of credit. Hence
arose the neceflity of those vexatious calls on the militia, at a season
of the year most ruinous to the farmer, and which was a greater
drawback on his interest, than all the taxes h-' was called to pay.
It is true these things are paired, and we hope never to fee ano
ther war ; the wish is pious and pacific,but wishing is not fighting,
and will never defend our country. The principles of ambition
and violence ft 111 exist in the world, and the nations have not yet
beat their fwordsinto ploughfharts ; little crossings of interest, may
be strangely aggravated into bloody contention. The way to pre
vent war is a constant preparation to repel ; so good a country as
this without credit and a system of defence, is a strong temptation
to the avarice and ambition of the world.
Should the United States by any unforefeen event be drawn in
to war, how, without an established credit are they to make de
fence ? The richcft nation in Europe cannot support war without
having recourse to credit, and much less can these States do it. Past
events will not be soon forgot ; and if your promises are not ful
filled in some reasonable way, where arc the men who will again
loan their property to the public ? Where is the farmer or manu
facturer who will fell you his provision or cloathing; or the soldier
who will risk his life for papeT, when they know it is the custom
of the people, after danger is past, to forget their engagements P
Had another war overtaken these States before the organization of
our present government, defence would have been impoflib!e :
with a treasury destitute of money and credit, .we could not have
enliftcd, cloathed and fed five thousand troops. Many private
citizens were more capable of levying fuccefsful war, than the
whole Union : a nest of pirates might have destroyed our whole
trade, and laid many of our sea ports under contribution, ar.d there
was no public capacity to repel them. Our present government
begins to be revered abroad ; but denv them the means of estab
lishing credit, and we fink back to ignominy, and a state of dan
ger.
Suffer me next, to recal your attention from the danger of a fo
reign war, without credit to support it ; to consider the evils
which may arise within ourselves from the famecaufe. A people
destitute of credit, are in imminent and constant danger of being
enslaved by such bold ufurpcrs as may wish to wrest from them
their properties. By a late infurrettion, New-England was attu
ally threatened, and I pray that the other States may notice the
warning. Tho MafTachufetts was the feat of insurgency, the fame
spirit wrought in the neighboring States, and all wife men confi
dercd it as a common evil. The insurgents had doubtless some
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN
real grievances, which might have been rcdrelTcd by a proper r.p .
plication ; but instead of this they put thexnfelves under the gui
dance of mad, base. and weak leaders. While we pitied the
people, we were obliged to condemn thtir eaufe. The f-ious
consequences and ending off this affair are well known. Had that
infurre&ion been headed by a in an of ambition, intrigue, exren
iivc popularity and wealth, it would probably have overturned ths
government of New-England, and laid a ioundation for some
kind of dominion moll dangerous for our liberties.
Were it either prudent or neceiTdry, I could name you many
gieat characters in America, who, it virtue had not prevented,
might have regalized themselves and families, and formed a civil
constitution in violence, suited to their own interests, and to their
adherents in success. The very fame people who are jealous for
their privileges, in the hour of confederation, at a time of madness
and infurrettion will give them all away ; and in this very manner
many free nations have loft their liberty. Had such a thing been
attempted by one, or by a coalition ot a few great and popular
characters ; neither Congress, nor the State assemblies, who were
wholly destitute of credit, could have repelled them. It ought to
be a firft maxim of policy with a free republic, to preierve an un
unfpottcd faith* by which they may command their own resour
ces, either against foreign invasion or domestic infurre&ion, and
purchase foreign afliflance.
The terrors of a despotic Prince, and the influence of a nobility
devoted to his will, may with little credit, draw out the refourccs
of kingdom ; but I trust the American republic will never
have such terrors or nobility ; (he must depend on the virtue and
information of her citizens, and the purity of her national charac
ter. Patriotism is a lacred name ! And I believe there is more of
it in this, than any other country, and the way to preserve it is to
uphold national credit. Patriotism doth not consist in a few men
giving their all for public purposes in the hour of danger, and
without an expe&ation of being reimbursed ; if it did, wait to the
time of trial, and an experiment will prove that we have few pa
triots. To be willing to contribute a just proportion, and pay an
equal share in the public expences—to be honest, and aflift our go~
vernment in honest, is to be a Patriot.
A fixed credit is the only means for economy in national ex
pences, which is another reason for its re-eftabli foment.
Certain expences, and to a large amount, are unavoidable in
every nation ; and these will be doubled on the people, as thev
are obliged to make payment, by a lax and depreciated credit. I
have inculcated in my former numbers, that high nominal taxa
tion imposed on the principles of depreciation, is eventually paid
by a great part of the people nearly equal to silver and gold. A
fu(picious credit always operates agaiuft the people ; all bargain
ing for the public is on disadvantageous terms; the man who deals
with them considers a risk, and a£ts from the fame motive as he
makes hazard in a lottery ; a derangement runs thro all public
officers ; it prevents responsibility and punctuality in all national
concerns; and when an honest man has the care of the peoples'
interests, he expe&s to manage them with loss ; and an idea is
gradually fprcad in the minds of men, that there is no evil in rob
bing the public.
Foreign nations, and merchants are eagle-eyed to difeern the
debilitated power of the country, and are not afraid to offend its
majesty by abusing its fubje&s—commerce languishes, produce is
low, and the farmer eventually pays the bill of national loss.
If the national debt be negletted, still there mail be provision
made for certain expenccs ; an enfeebled credit will greatly in
crease these, and I believe to as great a sum, as would be neceflarv
to fund the debt honorably, and support all other expences on the
principle's of a punctual regard to public faith.
A man who is flack, and has obtained a reputation of being
worse than his promise, lives poor at great expence ; it is the
fame with a nation, only in a greater degree. The falfe man may
be compelled by law, but the flack nation cannot ; these things are
considered by those who deal with them, and they are treated in
charafler.
Tho my paper be already too long, there is one among many
other confidcrations, which I cannot omit mention ng
A violation of national promises, or tardiness in fulfilling them,
hath a definitive influence on the morality of the people.
When the legislature of a nation sport with their engagements,
every lesser corporation catches the fame spirit and pra&ice. The
pi ivate citizen argues in fclf-juftification, if our lawgivers violate
the promises of a nation ; if the greatest and most informed men
will defraud for the public, because they have power ; I may do
the fame with impunity when an occasion presents. A depreci
ated public credit in its various operations, for a series of years,
hath done more to difleminate these dangerous sentiments, than
all the institutions of science and religion have done to retard
them.
Let government beware of that corruption in principle and man
ners, which by increasing, will prove its ruin.
FROM THE MASSACHUSETTS CENTINEL.
AGRICULTURAL.
THE government of the United States,mayjuft
ly be denominated the " Landholder's Govern
ment" as at its head prefidesone of the most dis
tinguished Landholders and Cultivators in the
United States—who knows the advantages result
ing from the promotion and encouragement of
Agriculture—and who is well aware of the bur
dens under which it hath lain, from the absurd
and erroneous systems of taxation adopted in the
several States. The Farmers, therefore, are fatis
fied, that they shall yet fee good days > and while
the Farmer of Mount-Vtrnon, and the many re
fpetfable Hulbandmen now in the Legislature of
the Union, are their rulers, that the dry taxes,
under which they have laboured so long, will
fliortly be no more—but that every encourage
ment wisdom can fuggelt, will be given to those,
who by cultivating the earth, add moll eflentially
to the benefit and prosperity of our Republic.
, Under this, then, theirjgovernment,fecurity shall
reside under their Tines—and feeling the benefit
of a liberal system of laws, learning, science, and
the arts that adorn life, shall rife up spontaneous
in regions as yet untrod by the traveller,
by the poet —and unmeasured by the chain of the
geometrician.—The reign of religion unfettered
by superstition, and uncontroled by arbitrary es
tablishments, shall meliorate our condition as men.