FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
MR. Ff.XNO,
\ CANDID view of thecircumftancesandcau
fes which have heretofore tended to give
.•mprefilons unfavorable to the American public
character, may probably lead to an investigation
of the means by which a remedy is to be effected
—a future confidence eftablifned—and the respec
tability of this country placed on an immovable
balls.
It is not the leafl surprising to the thinking
mind, that the critical situation of public affairs,
during a long and perilous war, should deprive
these States of an opportunity to examine nicely,
the texture of tliofe forms of government which
were ereifled during that period, or how far their
principles promised liability and firmnefs in their
operation—nor is it more to be wondered at, by
those who are acquainted with human nature,
that after the object which originated the late
contest was obtained, and before cool reason had
confirmed a Union which common danger only
had prompted, that each branch in the copart
nership should discover an inclination to rid itl'elf
of its proportion of the price of our Independence
—and a jealousy relating to the share each would
have in the advantages resulting from it, while
the collective whole should appear to have no
other idea of a future well established govern
ment," but as the erection of a tyranny at home
in lieu of the one they had just rid themfelvesof
from abroad, arising from the vibrations of the
pendulum to the opposite extreme.
' The aforementioned causes jointly operated
to produce imbecility, error, and in some instan
ces, fraud in our public a<fts—to destroy mutual
confidence among our citizens, and to bring up
on us the contempt of foreign powers ; the gener
al interest became a facrifice to the contracted po
licy of each State—the little views of some in
dividuals, and the licentious hopes of many others.
Happy for America a different scene now opens
to view—and the dark (hades in the picfiure just
given, are fait diflipating undtr the operation of
a free, but efficient national government —and
every heartmull dilate with joy at our profpeifts,
■while with reason we can anticipate all those
Bleflings which inuft neceflkrily accrue from a
speedy restoration of public faith and honor up
on the establishment of an adequate system for
funding the debt,of the United States.
As communities are but the collection of indi
viduals, the fame principles and practices which
tend to advance the interest of each individual
in his private capacity, must lead to their cor
porate welfare—nor can any thing morally
wrong be politically right—tho the contrary max
im has been often inculcated—its milchievous
consequences have ever been manifcit—while the
principle itfelf of adhering flriilly to the dictates
ofjuftice in public affairs, must influence the
well disposed Statefinan—he will find the policy
of hisconduft also evidenced in the former splen
dor of the ancient States of Greece and Rome, and
the modern one of Great-Britain, who by a sacred
regard to her public promises, has been able to
command resources astonishing to all the world,
and to carry on a series of wars which would have
made bankrupts of all the other powers of Europe.
Among the preliminary steps to an adequate
funding system in America, will be the ademp
tion of the State debts by the Union. The his
tory of France from the earliefl stage of her po
litical exigence, is pregnant with evils resulting
from the division of power in her government,
and the exclusive rights veiled in the provincial
parliaments : The present deranged state of her
finances maybe in a great nieafurd traced to the
fame sources—while the oppoilte of the whole
scene, as exhibited in Great Britain, is owing to
the reverse of her political economy. To pro
duce firmnefs, liability and vigor in national mea
sures, it is expedient that all interests should be
as far as possible united svith one general concen
tration of power—a division in either cafe, is pro
ductive of jarrings and dil'cord, and consequent
languor and indecision : From this it will appear
evident, that one uniform fyftein of Finance ill
this country is not only a neceflary but an indis
pensable measure— the mode once confirmed, the
next consideration will be as to the means by
which government shall be enabled to comply
with its promises, and appropriations—and here
the propriety of an excise, in addition to the im
port, appears palpable, as the former will be in
sufficient to answer the above purposes, though
(as I have observed in some former papers) a re
duction of the interell should take place under
the new establishment.
The produdt of borh Impift and Excise I also
concciveto be virtually depending on the exten
fionof our commerce, and having our intercourse
with other nations secured by explicit treaty or
contract—no longer to be fubjecft to the uncer
tain tenure of legislative adts—while commercial
agents are deputed abroad to guarantee the ob
servance offuch contracts, and to protedt the in
terests of individuals trading to foreign ports.
The necessity of these regulations become more
apparent when we refie<ft that the rapid increase
of this country in population and wealth, and the
enterprize of its inhabitants, will naturally ex
cite the oblervation of the European powers, and
soon give rife to all the jealousies of commercial
rivalfhip. Our commerce with them, unsupport
ed by treaty, would probably feel all thole in
jurious fluctuations which such jealousies have a
tendency to produce—while our commerce will
be greatly allilled by the foreign regulations just
attended to, the importance of a code of well con
ftrucftcd infpe&ion laws at home is equally obvi
ous—and tliefe ought no longer to be executed by
those who value neither faith or honor ; but by
men of eftablilhed reputation, and who will not
confentto facrifice their character at the Ihrine
of avarice—till this is the cafe our infpedtion
laws will only serve to encreafe the evils they are
intended to prevent.
Most of the nations of Europe, sensible of the
importance of commerce, are using every means'
for its extension and liberal eftablifhmerit, and the
removal of those impediments to it, which have
heretofore existed in France, are among the most
conspicuous improvements of her late enlightened
policy. The advantages reaped by Great-Britain
from this source need no comment.
Examples brought from abroad will have their
due weight—but the good information, and poli
tical knowledge poflefled, abftradtedly by Con
gress, must suggest the propriety of an early at
tention to the fubjecl here treated of, as involv
ingthe most eflentialobjedts whicngave rife to the
late revolution in our government, and as inti
mately conne<fted with the general prosperity and
welfare of the American Empire
PRESIDENT SULL IVAN's MESSAGE
To the Hon. Senate W House of Represen
tatives, \of New-Hampshire.]
Gentlemen,
TUTHyiNG been informed, that doubts have a
_ risen in the minds of some, whether my hav
ing accepted the office of Diftrid: Judge has not
difqualified me from adling as President of the
State, until a new election takes place, I confefs
that I have never been able to discover any in
compatibility in the two offices. But as some
have attempted toprove this by urging the words
of a Constitution framed for the purpose of esta
blishing over the people of New-Hatnpfhire a free,
sovereign and independent government—l must
observe, that thisgoverment hasftnee been changed
by the voice of the people, who have agreed that their
fafety depended on thesr retinquijhing many of the
powers retained by the people tn that Constitution, to
a General Government eftablijhed for the people oj
each and every State -who fnould adopt it ; -which to
them was to become the general law of the land. The
people of this State did, in the 7>iojl folejnn manner, a
dept and ratijy that Constitution ; and jrom that e
vent, THIS CEASED TO BE A FREE, SOVEREIGN,
and indetendent state ; and upon my being
elected to the office of President, Iwas only sworn
to perform and fulfil the duties incumbent on me
as President of a free and confederate State ; and
I was at or near the fame time sworn to support
the Constitution of the United States, by virtue
ofalaw enacted by yourselves.
While I was continuing to preside in this State,
I was appointed under that Constitution which
the people of New-Hampshire had adopted for
themfclves, a Judge of the Federal Court. My
own inclinations were far from leading me to
wish to continue in both offices ; but I was put in
by the people, and could not devise a way of re
signing the trust committed to me, but into the
hands who honoured me with it. I well knew
that the time for electing a new President was
near at hand, when the people might have an op
portunity of declaring who should preside over
them ; and all the public papers having been en
trusted to my care, and the affairs of the State un
folded to me, I could not, without an unpardona
ble breach of trust, neglect to lay them before
you. I also considered, that while I was living
in the State, no other person could, by your own
laws, adminiller the neceflarj oaths to you, to
qualify you to ast as Legislators, while the time
for which I was chosen was not expired ; and as I
knew that this would probably be the last session
of this Court, for the present year ; and I had no
inclination to propose myfelf as a candidate for
another— I concluded delicacy would have pre
vented some persons from pursuing the methods
they have adopted, for gratifying a spirit which
ought never to lodge itfelf in the branch of a Legi/la
ture. J a J
Gentlemen,
You will fee the ficuation I am in, anil may
ealily conceive of my feelings upon this fubjetft
being brought forward, at every opportunity, tofa'-
tiate that spirit which hat often, bej ore this fejjion of
the Court, displayed it ft If before vie, and used every
effort again ft me.
The Prciident and Senate ofthe United States
were, at the time of my appointment, well ac
quainted with my having to finilh my year in
presiding over this State ; but no hint has ever
been given tome of my acceptance of an office
under the present general government, rendering
346-
AMERICANUS.
void any State appointment; even though I have
had the honour of being often, since my accep
tance of the office of Diftrid; Judge for New-
Hamplhire, in company with the President of the
United States, who knew I was the President of
this State, and treated irte as luch, although he at
the fame time knew that I had long before accept
ed the office of Federal Judge.
I know the candour andjuftice of the members
of both branches ; and I have too high an opinion
of their integrity and uprightness to suppose,
chat they will fuffer themselves to be influenced
by the efforts of one or more, who cannot avoid at
•very opportunity, discovering the spirit -which ailu
itet them in their conduit. I have the honour &c
fee. JOHN SULLIVAN.
Dec. 29, 1789
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1790.
A Memorial from Hon. Robert Morris, late fuperintendant
of finance, enclosed to the speaker was read—the enclosure
contained a requefl that the memorial might be entered on the
journals of the House—laid on the table.
The mcmorialid after dating a variety of fa&s relative to the
business of which he had been appointed fuperintendant the dif
ficulties, delays, and embarrassments which had prevented a final
adjudment and settlement of his accounts—petitions that com
missioners may be appointed for that purpose.
Mr. Goodhue presented a petition from sundry inhabitants of
S .Icm—dating that thro' a very particular condruftion of a feftioi,
in the coading law, velTels owned by the citizens of the United
States, and as they thought properly qualified as such, had been
obliged 10 pay the alien duty in some of the southern States— and
praying relief or a refund of the duty so paid—laid on the table
Several petitions and memorials were read, from persons who
had made sundry discoveries, and invented certain machines pray,
ing encouragement, and a securing of the benefits of their in
ventiont—laid on the tabic.
On motion of Mr. Sedgwick the committee of the whole house
was discharged from any further discussion of the bill providing
for the actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United State?
It was then voted that the blanks in the bill Ihould be filled"
up.
The firft blank relpeaed the time to be allowed for corJkleat
mg the enumeration—6, 4, and 3 months were proposed. X
Mr. Sedgwick observed, that as so Idng a time is to elapse be
fore the affidants are to enter upon the business, the work of pre
paration will be completed in such a manner, that he conceived
three, two, or even one month will be fufficient.
Mr. White said that he was very sure that in many of the States
<w ? ,three or four months will not be fufficient— and fix month's
Will be found (hort enough to complete the enumeration in those
States—in the eadern States the business may be finidied in a much
Ihorter period—but when the time (hall be elapsed, that is allow
ed by law and the enumeration is completed in some of the
States, and the numbers fully returned, it cannot be supposed
that those States who have not completed theirs, (hould acquiefcc
in any regulations, and eilablilhments founded on so imperfect a
census. r
Ml. Burke was in favor of allowing the longest period—and
Itated a great variety of obstacles and impediments in the way of
compleating the ennumeration within so (hort a time, even as fix
months ; and the census when returned in so incompleat a state, it
could not be supposed would be fatisfaftory ; it would create
uneafincfs and terminate in absolute injustice.
Mr. Jacklon adverting to the peculiar circumftaoces of the
States, particularly Georgia ; and the recent acceflion of
North-Carolina ; the extenflvenefs of the territory of those States,
and the dispersed situation of their inhabitants— contended that
lix months would be but a (hort time to compleat the business in.
Mr. Madison observed that the situation of the several States was
lo various, that the difficulty of adopting a plan for effefline the
bulincfs upon terms that woulf 1 give general fatisfaftion, can only
be obviated by allowing fufficient time. Some of the States have
been in habits of taking an enumeration of their citizens ; others
have never done it at all ; to the former the business will be eafv,
and may be compleated within perhaps the (horteft period : in
the others, it will be attended with difficulties at present unfore
■ addition to these, there is a variety of other confuta
tions to be taken into view ; there must be a greater number of
a Imunts employed in the southern States ; there are many con
ingencies that cannot be provided against ; the afliftants may die,
and leave the business unfinifhed ; it may be neceffarv to appoint
others ; the returns from so many persons, from such cxtenfive
diitntts, will require filch a length of time, as leaves no probabi
lity that it can be compleated in a shorter period than fix months.
Mr. Sedgwick said he had no wi(h to precipitate the business •
the equalizing the representation ought to be a matter of serious
contemplation to every gentleman.it is peculiarly so to the delega
tion from those States who are so unequally represented : I wish
tor a lull and competent enumeration; and am for allowing full
time to compleat it in : But there does not appear to me to be
y ,u° rC Jrn ob J ca,on raised from the contingency of thedeath
of the afliftants : The longer the pctiod, the greater the proba
bility of such events : And I am clearly of opinion thatextend
•«g the period will not conduce to obtaining finally so accurate an
enumeration. 7
Mr. Smith, (S. C.) Mr. Burke, and Mr. Jackfonmadea few ad
aitional observations, when
Ihequedion being taken on « fix months," it was carried in
the affirmative.
,J h ,< a " l(h . n ' 5 fa , ilin g to make returns to the marshals within the
time limitted by this ast to forfeit 200 dollars.
pJrl™ ar ! h . a ,! S '°- ma^, retUinSof the aggregate amount to the
Pre ident ot the United States, by thefirft day of June next, un
der penalty of 800 dollars. J
°tV b k la n u S - WCre si " cd in amendments which had been
adopted—The bill being gone through.
It was patted, tobeena&ed.
, was received from the President ofthe United States
United St",""*' u"? the for glvin S effe£l to the laws of the
nnf« ! Kil" SUte , oi North Carolina, and for other pur
poses, which has received the Prelident's assent and signature
,i„ x COI r mUtC ? wholc ' on lhe report of the Secretary of
rrpdl M "■ P rov,flon for the support of the public
credit Mr. Baldwin in the chair.
Mr. Smith (S.C.) after premising a mode which he deemed eli
g >,e in ta 'ing up the fubjc£ls contained in the report, read cer
tain resolutions which he proposed to lay on the table : These re-
Jolutions he luppofed would bring the several obiefts of difcuflion
01 . n k ' ,° }■ ,a *' committee might proceed vw ith more accu
racy in the business.
r,J, hC l C r j fO ' U, L° nS , r , cfcrred to the principal objects of the re
port—laid on the table. J
d,kf ® oud " ,ot c "tered into a consideration of the fubjeft of the
debt . He adverted to the resolution of the last session, and to the
answer of the House to the Prcfident's speech ; by which he con
eive i. it . ruted States have pledged themselves to make ade
quate provision tor the support of the public faith : He thought the
mo c po.ntc oui by the gentleman from South Carolina, would