THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, FRIDAY, JANUARY 13, 1871. TXX23 A&AJJABXA CLAIMS. IH AMERICA SIDE OF THE COSTROVBBST fBOM A3 ENGLISH POINT OF 'VIEWAS IM POBTAHT APER T IAKD HpUART. In tbe January number of : HacmlUan'i Magazine is an important paper on tbe Ala bama claims, from the pen of Lord Ilobart, which ia well worthy the attention of Ameri can readers. Af tr giving a review of the origin of the controversy between the United States and England, and the negotiations carried on at the British Court by Messrs. Adams, Johnson, and Motley, Lord Ilobart Bays: Bach being the present position, what Is the future fate of this question? It seems im possible not to admit that a nation whioh by its Senate or in any other manner rejects a convention, not only bearing tbe signature of its accredited representative, but, after im portant alteration to suit the views of its Government, approved by that Government, place itself pro tanto in a disadvantageous position before the world. Constitutional peculiarities may deprive such engagements of legal obligation, but cannot prevent them from being considered by pubho opinion as some kind of admission on the part of the nation that equitable terms have been offered to it, or, in other words, that a demand for further concession is exorbitant. The Bri tish Government, however, has with much wisdom and moderation refrained from in sisting strongly on this view of the case, and contented itself with the requirement, the justice of which is sufficiently evident, that, as regards any renewal of the negotiations, the initiative should proceed from the Ameri can side. Assuming, then, at the instance of the American Government the negotiations will before long be resnmed, it remains to in quire on what their success or failure may be expected to depend. Now, it is evident from the statements of Mr. Fish and of Mr. Mot ley, and indeed would be sufficiently clear without them, that though several reasons are given for the rejection of the treaty by the American Senate, the chief reason was the fact . that the 1 claims for which it provided a settlement were those of individual . losers by the depredations of the . . Alabama and f her kindred, no mention at all being made of any claim on the part of the Government of the United States against that of Great Britain for alleged breach of international duty. The United States consider, wrongly or rightly, that they have two distinct claims against us; one for the reimbursement of American sub jects for the losses which they incurred on this account; the other, to some kind of re dress, reparation, or amende honorable tot the important assistance which (as they con tend) was given to the Rebel States by the premature recognition of their ' 'belligerency," and the subsequent negligence of the British Government to prevent some of its disastrous consequences by detaining the Alabama and other vessels in the ports of England. There can then be no doubt that, whatever other amendments it may be desira ble to make in the convention, if a few words could be added to it providing for reference to an arbitrator of the questions, whether the conduct of. Great Britain during the war in volved any breach of international obliga tionwhether, if it did, tbe error was of a kind for which reparation could properly be demanded and if so, what ought to be she nature of that reparation a settlement of the dispute would at once ensue. Now, if the state of affairs was simply this that the United States had demanded of our Government reparation of some kind for the recognition of Southern belligerency, and our Government had replied by a distinct re fusal there would be very few Englishmen, probably very few persons on this side of the Atlantic, who would find fault with the reply. That on the English Bide of the question there are arguments of considerable force ' Americans themselves would admit, and the British Government has as good a right to hold that it is not responsible for that act and its consequences, as the Government of tbe United States has to a contrary opinion But that is not the . proposal now under consideration. Tnat proposal is, that the qnestion which of . these two opinions is right should be referred to the judgment of a tribunal selected for its wis. dom and impartiality. Whatever else may be thought of this proposition, it is one which undoubtedly merits the most anxious con - sideration. A nation deliberately rejecting such a mode of settling differences for whioh there is only one other settlement may have valid reasons for doing so, but (always sap- posing that a fitting arbitrator can be found) incurs very serious responsibility. In the disputes of private life, which cannot be made the subject of legal decision, it is commonly inferred that the disputant who refuses to submit the question to the friendly deoision of a third person is the disputant who is in the wrong. Inis may very pojsi bly not be tne case; but taere are. at all events, no unreasonable grounds for the Inference. . It might seem superfluous to repeat, but is too often forgotten that to make concessions on a mere demand is one thing; to make conces sions which have been pronounced just by a duly appointed referee is quite another. Ia the first case there is implied - either an ad mission of the justice of the demand or a de ficiency of power or of courage to resist, it in the second, neither the admission nor the deficiency. From concession, the result of arbitration, there can fairly be inferred . neither a sense of culpability on the one hand, nor of weakness or fear on the other, In ordinary oases it is properly attributed to a just appreciation of what is 'due to the ceneral interests, which requires that the members of a community shall abstain as far as possible from taking the law into their own hands. , TBE POSITION. Or AMERICA REASONABLE. Judging from past discussions, the objec tions wnicn will be taken on the part of tog- land to this proposal are as follows: The first is that we are so unquestionably ia the right that there is no case, or shadow of a case, on the other side. But this argument (to which it may reasonably, though perhaps not conclusively, be replied, that if so we have no need to tear an adverse decision) appears now to be very generally considered as untenable. It seems, indeed, impossible to read the correspondence on the subject without perceiving that there exists at least Borne color for the American view. The statement that the recognition was precipi tate derives, to say the least, some show of reason from the fact that of the great battles of the war not one had been fouofc when it occurred (which is saying, in other words, that tbe. "civil war" bad not then actually begun,) while the reasoning of our Government, that the United States themselves bad, by blockading the ports in the bands of the llebtln, already declared their belligerency, i deprived in great part of its value by the further fact that the Queen's proclamation appeared before the issue of the complete Presidential authority for the blockade of the Southern ports. Bub even supposing that the recognition could not, in these respects, be considered as precipitate, is there no foundation for the oomplaint of tbe United States with regard to it ? The an swer is thought to be absolutely conclusive that they had blockaded the ports, and thereby themselves proclaimed the belligerency of the Southern States. But is it possible that a Government has not the power, at the outset of an insurrection, to blockade ports which may happen to have been seized by Rebels, without conferring upon them belli gerent rights, and entitling them to the poli tical status which those rights involve? How would it suit Great Britain to aooept this doctrine for her own ports of Cork and Water ford, supposing them to have been suddenly seized by Irish rebels? Is it, or is it not the fact, that when these very United States were rebels against Great Britain, we block aded some of their ports, and, so far from admitting that belligerent rights were thereby accorded to them, treated as a casui belli the admission of some of their cruisers into a foreign port? It is Dot here asserted that to these arguments on the American side no answer can be given on the part of Great Britain; it is not even as serted that they have not been answered by our Government in a manner whioh, to many persons, will not unreasonably appear con clusive; all that is contended for Is that it is really absurd to assert that ononis point the American Government is so absolutely and hopelessly destitute of all shadow of argu ment and all possible pretext for oomplaint that tbis ib a case to wnicn arbitration is wholly inapplicable. It is perfectly possible, and even probable, that Lord Clarendon's reply to Mr. Fish might be considered as conclusive by the arbitrator. What seems impossible is that any conceivable arbi trator at all qualified for the position should consider tbat these was absolutely nothing to be said on the other side. Another answer, supposed to be decisive as against the view taken by the United btates in regard to the recognition is, that in his correspondence with foreign uovernments on tbe subject, their Minister spose of tne insurrection as a regularly organized "civil war." But it is surely not difficult to see that this argument, though a fair weapon of controversy, is by no means unanswerable, The insurrec tion of the British-American colonies which led to their independence was as regularly organized; and if any one had said that those colonies had levied "imminent, flagrant, deadly war" against Great Britain, he would have said that which was neither very unnatural nor very incon sistent with the facts of the esse: yet no one can imagine that such a statement would have prevented an immediate declaration of war on tbe part of Great liritain if any foreign State had dared to accord to the colonists the status of belligerency. On the whole, it seems impossible at the same time to pretend to impartial judgment, and to deny that,' whether the view taken by the United States on tbis subject be erroneous or not, it rests upon some plausible foundation. ' REFEBENCE TO ARBITBATION. -- The other great objection on the part of England will probably be that the proposed reference to the judgment of a neutral pewer of her right to recognize tne belligerency or the revolted States would not be consistent with national self-respect. It is true that this objection has been so far invalidated as that, by the Clarendon-Johnson Convention, England bad agreed that this grievanoe of recognition should be submitted to tne arbi trator appointed to adjudicate upon the Ala bama claims as one of the data for his guid ance; but the difference in degree between this concession and the direct reference now suggested will be strongly insisted on. Nor oan it be denied that such a mode of deciding such question is more alarming to national sus ceptibilities than would be its decision by that time-honored tribunal which -dispenses justice through tbe medium of - explosive compounds. But the question is, which of these two methods is really most worthy of a great nation if it were not for the strange hallucination which supposes that nations and individuals are amenable to different moral laws, it would be seen that this is a case in whioh the more peaceful course is also the most magnanimous. In civilized society, the man who, in disputes with his fellows, resorts to violence rather than to conciliatory inter position, is not the man who is most credited with a due sense of his own dignity. Nor is it easy to understand how a State, whose representative was the chief author of the paragraph in tbe protoool ap pended to the treaty of Paris, in 185G, and which expressed a hope on the part of the European powers tbat serious international differences would in future be referred to arbitration, can reject arbitration on an occa sion such as this. That paragraph must have been intended, if it had any meaning at all. to counteract the undue sensitiveness of na tional honor; and it is not easy to perceive, if in applicable to this question of recognition, to what great international disputes it can ever be considered to apply, ltef erenoe to arbitration in such a case as this seems almost forced upon a nation which is neither so weak that it need be ungenerous,nor of soltttle aooount in the world that it need stake incalculable interests on points of international punctilio a nation which, fourteen years ago, led the way in the onslaught against that pride of race which refuses to submit to judicial in quiry and has been the parent of the most calamitous wars that Lave desolated the world. IMPORTANCE TO ENGLAND AMERICA. or FEACE . WITH There is no need to insist, in the interest f a speedy and peaoeful settlement of this unhappy dispute, on the general advantages of international amity, or on the special itu portance to England of a good understanding witn tne united States. But there are some considerations which Are apt to be lost sight 01, out wnicn appear to recommend to us, in this instanoe, a course conciliatory to the extreme limits of, conciliation. One of these is the fearful national loss and suf fering which were really inflioted upon them, as well as tnat which, it may be errone ously but at au events devoutly, Ameri- cans believe to have been infliotad upon them by the conduct of England during the war. Whether tbat conduct involved any breach of international duty such as to furnish them with a right to reparation, may well be questioned what cannot be q op tioned is that it cost them terrib'y dear, and tbat they believe it to have cost them dearer, Apart from the plundering and burning by Confederate cruisers, there can be no doubt that the escape of these vessels from Eag land transferred in great part to Euglaud herself tbe carrying trade of tbe United States; and the blow thus dealt upon their mercantile marine appears to be one from which recovery ia most difti cult. Nor can there be any doubt but that tbe rojal proclamation of neutrality gave in important rwpecw auuiitance and ttnoar agement to the Itebel cause, or what Ameri cans com ider, with what sound reason may well be disputed, that to this alone or mainly it was owing that the Rebellion was able to make bead at all. The injuries thus sus tained, or believed to have been sustained, by the United States do not make their demands just; but they constitute an important reason wbv Encland should consider those demands with the most careful attention, and should do all that oan possibly be done, consistently with ber own rights and true interests, to heal the gaping wounds, material and mental, which, however unintentionally, her hand has made. ' CHARACTER OF TBE AMERICAN PEOPLE. Another consideration, of no trifling im portance, is the character of the American people. Let any one consider the history, and, above all, the recent history of that na tion. There is nothing, in modern times at least, with which it will not, for moral gran deur, favorably compare. An insurrection, formidable not only in numbers, but in foreign sympathy, and in the possession of almost all the disciplined foroes and material of war, sprang suddenly into fierce and ominous life. It was no question between slavery and freedom (though that was a collat eral issue,) but whether the vast dominion the mighty fabric which was the pride of a free people, the admiration of the world, the refuge of liberty, and full of bright promise for the future of mankind should stand firm on its pedestal or be shivered into fragmonts at their feet. Surprised and betrayed, disarmed and friendless, the nation nf ver faltered. For long months it encountered with raw levies the disciplined foroes of the South for long months there poured from every loyal State the flower of the American youth, abandoning home, comfort, and prosperous industry to meet almost certain destruction in their country's cause. In ever-increasing numbers the untrained soldiers of liberty Eressed forward at her call to fill with their ves the deadly interval required to redress the balance of the strife. When at last the tide turned, and victory declared for numerical foroe submitted to gradual discipline, no vengeful exultation marked her advent. Calmly, firmlv, and thoroughly the great work was done. And when it oeased, the passionate excesses whioh have been the usual retinue of such triumphs were looked for by the world in vain. The people which bad satisned so grandly the test of adversity. passed still more grandly through the terrible ordeal ol success. Not one drop of blood was shed in revenge for treachery and re bellion more pernicious and worse-founded than any which the world has seen. In sad neBS rather than in triumph, when the fight was done, the nation set itself resolutely to rapple with the difficulties which the fight ad bred. No lust of military glory, no in toxication of military sucoess. ruffled the steady current of that beneficent toil. Having saved weir country, tne vast triumphant hosts were hosts no more. The transforma tion was complete; the fierce and daring soldier Decame at once tne quiet, industrious citizen; the Government, full armed for des perate resistance or maiestia conauest. be came the peaoeful, conscientious laborer for a people's good. . Now it is of course possible that a nation may have shown itself to be the possessor of so much wisdom and nobleness, and yet act unjustly towards a foreign State, But a claim, not destitute of all foundation, and persistently put forward in a temperate and conciliatory tone by tbe unanimous voice of a nation such . as this, can not be set aside as the produot of mere arrogant impertinence, malignant hostility, or perverse self-delusion. It may be a claim, in the opinion of those upon whom it is made, quite inadmissible: it cannot be one which is no fit subjeot for impartial adjudication., lne American people, thus calm in judgment, moderate in self-assertion, just and humane in spite of every tempta tion, zealous for tne right, vet meroif ul to the perpetrators of wrong, is under the firm impression, whether well or ill-founded, that it is bound, in justice to itself, to demand reparation for certain acts of a foreign power. UDon this reoaration. however, it does not insist; it only asks that some autho rity should be named by both parties who may pronounce upon its justice. The char acter of the proposition and of the proposer alike seem to oounsei compliance. , FEELING IN AMEEIOA TOWARDS ENGLAND. Another consideration which Bhould in flu ence in an important degree Itheldeoision of Jui eland upon this question is the teehna witn which she is regarded by tne American people. - Vulgarity is not confined to Europe; and to envy, disparage, and vilify England is characteristic of American vulgarity. - But to any one who will look a little below the sur-' face, and take his impression of American opinion from other sources than rowdy news- papers, it must be evident that the great nAttrfc nr TnA narinnM.r.ha arrrtracrat a nf hi-knrrVif heart of the nation the aggregate of thought ana reeling wnicn nave made ner what she is yearns for sympathy and amity with ours. mere is in tne people oi tne united states a reverence, an admiration, even a filial aneo tion, for the nation from whioh they have never forgotten that they sprang, which long years of mutual misunderstanding, recrimina tion, ana suspicion have been unable to sub- due.. 1 be people of the United btates-beheve, rightly or wrongly, that we have inflicted upon them a grievous wrong, for which, by some means or omer, it is incumbent on them if they can to obtain redress; but who ever has had an opportunity of observing them at all must see that it is by a sense of justice, and not by an impulse of vengeance or hostility, tbat their course is steered; and tbat if this dispute could be settled by arbi tration, they would, though the decision of the arbitrator should be in our favor, wel come it with satisfaction as that whioh would obtain for them, without sacrifice of national rights or interests, the long-sought and iu- tensely-valued friendship of England. The object of th s paper has been, first, to explain as clearly as possible the present position oi tne controversy; and, seoondly, to inquire what ought to be the course- taken by Great Britain as respects the solution which, or something like, it seems neoessary for ber either to accept, or to reject without hope of a final understanding. , It is hardly to be imagined . that the proposition for re newed negotiation, which must oome from the United States, will be long delayed. - And there is ground for confident hope that the fairness and moderation which have marked the recent conduct of the caie by the Eng lish Government, aided by the good sense and enlightened patriotism, of the English people as represented by a reformed Parlia ment, will before lone bring about tne con summation so ardently desired on both sides of the Atlantic the reconciliation of great anu kindred nations too long estranged. i WATS ANO OAPti nWABEURTON'S IMPROVED VENTILATED and 6y-tRUng DRESS HATS (patented), in all tti Improved iakhions of the eaua. 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COFFIN, President, CHAS. PLATT, Vloe-Presldent. . "MATTIIIAS MARIS, Secretary. C H. RKXVE9, Assistant Secretary. I: 70.TC & J Di??CT08S-: ft t Arthur fl. Coffin. Francis R. Cope. aumel VVi Joues, ; John A. Brown, Charles Taylor, i Ambrose White, "William Welsh, , John Mason, ' Ueorge L, Barnon Bdv. HYTrouer, lid ward 6. Clarke, T. Charlton Henry, Alfred D. Jessup, . Louis C. Madeira, . . ' Charles W. uushmao, element a, urtsoom, William Brockle. 1 10 tuthsiou-p ' Statement; January 1, 1871 j the c Enterprise Insurance Co, of Philadelphia. 4 .'J a. . Office, No. 400 WALNUT Street ' FIBE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY, AS8ET8 (AT MARKET VALUEj. Bonds and Mortgages, all first Hens on Real ' Ktlate in the City ef Philadelphia $13,041-00 around Kent in the City of Philadelphia. 18,733-33 Real Estate, Omoe Buildings, adjoining i . and situate Nos. 400 and 40 Walnut su, ' and No. 204 South Fourth street T0.O0O 0O Philadelphia City blx Per Cent. Loan - 15,070-00 Peniia. R. R. Consolidated Mort. Bonds... 14,287 -ao Camden and Amboy It. R. Bonds 13,950 00 I.elitga Valley K.R. seven per cent. Bonds. , 10,000-00 1 niteci Mates d-yu six percent, oonas Cash In Phlla. National Bank aud on hand Due by Agents In course of transmission and Debts due in account 5.850-00 14.8U7-2S 6,081-17 Revenue and Postage Stamps on hand...-. ; 843-07 Interest and iceuu aucrueu nut not i due $7,848-07 Due and unpaid- w-oo 8,229 07 Total Cash Assets at thU Date $318,884-40 RECEIPTS IN 1870. Premiums on Fire Risks.. $t8t,045-14 Interest on Bents W,6itf-6i Earnings on Cancelled Perpetual Policies, aud Policy and Transfer fees 803-67 $161,478-43 PAYMENTS IN 18T0. Lo bps by Fire $1 7,i-H Returned Premiums and Reinsurances.. Id,70i-13 Taxes U. S., SiaU, aud City and Reve nue Stamps r M20-PB. Printing, Advertising, Stationery, Sala ries, oimuU Biou, Travelling, omce and Mutcellaueous K.peu 87,963-82 v T-J,u7Zi DIRECTORS. , F. Ratchford Htarr. ., ,J. L, t-rrlneer, Nalbro' 1 razler, J. M. Atwood, R.T.Treil-k, Ueorge 11 Hiuart, James L-Ulaghorn. ; V. 4. Boultoo, 1 ' diaries wneeier, Thomas II. Montgomery, J M. Aertaeu. J. 11. xsrown, F. HATCH FORD 8TARH. President. Tin. H. MON'mOMEKY, Vico-Prea t AI.KX'. V. WISTEK. txx relary. 1 mh2t JACOB Jt. PETEUbON, Ass nt Secy. INSURANCES 1829 cnARTER ntRpnuAu 1870 VrailliB Fire Insurance Ccapjiy' Office, Kos. 435 and 437 CHESUUT It. ' Assets Aug. I l,70$3,009l888,24 CAPITAL ; 1400,000-6 ACCRUED SURPLUS AND PREMIUMS. 9,609,888 -M INCOMB FOR 1870, LOSSKS PAID m 1669- 81U.UUU, 9144,908-49. lAes paid Blace 1830 orer . Perpetual and Temporary Policies on Liberal Terms. . The Company also Issues policies npon the Rrjta of all kinds of Buildings, Ground Rents, and Most gages. . 'ice "rtfjL.tin.uin" n" uu vmtrmtui ULAJJn. - DIRECTORS. Alfred G. Baker, Aifrea nuer, Thomas Mparks, Bamuei urant, George W. Kioharda, iB&ao Lea. wuuara o. oraot. Thomas 8. Bills, George Fales, una ustavna R. BennrtB. ALFRED 6. BAKER. President. GEOKOB FALKS, Vice-President.' JAMES W. MCALLISTER, Secretary. ra 19 THEODORE M. REGER, Assistant Secretary. AS BURY LIFE INSURANCE CO. 1IUV7 TTOXUX .... LEMUEL BANGS, President. GEORGE ELLIOTT, Vlce-Pres't an J Sec'y. EMORY McCLIKTOCK, Actuary. JAMES M. LONCACI1E, MANAGER EOR PENNSYLVANIA ANL DELAWARE, Office, 302 WALBUT St, Philadelphia, H. C. WOOD, Jr., Medical Examiner. . v C 88 mwilm REV. 8. POWERS, Special Agent. F IRE ASSeOIATIO A INCORPORATED MARCH 17, 1880, " .' OFFICE, , . NO. M NORTH FIFTH STREET, V INSURE BUILDINGS, HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, AN1 MERCHANDISE GENERALLY Frem Loss by fire (In the City of Philadelphia only ASSETS.! JANUARY. 1, 1870, tl.37a,r34 TRUSTEES. ' WUllam H. Hamilton, Charles P. Bower. Jesse JJghtfoot, Robert Shoemaker. Peter Arm b raster, M. H. Dickinson, . . Peter WllllamBnn jonn narrow, George L Young, Jos. R. Lyndall, TAvt p. (loata. Samuel Spar hawk. WM. H. HAMILTON, President. ; i: SAMUEL SPARHAWK, Vice-President. WILLIAM P. BUTLER, . ' LK Secretary . - rpHE PENNSYLVANIA FIRE INSURANCE X COMPANY. V Incorporated 1826 Charter Perpetual. ' No. B10 WALNUT Street, opposite Independence Square. , , . i This Company, favorably known to the comma, nlty for over forty years, continues to insure against . loss or damage Dy lire on Public or Private Build-' lta AM.hikV nurmonnntlv t9 tiw a limit 44ma a . on Furniture, Stocks of Goods, and Meccoandlat generally, on liberal terms. .,.., Their CapltaLtogether with a large Surplus Pond, Is Invested In the most careful manner, which ena blea them to offer to the insured an undoubted aecu rity In the case of loss. ... uiai vjMJwa mrjm lunuvuw w u iui b mn uvu Kiiun. jiiwa Daniel Smith, Jr I Thomas Smith. Isaac HaxlehursL I Henry Lewi ' Thomas Robins, J. GUllngbam FelL John Devereux, I Daniel Haddock. Franklin A. Comly. DANIEL SMITH, Ja., President, Wh. O. Cbowxll, Secretary. g go F AMB INSURANCE COMPANY No. 80 CHESNUT Street -! tHOoaroBArao lstsa,. ohabtkb mkmstuai, ..-; CAPITAL 1200,000. .. ,. FIRE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY. , Insurance against Lou or Damage by Fire either Perpetual or Temporary Policies. -, niufc-TOHa. Charles Richardson, Robert Pearce,. John Eesaier, Jr Edward B. Orne, Charles Stokes. John W. Kvermaa, -Mordecal Busbv. . wuiiam tu iwawn, J imam M. Seyfert, ohnK. Smith, , Nathan Hules, 1 George A. West, a Yljmj A Dnanu T i j - . WILLIAM U. RHAWN. Vice-President. , Wm.t4.MS LBlakchaju) Secretary. 88' THE ' ' ENTERPRISE INSURANCE CO. .' QW - PHILADELPHIA. Omce B. W. eor, FOURTH and WALNUT Streets. ' FIRE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY. PERPETUAL. AND TERM. POLICIES lftSTJElX CASH Capital (paid up in full) ........ Inr2oaooo-oo CASH Aaaeta, Dcsember V 1870.... fooO-ass-M V. Riitrlifnrd St&rr. J. Livingston Errlnmr.' Naibro Frailer, JehnM. Atwood, ' BenJ. T.Tredtck, George H. Stuart, . '.' James U Uaghorn. j . .. Wm. Q. Bouiton, h, Charlea Wheeler. Thomas H. Montgomer Jaroes M. Aertsen. ' John 1L Brown. J " F. RATCHFORD STARR, President. THOMAS H. MONTUOMERV, Vice-President., ALEX. W. WISTElt Secretary. . JACOB E PETEliSON. Assistant Secretary. ' JMPEBIAL FIRS - - INSURANCE 0OM LOSDOR. ESTABLISHED 1SOS. Faid-op Oapital and AcawlUd Fudai 08,000,000 ; IN GOLD. PREVOST A HERRING, Agents, ' .48 Ho. 101 & THIRD BlrMt, PbilwMpfaia. OHAB, u. rnxvost ' ' chaa. P. BlgHIM rp 11 li - 1 O V.f O C fl XV . v .;. in:. A I l J PRO VIB ENT , Life and Trust Co. orriiiLAUiraiiA,, No 111 South - F0UBYH Street The dividend received by policy-holder la the difference txtweeu tho actual cent of insurance and -the premium paid. . Thia company la expressly re quired by Us cham 1 to divide every dollar of sur- Blas thus arising smong iu policy-holders. It la lerefoie purely matuaL ' . Tbe New York report for 1870 shows that the as sets of this cotnpanv are in the proportion of $10 to every $1 of liabilities, thus Insuring perfect relia bility. It has received the approbation of the most learned actuaries, and is endorsed and recommended by many of ths moot r rununent eoienUdo and public men in the United Stat, An Insulation of a simi lar kind in England, tbe Friends' Pfqyident Insula tion, has been wonderfully suooesafal. - Its advantages In every respect, both as to safty, cheapness, terms or policies, etc, are not excelled. 1 he prudent and economical management of lis buBlnuaa, combined wiUi ths remarkaole average ' longevity of It members, commends it to the tou Odt nee and iavor of all classes of whatever deaouil nation. Call or send for circular, eaey company to solicit for. Agenta wanted. An 2 12 tpoej SAXON. GREEN never? FADco. lem
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