THE Dawi EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY. MARCH 30, 18C9. SPIRIT OF THE PltESS. BDrrOBIAL OFIiriOtld OP THU LBATjmO joubmami Pro CPRBHNT TOPICS COMPIIiKD BT1BI PAT FOB TH1 BVBS1NO TKLBOBAP. Ucorglaand the Amendment Pretexts for Interim nee. JfromWr. T. Timet. The failure of the fifteenth amendment in the Georgia Legislature U a pretext for quar rel of which the advocates o( extreme mea sures are promptly availing tlieuisel ve. The opportunity is too Rood to tie lost. Here is a proposed constitutional charge, moderate nd just in its terms, and inlluuely more ac ceptable than the provisions of the Ueorgia constitution; and liere is the local Legislature spurning the profered compromise, aud ob stinately refusing compliance with tue behests of the dominant party 1 The fact is pro nounced inompreheusible, except on the sup position that the looal majority is composed of disloyal elements. And einue they dare show themselves in insolent disregard of the Congressional will, what more natural or proper than that some stern action should be invoked to extirpate lingering rebellion and so reshape the ail'airs of a reconstructed State that those who hunger au i thirst after ofllue and its emoluments may be satisfied? In such a cause the end will justify even objection able means. But before undertaking to chastise the people of Georgia for the sins of its Legisla ture, it is desirable that the precise faots of the case may be correctly known. It may be legitimate and necessary to vindicate the rights of the expelled colored members, and to treat the defeat of the pending amendment as an occasion for exerting, in i ts full force, Federal authority, But it may not be wise to act precipitately. For it is at least possible that on a oareful review of the ciroumstanoea attending the recent proceedings at Atlanta, the fate of the amendment may prove to be more the work of mischievous extremists on the Republican side than of stiff-necked Democrats on the side of the opposition. Of the ill-advised message of Governor Bullock we have already spoken. It would gcaroely have been different had the purpose of its author been to provoke the Democrats into the giving of au unfriendly vote. The amendment speaks for itself, and the Gov ernor was not its friend when he attempted to fasten upon it a construction not warranted by any declaration of Congress, and calcu lated more than aught else to irritate the Democratic members. Our Atlanta cor respondent has shown that in this offensive course the Executive was supported by seve ral of his adherents in the Ilouse. Instead of allowing the amendment to stand upon its merits as a measure of equity aud a symbol of reconciliation and union, the ratification Of which should be separated from partisan considerations, the more violent of Governor Bullock's supporters used it to taunt their opponents, to insult them, and to drive them into an attitude of resistance. Such oonduct is only intelligible on the theory that Messrs. Bullock, O'Neal, Fitzpatriok & Co. really desired the defeat of the amendment. And, certainly, they took the best possible method of accomplishing tueir enl. Wo are not. however, left to conjecture. Records of the divisions prove that the amend ment was delayed by the absence of so-called Renublioans, and that it was finally defeated ' by the very men who clamor most loudly for ConsreBBional interference to bring tue Legls lature into subjection. We begin with the votes in the House: In the first division the members stood 67 in favor of the amendment, CO against, with 24 radical Republicans ab sent, or not voting. The majority included , 42 Demoorats, and the minority against rati fication four Republicans. It is true that on this oooasion the form of ratification was en cumbered with a protest against the construo tion nut upon the amendment by Gov ernor Bullock; but that circumstance was a result of the challenge thrown down in the gubernatorial message and xnisht have been obviated had the members who absented themselves pur sued a less offensive course. A motion to re consider prevailed on the following day, and, Still later, a square division on the merits of the amendment ended in its adoption by the House by a narrow majority. The figures are 64 yeas, 53 nays; eight Republican extremists voting in tbe minority, ana twenty-iour oeing absent or non-voting, twenty -seven Demoorats also being in the latter category. Again, in the Senate, the amendment, after having been ' adopted by a vote of 21 to 10, was reconsidered, and indefinitely postponed by the casting vote ' of the Republican President, thirteen of the ' seventeen who voted with him being ultra Re publicans, and others of the same complexion dodging the vote. This exhibit we derive from the detailed divisions published in the local journals, and it is conclusive upon the essential point, that ' for the virtual defeat of the amendment in the Georgia Legislature, radical Republican Senators are responsible. But for their in sincerity and triokery, the amendment would have been ratified. And it was not ratified simply beoause the partisans who urge upon Congress the policy of fresh interference in the affairs of a reconstructed State chose this plan for putting its Lugixlatnre in apparent hostility to the policy ot the Government an4 of the Republican party as expressed by the amendment. It is dear, therefore, that the effort to make the fate of the amendment in the State a pre text for impugning the thoroughness of its reconstruction, and subjection it auew to the penalties of a provisional government aud the uncertainties of Congressional action, is in the circumstances inexcusable. The State would have at this moment appeared as ac oeDtinz instead of rejecting the amendment, had the whole body of Republicau Seuators done their duty, lu the House, where Demo crats are in the asceudaut, it was adopted: by the Senate, where Republicans compose the maioritv. it was killed by indeUmte delay Will the members of the Reconstruction Com mittae. and the members of the Senate Judl- ' ciarv Committee who favor the Edmunds bill, be good enough to consider this aspect of the . case. How to Resume. Trcm the N. Y. Tribune, To the Editor of The Tribune fi'i -I would like your comments on the following for pre- T.nt (inn irrties nrovlUe for tue IskuIiik of bonds, hnarliiu six Der cent., nnd exempt from i.hxh- imn in aii amount Hiltllcleut to raise tvo bun rfroi millions In aoUl at homo and unroid uairA flft.v mllllonx of tlicKo buuOs payable tu, cold In one year from tliolr date, end a like Smeuut payable yearlv tliDn alter. .such bond will doubtletw sell at from to loo routs ou Hie dollar In gold. The common 5 Mi re now wortn about 85 ceiKe in tfold, and the bontu in ouestlon would surely be wortli 10 cents more, if not 15. liaise two huudred millions willi such bonds, and the Uovemujt.pt will theu hold i..,,ir,.,i tniinnim in Koli I. Let tine told " be loaned to the national banks, aud at ouce resume by law. A dollar greenback will then : ...m-th a irnid dollar. Let tbe national bauka be closed In a year or so, and In the mean time tue State banks will open and glv e ussulllolent ' Then provide us with a tariff, so as to Insure that our exports shall be fifty millions greater ban our Imports, and all Will be wen. can oui jum , . ttunscBIBEU, The foregoing 1?, in our view, suioldal non- I sense, The present odbibumi w iouui(iuuu is the nonular will that is, the repuguauoe of debtors, who, if not the largest, are the most zealous and clamorous ponton oi me commu nity. If there were a general desire to re sume, it would be effected at ouoe. 1'iling up gold anywhere is the oertaln way to prevent and postpone resumption. What is needed is that gold shall cease to be needed, or an objeot of eager desire. If we were Seoretary of the Treasury and anxious to resume, we should first call in the gold cer tificates and make those who want gold hold it for themselves; next, we would pay out nearly all the gold remaining in the Treasury, so as to make it a drug in the market. We should wish, in doing this, to buy up and cancel forty or fifty millions of Government bonds, so as to make them scarcer in the hands of bankers aud dealers. Next, we should put on the market an American consol or long bond, payable prin cipal and interest in coin, and nntaxable, at the lowest rate of interest at which it could be floated. Having this in good demand, at par or over, we should simply resume that is, offer any one who was not satisfied with greenbacks the gold for them obtaining the gold by selling consols at the market rate. We are confident that not a tenth of the greenbacks would be presented for redemp tion. They would be withheld exactly as the gold certificates now are beoause they are equal in value to gold and more convenient to the holders. In this way, we would reach, resumption surely, speedily, and without a shook. There is no difficulty and no mystery in the pre mises. The only serious obstacle is the popular preference of a false to a true stand ard of value. But of all wild delusions ever propagated, that which contemplates resump tion through the heaping up of cold in the Treasury is the wildest and saddest. Ed. Aribune. llic New Administration What Arc Its rroMect Prom the XT. Y. Herald. On the 4th of March the people made np their political balance-sheet. They analyzed it, and found in it four years of war invested for the purpose of preserving our territory intaot and for the avoidance of all those ills incident to petty nationalities, boundary lines, and their attendant evils of troops, of cus toms duties, and of restrictions to free com munication. They poured out their treasure like water, and there was not a dollar spent but bore Its drop of blood. In common with ns, the people ef the South were fight ing to rid the country ef certain evils which had grown up in our national system, and which could only be eradicated by a bloody war. It required war to cleanse our territory, and nothing but war would open the eyes ot our people, North and South, to that which, in our Constitution and in our political rule, had been a mockery to our republicanism, a curse to our hopes of ever becoming homogeneous, and a barrier to our true progress. In the struggle both sides showed certain elements which are at the foundation of all national vigor courage, en durance, perseverance, aud patriotism. It only required the clearing ef the dros from around these to throw them to the front in all their compactness and beauty, and build around them with our magnificent elements of progress the mightiest nationality the world has seen. Four years of desperate conflict cleared the arena and left the nation, North and South, master of its foes. Now come four years, from 18G5 to 1SU9, of gathering again in hand the elements ot na tional prosperity. Congress undertake what they call reconstruction, but it is the recon struction of a section, not the reconstruction of the nation. The worn-out questions de cided by the sabre strokes of both sides are brought to the front by the dtbris of both po litical factions, and the soldiers who faoed the bullets, the people who poured out their trea sure, are treated to a quarrel between a hot headed President on one side and the war lashed radical foam of the Senate on the other. In the struggle every material inte rest of the country is neglected; commerce languishes, manufactories lie dormant, trade rests on uncertain foundations, the revenues remain uncollected, and the brains of the country appear to feel that but one source of wealth is left open, and that source the public Treasury. While the exe cmive and legislative departments quarrel and, snake-like, are blinded by their own venom, the country, North and South, resting on Its own broad resources of head and heart, patiently waits lor the signal when all the States shall again take up their national march. For four years the nation halts to ascertain whether the section which has been knocked off its feet shall be dragged along, or whether, in the same uniform that the other States wear, it shall be allowed to march with us, help itself, and thus relieve all. Four year 8 pass, and the problem, tangled by too much law, descends in a still worse condition to the electors of 1SG8. 1 he nation, bick at heart with what it saw in this retrospective examination, elected General Grant to replace the "my policy" man of one idea. We, the people, thought, with this election, that the Senate would then restore to the Executive the power which it had usurped. jNo such result has followed. The Tenure-of-Oilice act, instead of beta? re voked, is turned iuto au iustrument of insult. not only to the executive brauch of the Gov ernment, t ut to the whole people of the coun try, who by their votes revoked the obnoxious act when they elected President urant to ful fil the duties imposed upon him by the Con stitution. The people knew that none of the minor functions of the internment could operate in harmony while the ruling force itself was workiig badly. b nce thb 4th of March the country has, therefore, watched with great anxiety the at tempt at Washington to balauoe the govern mental tripod. The Executive selected a har monious Cabinet of umrked talent aud vigor ous brain. The Senate, drunk with power, could tot help testing its str.ngth by breaking up the Cabinet in the unearthing of the obso lete law of 17iJ. They were testing the mettle of the man they had to deal with. He, anxious to conciliate, and seeing that harmony within was the only hope of harmony without, yielded iu the tilt, and allowed the Senate to substitute Mr. Boutwell for Mr. Stewart In the Treasury Department. Mr. Boutwell mav be a mau of genius, but he has not yet shown it: ana u is very uouotiui li he Is able to handle the vast machinery now under his control with the same ability which we have good evidence would have marked the administra tion of the office by Mr. Stewart. Now the House of Representatives has re jected the delusive amendment which the Senate ironioally throws to the people. The Tenure-of-Ollioe aot remains, in all the glory of its despotism, an insult to that idea with which the nation tickles its vanity a republi can form of government. At this point the people naturally turn to the man whom they have placed in the chair to oorreot govern mental evils. The HouBe of Representatives is with him, the nation, outside of the Senate chamber, is with him; North and South are with him. He has a politioal army at his back large enough to get liiia oat of ihk Wilderness if be bas the brains to handle the force offered to him. The prospeote are that with these he mny wrest the usurped power from the Senate. Should he fail to avail himself of this oppor tunity, and give the Senate more vantage ground, tbey will conquer, audthe next four yt-ars will give us political ohaugus such as we have bhown ourselves powerless to resist. President Grant's "Common Scnso." ffrom Me A. . World. When Democrat made objection to General Grant, in the Presidential canvass, that he lacked the training aud experience of a states man, there was no possibility of controverting the fact; but it was urged, in offset, that he was a man of such robust common sense as would atone for the waut of other qualifica tions. This reply was ridiculono, eveu if the superior common sense had not been a friendly exaggeration. Common sense is, indeed, in dlf peu-able ie every important employment, but it cannot stand as a substitute for skill and knowledge. Common sense does not qualify a blacksmith to navigate a ship, nor a sailor to snoo a horse; it does not enable a physician to manage a lawsuit, nor a lawyer to presoiibe lor diseases. As Archbishop Whately said, with his wonted aptness: "Ihe generality have a strong predilection in favor of common sense, except in those points in which they, respectively, possess a system of rules. A sailor will perhaps despise the pretensions of medical men, and prefer treating a disease by common sense, but he would ridicule the proposal of navigating a ship by common sense, without regard to the maxims of nautical art. A physician, again, will perhaps contemn sys tems of political eoonomy, of logic or meta physics, and insist on the superior wisdom of trubling to common sense in such matters; but he would never approve of the system of trusting to common sense in the treatment of diseases. Neither, again, would the architect recommend a reliance ou common sense alone in building, nor the musioian in music, to the neglect of those systems of rules which, in their respective arts, have been deduced from soientilio reasoning, aided by experience. And the induction might be extended to every de partment of practioe. Since, therefore, each gives the preference to unassisted common sense only in those caes where he has nothing else to trust to, aud invariably resorts to the rules of art wherever be possesses the know ledge of them, It is plain that mankind uni versally bear their testimony, though uncon sciously and often unwillingly, to the prefer ence of Bystematio knowledge to conjectural judgments." in Oeneral uraot's own profession or a sol dier much less oomplioated and various than that ot a etatesmau he would scout the pre tensions of mere common sense with as tho rough a contempt as Democrats feel for his qualifications for his present office. When he appointed thermau Ueueral, cuerldan Lieutenant-General, aud Schofield to the vacant Major Generalship, he was dealing with a sub ject which he understood, aud selected those oluceru for their tstaulished professional emi nence. He adopted a different rule in choos ing a Cabinet, because in that matter he was too great a novice to understand what he needed. The analogy of his own pro fesMon ought to have suggested to him the indispensable importance of training and experience, if he had had any considerable share oi tbe common Beuse wuich his pane gyrists used to ascribe to him. The expe rieiioe of our civil war is rich in instruction respecting tbe insufficiency of mere com uiuu sense, rue average common sense ot civilians is, of course, equal to that of men trained iu military schools; but although the armies on both sides were full of civilian generals, none of these acquired the reputa tion of a verv able oommauder. Ihe Lees, Johnstons, Jacksous, Longstreets, and Beaure- cards, on the Rebel side, as well as the Urants, Shermans, bberidans, Meades, and Hancocks, ou tbe Union side, were soldiers who had had the advantage of a West Point training, and most of them of service in the Mexican war; while the Rebel Wises and Cobbs, like our Freuionts, Bankses, aud Butlers, though men of capaoity and common sense, made a poor figure as generals, ihe war exploded the old prejudice against West Point, aud has covered tbe ignorant admiration of common-sense soldiership with derision. General Grant bids fair to make common-sense statesmanship an object of equal scorn. No political general appeared to so little advantage in the war as President Grant does, thus far, at the head of the government. To say nothing of the nondescript Cabinet, which went to pieces as Boon as it was launohed, be has split the party that eleoted him into wrangling factious, who have kept the publio attention absorbed by their quarrelling and caucusing ever since the inauguration. General Grant's famous "let as have peace," must be interpreted, like dreams, by their contraries. Instead of peace, he brings per p.tual hot water, and his health is already breaking down ULder his disappointment and chagiin. The Republicans of both houses are divided into Grant men and anti-Grant men, and in both the anti-Grant Republicans are a majority. In the Senate they are so large a uiajoiity that the Democrats are powerless to assist luin, and they would have swept htm un dt T in the llonse if the Democrats had not voted with his friends. He has encountered this mortifying reverse with every advantage on hie bide. If there is an period in the adminis t ration of a President when he can hope to be si rone and popular, It is at the beginning, when he has not yet expended the chief source of his influence ly the bestowal of his patron ace. Wilh such a President as Grant the patrouaee is not only tbe chief source, but the only source of his ii-lluence. The inllu ence of a party leader the intluence of wide party connections, of original aud sagacious views, of commanding eloquen-e, of the authorship of great measures, of power to act upon end electiiiy the publio mind does not belci,g to General Grant. Mr. Clay out of cilice, Mr. Douglas out of office, and, in the pulmy days of his ascendancy, even Mr. Seward out of office, would have been a power in the politics of tin country. They had each au eiithusiat-tio body of admirers who looked to them as guides, and accepted their views on all great public questions. But General Graut out of office would be the merest no body. His opinions could not even enlist public curiosity. And even his official intluence is of the most vul gar description, the mere iulluenoe of patron see. It reminds oue of the sarcastic text wh'ch Paley proposed tor a sernun on the occakiou of the great ado made over Pitt when he visited Cambridge university:"! per ceivethat there is a livl among you who hath five loaves and two fishes." To a statesman of abilities, the Piesideucy is a source ot ereatiulluence quite apart from its patronage. lv nuttins him in a nosition where he easily and surelv commands universal attention, if a President has sagacious views to put forth, they never fail to be considered by every class of his conntrvmen. Tbe chief obstaole to the propagation of sound opinion inability to get attention to them does not exist in uis case; but this immense advantage is thrown away, if he haB never anything impressive or re markable to offer. The Presidency brings to General Grant none of this kind of influence: being a bow which the strength of his sinews aoes not enable him to bona. As the sole prop of President Grant's In-1 flnence is the Federal patronage, he will be lens and less considered as he progressively parts from this source of Ms power by the bestowal of the offices. All the offloe-seekers are now hopeful; as nine-tenths of them must ultimately be disappointed, it is a safe calcu lation that Grant has ten friends now for every one that he will retain after the distri bution of the loaves and fishes. If, then, he encounters nothing but mortification and dis comfiture now, what can he expect when he has no longer anything to beslowf lHd it not been for the pressure of expectant offioe- seekerc, his friends in uongress coma not have maintained the prepent struggle for a wtek; and even with the aid of this ravenous army, he will be unable to get the Tenure-of-Office act repealed. He has the tran sient advantage of this powerful alli ance; tbe equally transient advantage of a factitious popularity created by the whole sale laudations of the Republican press dur ing the Presidential canvass. Those praises, having accomplished their object, were wax ing fainter and feebler through the winter, and their lingering echoes win quite a.w away. His miilitary career will soon cease to be considered; and it is difficult to see what source of influence is to remain to him by the time Congress reassembles next winter. His own party are beginning to suspect that even his vaunted common sense is spurious. iau a man be very bountifully endowed with that useful quality who has thus squandered his ascendancy T who has turned a majority of his party against him in the first three weeks? who has shown himself to be imbecile and powerless at a time when he has more advan tages for controlling others than he is ever likely to possess again ? FINANCIAL. Union Pacific Railroad. 1040 MILES KOW COMPLETED. The First Mortgage Bonds, UAYINU 30 IE A US TO KU3, Principal and Interest Payable in Gold, WE ABE KOW SELLLN'tt AT PAR AKD INTEREST. Or exchanging for GOVERNMENT SECURI TIES on the following terms: For 11000 1881s, we pay a difference of. 814884 81000 1862s, we pay a difference of 173-34 tlOOO 1804h, we pay a difference of 128-34 SlOoO 1865s, Nov.. we pay a dlff. of 153 34 11000 10-408, we pay a difference of. 43-34 S10UO 1865h, July, we pay a difference of 116-84 81000 1867s, July, we;iay adlfferenoeof 118-31 $1000 1868s, July, we pay a difference of 118-34 Or In proportion, as the market for Goveru- nient Securities may fluctuate. WM. PAINTER & CO., BANKERS AND DEALERS IN GOYERS HEMS, tiOLD, ETC., Ho. 36 South THIRD Street. 819 PHILADELPHIA. No. 35 South Third Street, PHILADELPHIA. DEALERS IN dQYERNMENT SECURITIES, STOCK, COLD AND NOTE BROKERS. Arcmmtsnf Hauks. Firms, aud ludividuaU roceied, (lilies Id chuck at i(?ht. INTEREST ALLOWED ON BALANCES. General" ent3, FOR PENNSYLVANIA rM unM l Zj rT,HE OA .1 IL OTllK tfaflflrr UNIItUSIAI Lb Ul- AMLnlUA. TIip National I.ifk Ixsitiiaxck Company Is mm mt mm mm mm a ft M mm an In- rnriinriitliiii 'lmrtirel 1V BUti-iul Act of Coni:i't.sd. ui (iruvt-il July lws, with a CASH CAPITAL, $1,000,000, FULL PAID. I.ltx-rnl terniR odorcd to A cents and Solicitors, whe ar invili'il to iipply ut our ollirt. Full particulars to ho luul on uppllcutlon nt ourofllre, loculcil in tlie Bocond hlory of our liunkiiiK Hou.i), RlnTf Circulars anil l'ainphU-U), fully describing tuo tUvuututjcH otlcred by the Company, may lie had. K. W. (XAIIK .V CO., Ab. 85 Souft Third St. 3TCRLINC A WILDMAN, BANKERS AND BROKERS, No. I" Tuutu street, I'bUadelp'.Ua. Special Agent lor tbe Bale 0 DaiiTlHe, Uazleton, and Wilkesbarro KB. rillST MOKTUACJK IIONDS, Dated 1867. due In 188T. Intereat Beve. Per Cent. nyble bll y- ou the lirm of April ud firm ot October, clear 01 hl ud United bi.to.Lxes. At pieseul ibf. bond, are otTered at the low price of KO F.uiphleu couuiuibv Mim, Report., and full In foiinaiion on baud lor diBirJUMiiuu. aud will be aeut by iijbII.ou application. : Uovrrnfuem JiuiK). and otUw-Bexwrltlei taken la exchange al market raiem Dealer, in bvvukt, Build Loans, Oold, etc. IK) In FINANCIAL. UftllOftl PACIFIC BAILEOAD FIRST MORTGAGE 30 YEARS SIX TER CENT. GOLD BOriDS, BOUGHT AND SOLD. DEALERS IN GOVERNMENT SECURITIES, GOLD, ETC., No. 40 South THIRD Ctroet, ii ti PHILADELPHIA. NKING HOUSE OK Nos. 112 and 1H South T1IIKD gtret PHILADELPHIA, Dealers In all tiorernment Securities Old 6-20a Wanted In Exchange for Keif A Liberal Difference allowed. Compound Interest Notes Wanted. Interest Allowed on Deposits. COLLECTIONS MADB. STOCKS bougbl and tola on Gommlwlon. Special business aecoinmodatioas reserved ladles, We will receive applications for Poiides oi L Insurance in the National Life Insnranee Company of the United States. FnU Information given at o omosa 1 18m LEDYAR & BARLOW Ilaie Removed their LAW AND COLLECTION OFFICE TO No. 19 South THIRD Street, PHILADELPHIA, And will oontlnne to give careful attention to collecting and seonrlng CLAIMS throughout the United States, British Provlnoea, and En rope. Bight Drafts and Maturing Paper collected at Bankers'. 1286m GLEM SAYIS & CO No. 48 South THIRD Street, PHILADELPHIA. GLEKDIMIKG.BAYIS & ALIORY Xo. 2 NASSAU St., New York, 1UNKL113 AND UK0KKIIS. Direct telegraphic communlctitloii wittt thfj New York Stock Boards from the FhiludelphU Office. ' n BKJAMISOJCo.i SUCCESSORS TO F. KELLY & CO., BANKERS AND DEALERS IN p. GoM, Silver, an! Government At Closest Market Kales. N. VT. Corner THIRD and CUESNUT Sts. Special attention given to COMMI86ION ORDERS m Vi I-,.-!, Ti.n.ainhla Stocks Boards, etOi etc. 111 8m Dealers In United States Bonds, and Mem- LeVs of Stock and Wold Exchange, ltfelT6 Accounts of Hanks and Hankers on heceire Liberal Terms. ISSUE BILLS OF EXCHANGE 0J C J. HAM WHO & SON. LONDON. B MKTZLKK, 8. 80UN & CO., FRANKFORT JAMS 6 W. TUCKER & CO., PARIS, And Otlier Frlnclpal Cities. an,d Letters of Credit AT&ilaule Turooglioat Curope. FINANCIAL. 4,500,000 SEVEN PER CEKT. GOLD EDMS, TUIBIT IE A1W TO UUJi, ISSUED BT The Lake Superior and -Mississippi River Railroad Company. They are a Firfet Mortgage Sinking Fund Bond, I ree ot United States Tax, Secnrfd by One Bullion Nix Ilnndrcrtand Vbirty-two Ttionnand Acres Ot Choice l.nntla, And by the BaDroad, IK Boiling Block, and tbe I'ranct lfles of the Company. A Doable Kocurity and Find-Class Invest ment In erery respect, YIELDING IN CURRKNOr NE1RLT Ten Per Cent. Per Annum. 1'icsent l'rlcc Tar and Accrued Interest. Golri, Government Bonds and other Rtocki received Ul payment at tliulr higntMt uinrKPi price. iHUipblets and lull luluriuatiou Kiveu on applica tion to JAY COOKE & CO., Ko. 114 Sonlh THIRD Street, E. W. CLARK & CO., . Ko. 35 South TJI1KD Street, Fiscal A Rents ot tbe I.ke Superior and Mississippi River Railroad Company. 8 10 eoUp DBEXEL & CO., Philadelphia, DBEXEL, WINTHEOP & CO..IT.Y. DEEXEL, HAUJES St CO., Paris, Bankers and Dealers in U. S. Bonds Parties going abroad can make all their finan cial arrangements with ns, and procure Letters of Credit available In all parts ot Europe. Drafts for Sale on England, Ireland, France, Oermnuy, Elc. iu tuina pa 8. PETERSON & CO., Stock and Exchange Brokers, Ho. 39 Couth THIRD Street, Members of the Ken York and Fhlladel phia Stock and Gold Boards STOCKS, BONDS, Etc., bought and sold on commission only at either city. 126 TRUNKS. IMPROVEMENT IN TRUNKS. ALL TKUJSK8 NOW MADB AT The "Great Central" Trunk Depot, Have Nlmoos' Patent Haietv Hnp and Bolt., which securely lasiena the Truii on both ends with heavy Boltx, ana lu th centre witb the ordinary loo. Positively no extra charge. GREAT CENTRAL TRUNK DEPOT, N. W Cor. SEVEN III and CHESKUT Sts. TRAVELLERS. NOTICE. Pnrcbaie your Trunkn with Simons' Triple Fasten ns heavy isolln; no lear idck oreaiiog, LT THE GRKAT CENTRAL, o. TOl CHKaNUT Street CODFISH, E 8. PATENT OFFICE, Washington. D. U. Match 2, lt6. W. 1). CUTLER. Eaq : Please find beluw a communl ration from the KTaiulner, In theiuatunf lDlrlerence be tween Hand, Lewis, ana f.mi lf r, for manufacture from Cod' lull. Very respfctiuily, KLISHA iOOTE Commissioner ot Patents. Examinxb's Room: In tbe matter above referred to. priority of Invention IS AWAHDKD TO CUT LEU, and the applications r f Rand and Lewis are re ject d. B. M. HEM UK1CK, Hixamlner. This establishes the patent under which the BOS TON AN1 PHILADELPHIA SALT i'lMII COM PANY. Nr. 5:41 COLUMBIA Avenue, niauulaolure tbeir DEHICCA'J'KI) CODFISH. Tor sale by aligned grocers. W A IINIB, RHODES fe CO., WATER and CHKHMJT Streets. General Agents. None genuine unless bearing our trade-mark as above, parties offering any oilier will be summarily prosecuted. z ok GROCERIES, ETC. JpKESH FRUIT IN CANS! PEACHES, PIKEAPPLE8. ETC., GREEK CORN, TOMATOES. FRENCH PEAS, MUSHROOMS, ASPARAGUS. ETC. ETC ALBKHT C. ROBERTS, Dealer In Fine Groceries, ELEVENTH and VINE Streets. UTJrp Cor, PROVISIONS, ETC. jyiClIAEL MEAGHER & CO., Ko. 223 South SIXTEENTH Street, WHOLESALE A JSC RETAIL DEALERS Ul PBOV1HIONN, AND S.tNU CLAMS. rum If A 91IJLT VHIi. TERRA PIS I'f K IMtZEN. at FLOUR. QHCICBT FAMILY FLaUR, For tlie Trade or at Ketall. EVERT MHBKi WARBAKTED, KEYSTONE FLO UK MILLS, NOV. 10 A livimrp 21 UUt lBU AVEJjl E. Kasi oi Front auruas. M SBBICK 80NB SOUTH W ARK FOUNDRY, JIO. 30 WASHINGTON AVENUE, PhllafiolptU WILLIAM WRldHT'S PATENT VABIABLJ CUT OFP BTEA M-KNOINE. Herniated by the Governor. MERRICK'S B AMITY KOISTINO MAOHIWJI. Paten ted Jane, lb& DAVID JOY'S PATENT VA LV-SLKoft BTKAM HAMMK. D. M. WKSIUN'ls PATENT SELF -CES TERINQ, BK LF-B ALANOIa CiLSTRIi UUAL SUGAR-DRAINING UtAOIiiiX id AMD HYDRO EXTRACTOR, Fer Cotton or Woollau ktanunwii.ow- Timnw Vf IRE GUARDS, FOR STORE FRONTS. ASYLUMS, FACTO RIES, ETC. Patent Wire Balling, Iron Bedsteads. Orna mental Wire Work, raper makers' Wires, and very variety of Wire Work, manufactured by U. WALKER & SONS, S Kmwl JNo. U N. BLS.IU Btreeu
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers