THE Dawi EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY. MARCH 30, 18C9.
SPIRIT OF THE PltESS.
BDrrOBIAL OFIiriOtld OP THU LBATjmO joubmami
Pro CPRBHNT TOPICS COMPIIiKD BT1BI
PAT FOB TH1 BVBS1NO TKLBOBAP.
Ucorglaand the Amendment Pretexts for
Interim nee.
JfromWr. T. Timet.
The failure of the fifteenth amendment in
the Georgia Legislature U a pretext for quar
rel of which the advocates o( extreme mea
sures are promptly availing tlieuisel ve. The
opportunity is too Rood to tie lost. Here is a
proposed constitutional charge, moderate
nd just in its terms, and inlluuely more ac
ceptable than the provisions of the Ueorgia
constitution; and liere is the local Legislature
spurning the profered compromise, aud ob
stinately refusing compliance with tue behests
of the dominant party 1 The fact is pro
nounced inompreheusible, except on the sup
position that the looal majority is composed
of disloyal elements. And einue they dare
show themselves in insolent disregard of the
Congressional will, what more natural or
proper than that some stern action should be
invoked to extirpate lingering rebellion and
so reshape the ail'airs of a reconstructed State
that those who hunger au i thirst after ofllue
and its emoluments may be satisfied? In such
a cause the end will justify even objection
able means.
But before undertaking to chastise the
people of Georgia for the sins of its Legisla
ture, it is desirable that the precise faots of
the case may be correctly known. It may be
legitimate and necessary to vindicate the
rights of the expelled colored members, and
to treat the defeat of the pending amendment
as an occasion for exerting, in i ts full force,
Federal authority, But it may not be wise to
act precipitately. For it is at least possible
that on a oareful review of the ciroumstanoea
attending the recent proceedings at Atlanta,
the fate of the amendment may prove to be
more the work of mischievous extremists on
the Republican side than of stiff-necked
Democrats on the side of the opposition.
Of the ill-advised message of Governor
Bullock we have already spoken. It would
gcaroely have been different had the purpose
of its author been to provoke the Democrats
into the giving of au unfriendly vote. The
amendment speaks for itself, and the Gov
ernor was not its friend when he attempted to
fasten upon it a construction not warranted
by any declaration of Congress, and calcu
lated more than aught else to irritate the
Democratic members. Our Atlanta cor
respondent has shown that in this offensive
course the Executive was supported by seve
ral of his adherents in the Ilouse. Instead
of allowing the amendment to stand upon its
merits as a measure of equity aud a symbol
of reconciliation and union, the ratification
Of which should be separated from partisan
considerations, the more violent of Governor
Bullock's supporters used it to taunt their
opponents, to insult them, and to drive them
into an attitude of resistance. Such oonduct
is only intelligible on the theory that
Messrs. Bullock, O'Neal, Fitzpatriok & Co.
really desired the defeat of the amendment.
And, certainly, they took the best possible
method of accomplishing tueir enl.
Wo are not. however, left to conjecture.
Records of the divisions prove that the amend
ment was delayed by the absence of so-called
Renublioans, and that it was finally defeated
' by the very men who clamor most loudly for
ConsreBBional interference to bring tue Legls
lature into subjection. We begin with the
votes in the House: In the first division the
members stood 67 in favor of the amendment,
CO against, with 24 radical Republicans ab
sent, or not voting. The majority included
, 42 Demoorats, and the minority against rati
fication four Republicans. It is true that on
this oooasion the form of ratification was en
cumbered with a protest against the construo
tion nut upon the amendment by Gov
ernor Bullock; but that circumstance
was a result of the challenge thrown
down in the gubernatorial message
and xnisht have been obviated had
the members who absented themselves pur
sued a less offensive course. A motion to re
consider prevailed on the following day, and,
Still later, a square division on the merits of
the amendment ended in its adoption by the
House by a narrow majority. The figures are
64 yeas, 53 nays; eight Republican extremists
voting in tbe minority, ana twenty-iour oeing
absent or non-voting, twenty -seven Demoorats
also being in the latter category. Again, in
the Senate, the amendment, after having been
' adopted by a vote of 21 to 10, was reconsidered,
and indefinitely postponed by the casting vote
' of the Republican President, thirteen of the
' seventeen who voted with him being ultra Re
publicans, and others of the same complexion
dodging the vote.
This exhibit we derive from the detailed
divisions published in the local journals, and
it is conclusive upon the essential point, that
' for the virtual defeat of the amendment in
the Georgia Legislature, radical Republican
Senators are responsible. But for their in
sincerity and triokery, the amendment would
have been ratified. And it was not ratified
simply beoause the partisans who urge upon
Congress the policy of fresh interference in
the affairs of a reconstructed State chose this
plan for putting its Lugixlatnre in apparent
hostility to the policy ot the Government an4
of the Republican party as expressed by the
amendment.
It is dear, therefore, that the effort to make
the fate of the amendment in the State a pre
text for impugning the thoroughness of its
reconstruction, and subjection it auew to the
penalties of a provisional government aud the
uncertainties of Congressional action, is in
the circumstances inexcusable. The State
would have at this moment appeared as ac
oeDtinz instead of rejecting the amendment,
had the whole body of Republicau Seuators
done their duty, lu the House, where Demo
crats are in the asceudaut, it was adopted: by
the Senate, where Republicans compose the
maioritv. it was killed by indeUmte delay
Will the members of the Reconstruction Com
mittae. and the members of the Senate Judl-
' ciarv Committee who favor the Edmunds bill,
be good enough to consider this aspect of the
. case.
How to Resume.
Trcm the N. Y. Tribune,
To the Editor of The Tribune fi'i -I would
like your comments on the following for pre-
T.nt (inn irrties nrovlUe for tue IskuIiik of bonds,
hnarliiu six Der cent., nnd exempt from i.hxh-
imn in aii amount Hiltllcleut to raise tvo bun
rfroi millions In aoUl at homo and unroid
uairA flft.v mllllonx of tlicKo buuOs payable tu,
cold In one year from tliolr date, end a like
Smeuut payable yearlv tliDn alter. .such bond
will doubtletw sell at from to loo routs ou Hie
dollar In gold. The common 5 Mi re now
wortn about 85 ceiKe in tfold, and the bontu in
ouestlon would surely be wortli 10 cents more,
if not 15. liaise two huudred millions willi
such bonds, and the Uovemujt.pt will theu hold
i..,,ir,.,i tniinnim in Koli I. Let tine told
" be loaned to the national banks, aud at ouce
resume by law. A dollar greenback will then
: ...m-th a irnid dollar. Let tbe national bauka
be closed In a year or so, and In the mean time
tue State banks will open and glv e ussulllolent
' Then provide us with a tariff, so as to Insure
that our exports shall be fifty millions greater
ban our Imports, and all Will be wen.
can oui jum , . ttunscBIBEU,
The foregoing 1?, in our view, suioldal non- I
sense, The present odbibumi w iouui(iuuu is
the nonular will that is, the repuguauoe of
debtors, who, if not the largest, are the most
zealous and clamorous ponton oi me commu
nity. If there were a general desire to re
sume, it would be effected at ouoe.
1'iling up gold anywhere is the oertaln way
to prevent and postpone resumption. What is
needed is that gold shall cease to be needed,
or an objeot of eager desire. If we were
Seoretary of the Treasury and anxious to
resume, we should first call in the gold cer
tificates and make those who want gold hold
it for themselves; next, we would pay out
nearly all the gold remaining in the Treasury,
so as to make it a drug in the market. We
should wish, in doing this, to buy up and
cancel forty or fifty millions of Government
bonds, so as to make them scarcer in the
hands of bankers aud dealers.
Next, we should put on the market an
American consol or long bond, payable prin
cipal and interest in coin, and nntaxable, at
the lowest rate of interest at which it could be
floated. Having this in good demand, at par
or over, we should simply resume that is,
offer any one who was not satisfied with
greenbacks the gold for them obtaining the
gold by selling consols at the market rate.
We are confident that not a tenth of the
greenbacks would be presented for redemp
tion. They would be withheld exactly as the
gold certificates now are beoause they are
equal in value to gold and more convenient to
the holders.
In this way, we would reach, resumption
surely, speedily, and without a shook. There
is no difficulty and no mystery in the pre
mises. The only serious obstacle is the
popular preference of a false to a true stand
ard of value. But of all wild delusions ever
propagated, that which contemplates resump
tion through the heaping up of cold in the
Treasury is the wildest and saddest. Ed.
Aribune.
llic New Administration What Arc Its
rroMect
Prom the XT. Y. Herald.
On the 4th of March the people made np
their political balance-sheet. They analyzed
it, and found in it four years of war invested
for the purpose of preserving our territory
intaot and for the avoidance of all those ills
incident to petty nationalities, boundary lines,
and their attendant evils of troops, of cus
toms duties, and of restrictions to free com
munication. They poured out their treasure
like water, and there was not a dollar spent
but bore Its drop of blood. In common
with ns, the people ef the South were fight
ing to rid the country ef certain evils which
had grown up in our national system, and
which could only be eradicated by a
bloody war. It required war to cleanse
our territory, and nothing but war would
open the eyes ot our people, North and
South, to that which, in our Constitution and
in our political rule, had been a mockery to
our republicanism, a curse to our hopes of
ever becoming homogeneous, and a barrier to
our true progress. In the struggle both sides
showed certain elements which are at the
foundation of all national vigor courage, en
durance, perseverance, aud patriotism. It
only required the clearing ef the dros from
around these to throw them to the front in all
their compactness and beauty, and build
around them with our magnificent elements of
progress the mightiest nationality the world
has seen. Four years of desperate conflict
cleared the arena and left the nation, North
and South, master of its foes.
Now come four years, from 18G5 to 1SU9, of
gathering again in hand the elements ot na
tional prosperity. Congress undertake what
they call reconstruction, but it is the recon
struction of a section, not the reconstruction
of the nation. The worn-out questions de
cided by the sabre strokes of both sides are
brought to the front by the dtbris of both po
litical factions, and the soldiers who faoed the
bullets, the people who poured out their trea
sure, are treated to a quarrel between a hot
headed President on one side and the war
lashed radical foam of the Senate on the
other. In the struggle every material inte
rest of the country is neglected; commerce
languishes, manufactories lie dormant,
trade rests on uncertain foundations,
the revenues remain uncollected, and the
brains of the country appear to feel that but
one source of wealth is left open, and that
source the public Treasury. While the exe
cmive and legislative departments quarrel
and, snake-like, are blinded by their own
venom, the country, North and South, resting
on Its own broad resources of head and heart,
patiently waits lor the signal when all the
States shall again take up their national
march. For four years the nation halts to
ascertain whether the section which has been
knocked off its feet shall be dragged along, or
whether, in the same uniform that the other
States wear, it shall be allowed to march with
us, help itself, and thus relieve all. Four
year 8 pass, and the problem, tangled by too
much law, descends in a still worse condition
to the electors of 1SG8.
1 he nation, bick at heart with what it saw
in this retrospective examination, elected
General Grant to replace the "my policy"
man of one idea. We, the people, thought,
with this election, that the Senate would
then restore to the Executive the power which
it had usurped. jNo such result has followed.
The Tenure-of-Oilice act, instead of beta? re
voked, is turned iuto au iustrument of insult.
not only to the executive brauch of the Gov
ernment, t ut to the whole people of the coun
try, who by their votes revoked the obnoxious
act when they elected President urant to ful
fil the duties imposed upon him by the Con
stitution. The people knew that none of the
minor functions of the internment could
operate in harmony while the ruling force
itself was workiig badly.
b nce thb 4th of March the country has,
therefore, watched with great anxiety the at
tempt at Washington to balauoe the govern
mental tripod. The Executive selected a har
monious Cabinet of umrked talent aud vigor
ous brain. The Senate, drunk with power,
could tot help testing its str.ngth by breaking
up the Cabinet in the unearthing of the obso
lete law of 17iJ. They were testing the
mettle of the man they had to deal with. He,
anxious to conciliate, and seeing that harmony
within was the only hope of harmony without,
yielded iu the tilt, and allowed the Senate to
substitute Mr. Boutwell for Mr. Stewart In the
Treasury Department. Mr. Boutwell mav be
a mau of genius, but he has not yet shown it:
ana u is very uouotiui li he Is able to handle
the vast machinery now under his control
with the same ability which we have good
evidence would have marked the administra
tion of the office by Mr. Stewart.
Now the House of Representatives has re
jected the delusive amendment which the
Senate ironioally throws to the people. The
Tenure-of-Ollioe aot remains, in all the glory
of its despotism, an insult to that idea with
which the nation tickles its vanity a republi
can form of government. At this point the
people naturally turn to the man whom they
have placed in the chair to oorreot govern
mental evils. The HouBe of Representatives
is with him, the nation, outside of the Senate
chamber, is with him; North and South are
with him. He has a politioal army at his back
large enough to get liiia oat of ihk Wilderness
if be bas the brains to handle the force offered
to him. The prospeote are that with these he
mny wrest the usurped power from the Senate.
Should he fail to avail himself of this oppor
tunity, and give the Senate more vantage
ground, tbey will conquer, audthe next four
yt-ars will give us political ohaugus such as we
have bhown ourselves powerless to resist.
President Grant's "Common Scnso."
ffrom Me A. . World.
When Democrat made objection to General
Grant, in the Presidential canvass, that he
lacked the training aud experience of a states
man, there was no possibility of controverting
the fact; but it was urged, in offset, that he
was a man of such robust common sense as
would atone for the waut of other qualifica
tions. This reply was ridiculono, eveu if the
superior common sense had not been a friendly
exaggeration. Common sense is, indeed, in
dlf peu-able ie every important employment,
but it cannot stand as a substitute for skill
and knowledge. Common sense does not
qualify a blacksmith to navigate a ship, nor a
sailor to snoo a horse; it does not enable a
physician to manage a lawsuit, nor a lawyer
to presoiibe lor diseases. As Archbishop
Whately said, with his wonted aptness:
"Ihe generality have a strong predilection
in favor of common sense, except in those
points in which they, respectively, possess
a system of rules. A sailor will perhaps
despise the pretensions of medical men,
and prefer treating a disease by common
sense, but he would ridicule the proposal of
navigating a ship by common sense, without
regard to the maxims of nautical art. A
physician, again, will perhaps contemn sys
tems of political eoonomy, of logic or meta
physics, and insist on the superior wisdom of
trubling to common sense in such matters;
but he would never approve of the system of
trusting to common sense in the treatment of
diseases. Neither, again, would the architect
recommend a reliance ou common sense alone
in building, nor the musioian in music, to the
neglect of those systems of rules which, in
their respective arts, have been deduced from
soientilio reasoning, aided by experience. And
the induction might be extended to every de
partment of practioe. Since, therefore, each
gives the preference to unassisted common
sense only in those caes where he has nothing
else to trust to, aud invariably resorts to the
rules of art wherever be possesses the know
ledge of them, It is plain that mankind uni
versally bear their testimony, though uncon
sciously and often unwillingly, to the prefer
ence of Bystematio knowledge to conjectural
judgments."
in Oeneral uraot's own profession or a sol
dier much less oomplioated and various than
that ot a etatesmau he would scout the pre
tensions of mere common sense with as tho
rough a contempt as Democrats feel for his
qualifications for his present office. When he
appointed thermau Ueueral, cuerldan Lieutenant-General,
aud Schofield to the vacant
Major Generalship, he was dealing with a sub
ject which he understood, aud selected those
oluceru for their tstaulished professional emi
nence. He adopted a different rule in choos
ing a Cabinet, because in that matter he
was too great a novice to understand what
he needed. The analogy of his own pro
fesMon ought to have suggested to him the
indispensable importance of training and
experience, if he had had any considerable
share oi tbe common Beuse wuich his pane
gyrists used to ascribe to him. The expe
rieiioe of our civil war is rich in instruction
respecting tbe insufficiency of mere com
uiuu sense, rue average common sense ot
civilians is, of course, equal to that of men
trained iu military schools; but although the
armies on both sides were full of civilian
generals, none of these acquired the reputa
tion of a verv able oommauder. Ihe Lees,
Johnstons, Jacksous, Longstreets, and Beaure-
cards, on the Rebel side, as well as the Urants,
Shermans, bberidans, Meades, and Hancocks,
ou tbe Union side, were soldiers who had had
the advantage of a West Point training, and
most of them of service in the Mexican war;
while the Rebel Wises and Cobbs, like our
Freuionts, Bankses, aud Butlers, though men
of capaoity and common sense, made a poor
figure as generals, ihe war exploded the old
prejudice against West Point, aud has covered
tbe ignorant admiration of common-sense
soldiership with derision. General Grant bids
fair to make common-sense statesmanship an
object of equal scorn.
No political general appeared to so little
advantage in the war as President Grant does,
thus far, at the head of the government. To
say nothing of the nondescript Cabinet, which
went to pieces as Boon as it was launohed, be
has split the party that eleoted him into
wrangling factious, who have kept the publio
attention absorbed by their quarrelling and
caucusing ever since the inauguration.
General Grant's famous "let as have peace,"
must be interpreted, like dreams, by their
contraries. Instead of peace, he brings per
p.tual hot water, and his health is already
breaking down ULder his disappointment and
chagiin. The Republicans of both houses are
divided into Grant men and anti-Grant men,
and in both the anti-Grant Republicans are a
majority. In the Senate they are so large a
uiajoiity that the Democrats are powerless to
assist luin, and they would have swept htm un
dt T in the llonse if the Democrats had not voted
with his friends. He has encountered this
mortifying reverse with every advantage on
hie bide. If there is an period in the adminis
t ration of a President when he can hope to be
si rone and popular, It is at the beginning,
when he has not yet expended the chief source
of his influence ly the bestowal of his patron
ace. Wilh such a President as Grant the
patrouaee is not only tbe chief source, but
the only source of his ii-lluence. The inllu
ence of a party leader the intluence of wide
party connections, of original aud sagacious
views, of commanding eloquen-e, of the
authorship of great measures, of power to act
upon end electiiiy the publio mind does not
belci,g to General Grant. Mr. Clay out of
cilice, Mr. Douglas out of office, and, in the
pulmy days of his ascendancy, even Mr.
Seward out of office, would have been a power
in the politics of tin country. They had each
au eiithusiat-tio body of admirers who looked
to them as guides, and accepted their views
on all great public questions. But General
Graut out of office would be the merest no
body. His opinions could not even
enlist public curiosity. And even
his official intluence is of the most vul
gar description, the mere iulluenoe of patron
see. It reminds oue of the sarcastic text
wh'ch Paley proposed tor a sernun on the
occakiou of the great ado made over Pitt when
he visited Cambridge university:"! per
ceivethat there is a livl among you who hath
five loaves and two fishes." To a statesman
of abilities, the Piesideucy is a source ot
ereatiulluence quite apart from its patronage.
lv nuttins him in a nosition where he easily
and surelv commands universal attention, if
a President has sagacious views to put forth,
they never fail to be considered by every class
of his conntrvmen. Tbe chief obstaole to the
propagation of sound opinion inability to get
attention to them does not exist in uis case;
but this immense advantage is thrown away,
if he haB never anything impressive or re
markable to offer. The Presidency brings to
General Grant none of this kind of influence:
being a bow which the strength of his sinews
aoes not enable him to bona.
As the sole prop of President Grant's In-1
flnence is the Federal patronage, he will be
lens and less considered as he progressively
parts from this source of Ms power by the
bestowal of the offices. All the offloe-seekers
are now hopeful; as nine-tenths of them must
ultimately be disappointed, it is a safe calcu
lation that Grant has ten friends now for
every one that he will retain after the distri
bution of the loaves and fishes. If, then, he
encounters nothing but mortification and dis
comfiture now, what can he expect when he
has no longer anything to beslowf lHd it
not been for the pressure of expectant offioe-
seekerc, his friends in uongress coma not
have maintained the prepent struggle for a
wtek; and even with the aid of this ravenous
army, he will be unable to get the Tenure-of-Office
act repealed. He has the tran
sient advantage of this powerful alli
ance; tbe equally transient advantage of
a factitious popularity created by the whole
sale laudations of the Republican press dur
ing the Presidential canvass. Those praises,
having accomplished their object, were wax
ing fainter and feebler through the winter,
and their lingering echoes win quite a.w
away. His miilitary career will soon cease to
be considered; and it is difficult to see what
source of influence is to remain to him by the
time Congress reassembles next winter. His
own party are beginning to suspect that even
his vaunted common sense is spurious. iau
a man be very bountifully endowed with that
useful quality who has thus squandered his
ascendancy T who has turned a majority of his
party against him in the first three weeks?
who has shown himself to be imbecile and
powerless at a time when he has more advan
tages for controlling others than he is ever
likely to possess again ?
FINANCIAL.
Union Pacific Railroad.
1040 MILES
KOW COMPLETED.
The
First
Mortgage Bonds,
UAYINU 30 IE A US TO KU3,
Principal and Interest Payable in
Gold,
WE ABE KOW SELLLN'tt
AT
PAR AKD INTEREST.
Or exchanging for GOVERNMENT SECURI
TIES on the following terms:
For 11000 1881s, we pay a difference of. 814884
81000 1862s, we pay a difference of 173-34
tlOOO 1804h, we pay a difference of 128-34
SlOoO 1865s, Nov.. we pay a dlff. of 153 34
11000 10-408, we pay a difference of. 43-34
S10UO 1865h, July, we pay a difference of 116-84
81000 1867s, July, we;iay adlfferenoeof 118-31
$1000 1868s, July, we pay a difference of 118-34
Or In proportion, as the market for Goveru-
nient Securities may fluctuate.
WM. PAINTER & CO.,
BANKERS AND DEALERS IN GOYERS
HEMS, tiOLD, ETC.,
Ho. 36 South THIRD Street.
819
PHILADELPHIA.
No. 35 South Third Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
DEALERS IN
dQYERNMENT SECURITIES,
STOCK, COLD
AND NOTE BROKERS.
Arcmmtsnf Hauks. Firms, aud ludividuaU roceied, (lilies
Id chuck at i(?ht.
INTEREST ALLOWED ON BALANCES.
General" ent3,
FOR
PENNSYLVANIA
rM unM l
Zj rT,HE OA
.1 IL OTllK
tfaflflrr
UNIItUSIAI Lb Ul- AMLnlUA.
TIip National I.ifk Ixsitiiaxck Company Is
mm mt mm mm mm a ft M mm an In-
rnriinriitliiii 'lmrtirel 1V BUti-iul Act of Coni:i't.sd. ui
(iruvt-il July lws, with a
CASH CAPITAL, $1,000,000, FULL PAID.
I.ltx-rnl terniR odorcd to A cents and Solicitors, whe
ar invili'il to iipply ut our ollirt.
Full particulars to ho luul on uppllcutlon nt ourofllre,
loculcil in tlie Bocond hlory of our liunkiiiK Hou.i),
RlnTf Circulars anil l'ainphU-U), fully describing tuo
tUvuututjcH otlcred by the Company, may lie had.
K. W. (XAIIK .V CO.,
Ab. 85 Souft Third St.
3TCRLINC A WILDMAN,
BANKERS AND BROKERS,
No. I" Tuutu street, I'bUadelp'.Ua.
Special Agent lor tbe Bale 0
DaiiTlHe, Uazleton, and Wilkesbarro KB.
rillST MOKTUACJK IIONDS,
Dated 1867. due In 188T. Intereat Beve. Per Cent.
nyble bll y- ou the lirm of April ud firm ot
October, clear 01 hl ud United bi.to.Lxes. At
pieseul ibf. bond, are otTered at the low price of KO
F.uiphleu couuiuibv Mim, Report., and full In
foiinaiion on baud lor diBirJUMiiuu. aud will be aeut
by iijbII.ou application.
: Uovrrnfuem JiuiK). and otUw-Bexwrltlei taken la
exchange al market raiem
Dealer, in bvvukt, Build Loans, Oold, etc. IK) In
FINANCIAL.
UftllOftl PACIFIC
BAILEOAD
FIRST MORTGAGE
30 YEARS SIX TER CENT.
GOLD BOriDS,
BOUGHT AND SOLD.
DEALERS IN GOVERNMENT SECURITIES,
GOLD, ETC.,
No. 40 South THIRD Ctroet,
ii ti
PHILADELPHIA.
NKING HOUSE
OK
Nos. 112 and 1H South T1IIKD gtret
PHILADELPHIA,
Dealers In all tiorernment Securities
Old 6-20a Wanted In Exchange for Keif
A Liberal Difference allowed.
Compound Interest Notes Wanted.
Interest Allowed on Deposits.
COLLECTIONS MADB. STOCKS bougbl and tola
on Gommlwlon.
Special business aecoinmodatioas reserved
ladles,
We will receive applications for Poiides oi L
Insurance in the National Life Insnranee Company
of the United States. FnU Information given at o
omosa 1 18m
LEDYAR & BARLOW
Ilaie Removed their
LAW AND COLLECTION OFFICE
TO
No. 19 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA,
And will oontlnne to give careful attention to
collecting and seonrlng CLAIMS throughout
the United States, British Provlnoea, and En
rope.
Bight Drafts and Maturing Paper collected at
Bankers'. 1286m
GLEM
SAYIS & CO
No. 48 South THIRD Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
GLEKDIMIKG.BAYIS & ALIORY
Xo. 2 NASSAU St., New York,
1UNKL113 AND UK0KKIIS.
Direct telegraphic communlctitloii wittt
thfj New York Stock Boards from the
FhiludelphU Office. ' n
BKJAMISOJCo.i
SUCCESSORS TO
F. KELLY & CO.,
BANKERS AND DEALERS IN
p.
GoM, Silver, an! Government
At Closest Market Kales.
N. VT. Corner THIRD and CUESNUT Sts.
Special attention given to COMMI86ION ORDERS
m Vi I-,.-!, Ti.n.ainhla Stocks Boards, etOi
etc.
111 8m
Dealers In United States Bonds, and Mem-
LeVs of Stock and Wold Exchange,
ltfelT6 Accounts of Hanks and Hankers on
heceire Liberal Terms.
ISSUE BILLS OF EXCHANGE 0J
C J. HAM WHO & SON. LONDON.
B MKTZLKK, 8. 80UN & CO., FRANKFORT
JAMS 6 W. TUCKER & CO., PARIS,
And Otlier Frlnclpal Cities. an,d Letters of
Credit AT&ilaule Turooglioat Curope.
FINANCIAL.
4,500,000
SEVEN PER CEKT. GOLD EDMS,
TUIBIT IE A1W TO UUJi,
ISSUED BT
The Lake Superior and -Mississippi
River Railroad Company.
They are a Firfet Mortgage Sinking Fund
Bond, I ree ot United States Tax,
Secnrfd by One Bullion Nix Ilnndrcrtand
Vbirty-two Ttionnand Acres Ot
Choice l.nntla,
And by the BaDroad, IK Boiling Block, and tbe
I'ranct lfles of the Company.
A Doable Kocurity and Find-Class Invest
ment In erery respect,
YIELDING IN CURRKNOr NE1RLT
Ten Per Cent. Per Annum.
1'icsent l'rlcc Tar and Accrued Interest.
Golri, Government Bonds and other Rtocki received
Ul payment at tliulr higntMt uinrKPi price.
iHUipblets and lull luluriuatiou Kiveu on applica
tion to
JAY COOKE & CO.,
Ko. 114 Sonlh THIRD Street,
E. W. CLARK & CO., .
Ko. 35 South TJI1KD Street,
Fiscal A Rents ot tbe I.ke Superior and Mississippi
River Railroad Company. 8 10 eoUp
DBEXEL & CO., Philadelphia,
DBEXEL, WINTHEOP & CO..IT.Y.
DEEXEL, HAUJES St CO., Paris,
Bankers and Dealers in U. S. Bonds
Parties going abroad can make all their finan
cial arrangements with ns, and procure Letters
of Credit available In all parts ot Europe.
Drafts for Sale on England,
Ireland,
France, Oermnuy, Elc.
iu tuina
pa 8. PETERSON & CO.,
Stock and Exchange Brokers,
Ho. 39 Couth THIRD Street,
Members of the Ken York and Fhlladel
phia Stock and Gold Boards
STOCKS, BONDS, Etc., bought and sold on
commission only at either city. 126
TRUNKS.
IMPROVEMENT IN TRUNKS.
ALL TKUJSK8 NOW MADB AT
The "Great Central" Trunk Depot,
Have Nlmoos' Patent Haietv Hnp and Bolt., which
securely lasiena the Truii on both ends with heavy
Boltx, ana lu th centre witb the ordinary loo.
Positively no extra charge.
GREAT CENTRAL TRUNK DEPOT,
N. W Cor. SEVEN III and CHESKUT Sts.
TRAVELLERS. NOTICE.
Pnrcbaie your Trunkn with Simons' Triple Fasten
ns
heavy isolln; no lear idck oreaiiog,
LT THE GRKAT CENTRAL,
o. TOl CHKaNUT Street
CODFISH,
E
8. PATENT OFFICE,
Washington. D. U.
Match 2, lt6.
W. 1). CUTLER. Eaq :
Please find beluw a communl
ration from the KTaiulner, In
theiuatunf lDlrlerence be
tween Hand, Lewis, ana f.mi
lf r, for manufacture from Cod'
lull. Very respfctiuily,
KLISHA iOOTE
Commissioner ot Patents.
Examinxb's Room: In tbe matter above referred
to. priority of Invention IS AWAHDKD TO CUT
LEU, and the applications r f Rand and Lewis are re
ject d. B. M. HEM UK1CK, Hixamlner.
This establishes the patent under which the BOS
TON AN1 PHILADELPHIA SALT i'lMII COM
PANY. Nr. 5:41 COLUMBIA Avenue, niauulaolure
tbeir DEHICCA'J'KI) CODFISH.
Tor sale by aligned grocers.
W A IINIB, RHODES fe CO.,
WATER and CHKHMJT Streets. General Agents.
None genuine unless bearing our trade-mark as
above, parties offering any oilier will be summarily
prosecuted. z ok
GROCERIES, ETC.
JpKESH FRUIT IN CANS!
PEACHES, PIKEAPPLE8. ETC.,
GREEK CORN, TOMATOES.
FRENCH PEAS, MUSHROOMS,
ASPARAGUS. ETC. ETC
ALBKHT C. ROBERTS,
Dealer In Fine Groceries,
ELEVENTH and VINE Streets.
UTJrp
Cor,
PROVISIONS, ETC.
jyiClIAEL MEAGHER & CO.,
Ko. 223 South SIXTEENTH Street,
WHOLESALE A JSC RETAIL DEALERS Ul
PBOV1HIONN,
AND S.tNU CLAMS.
rum If A 91IJLT VHIi.
TERRA PIS
I'f K IMtZEN. at
FLOUR.
QHCICBT FAMILY FLaUR,
For tlie Trade or at Ketall.
EVERT MHBKi WARBAKTED,
KEYSTONE FLO UK MILLS,
NOV. 10 A
livimrp
21
UUt lBU AVEJjl E.
Kasi oi Front auruas.
M
SBBICK 80NB
SOUTH W ARK FOUNDRY,
JIO. 30 WASHINGTON AVENUE, PhllafiolptU
WILLIAM WRldHT'S PATENT VABIABLJ
CUT OFP BTEA M-KNOINE.
Herniated by the Governor.
MERRICK'S B AMITY KOISTINO MAOHIWJI.
Paten ted Jane, lb&
DAVID JOY'S
PATENT VA LV-SLKoft BTKAM HAMMK.
D. M. WKSIUN'ls
PATENT SELF -CES TERINQ, BK LF-B ALANOIa
CiLSTRIi UUAL SUGAR-DRAINING UtAOIiiiX id
AMD
HYDRO EXTRACTOR,
Fer Cotton or Woollau ktanunwii.ow- Timnw
Vf IRE GUARDS,
FOR STORE FRONTS. ASYLUMS, FACTO
RIES, ETC.
Patent Wire Balling, Iron Bedsteads. Orna
mental Wire Work, raper makers' Wires, and
very variety of Wire Work, manufactured by
U. WALKER & SONS,
S Kmwl JNo. U N. BLS.IU Btreeu