THE NEW YORK PRESS. lOMTOKIAL OHNIOKS OP TUB I.KADINO JOrjrtXAL3 PIVN OIBKFJiT TOriCS COMl'ILKD KVKUt DAT FOB TIIK KVEMNO TKI.KOKArU. Foreign CoinHrtlou Are We Keady for 'I'll cm 1 From the Timet. .Apart from the merits ami demur-it of Venl jnisui, the Fe;!ch with which "rcpreaonta Jives of tho Irinh rt'vuibliV in America" intro duced themselves the other day to President Johnson is in a certain sense suggestive. It jdiows with what exceeding ease this country jniglit involve itself in formidable foreign complications. A single' step, recklessly taken, might plunge us into war. We have liut to recognize the "Irish Republic" as a Jndligorent and the Fenians as lawful bellige rents to insure hot work with England. Nay, Vithout venturing upon a formal declaration, Ve have only to doze a littlo while one batch tf Fenians institute au organized invasion of Canada, or while another batch fit out a pri vateer to prey on ocean commerce, and forth with we shall be at issue with England's jiower Nothing could be easier, simpler, Burer. . . . . Or, without meddling with l eniamsm, is is competent to this country to kindle tho big pest of big blazes. It would not be difficult to provoke trouble with the same power by pressing sharply the Alabama claims, or by jn otestiug vigorously and practically against the objects and agencies which characterize the coming confederation of the neighboring provinces. A party intent upon an aggressive foreign policy might readily seize either of these questions as a ground of quarrel, liven a party not positively aggressive, but simply friu in the maintenance of the national honor, may feel itself bound to so act in regard to these questions that international unpleasant ness, not to say embarrassment, may bo pro duced. Again, the fishery question, which lias been temporarily patched up, will reap pear by-and-by in all its ugliness. How Shall it be dealt with f Shall we permit the young confederation to dictate the terms upon Which American fishermen may pursue their Vocation, or shall we discard the doctrine of Jtova Scotia pettifoggers and assert the right cf our men to lish within the prohibited line ? On one hand, our people will not tolerate terms which they consider both arrogant and Unjust ; and on the other, it were folly to talk cf our rights unless we are prepared at all Jiazardi to enforce them. Supposititious eases of this nature might bo Sliultiplied indefinitely. Reference might be 3nade to Mexico, to prove by what a slender thread our amicable relations with France Jiave hung since the commencement of the Maximilian invasion. But it is not necessary to particularize. The fact is patent that this country may without much ado be called upon to assert its claims, to vindicate its rights, to defend its honor, as against European Gov ernments. Of this contingency, this responsi bility, we cannot divest ourselves, save at the cost of national humiliation. However earnestly we cultivate peace, however sin cerely we strive to prevent foreign eomplica lions, we may at any time find ourselves em lroiled. This is the penalty we must bo con tent to pay as the price of national greatness. Now, the query arises, Are we iu a position that enables us to contemplate these contin gencies with composure f Suppose that com plications with England or France were forced upon us, are we as ready as we ought to be to encounter them ? Are we putting the ques tion plainly prepared for war, as the arbiter of international dill'erences, probable or re jnoto ? The prime element of national strength in relation to other countries is the assuranco of peace among our own people. Feniauism, bo its frauds and follies what they may, at least indicates England's most sensitive spot. Just 3iow, Ireland is England's peril. The Irish difficulty is her bond for the maintenance of peace with every first-class power. It weakens and endangers her, and it will continue to do f?o until her legislators remove the causes of Irish disaffection. In the same way, for rea sons in their nature identical, this country is an no condition to meet external difficulties. "Ve cannot hope to maintain a vigorous foreign policy so long as wo are atllicted with domestic discontent; and from this we shall jiot be free, not only until tho Union be re constructed, but until it bo bo reconstructed fthat the peoples of the two sections shall onco juore feel themselves identified in interest and ambition. That result attained, wo may be ijold and even defiant on questions of foreign policy. Meanwhile England is not more crip pled by Ireland's alienation and hostility than as this country by the condition of the Southern states. In tho case of either, war would be waged at a disadvantage. These considerations are not adduced as yeasons for complying with tho demands of Southern politicians. So far as they are con cerned, we can neither parley nor concede. Situated as we are, the first duty is to recon struct on a basis that will be enduring, and Congress has decided what that basis shall be. On the plan laid down, however, the work Should be pushed forward, care being taken that it shall be thoroughly done, and done promptly. Hut if we would prevent futura disaffection if we would so reorgauize the Government, and so readjust the relations of the States, that there shall be unity and last ing domestic peace it behooves us to iutliot 300 superlluous penalty, and to exercise no greater severity than is absolutely necessary. Confiscate sweepingly, and the United States will be burdened with au Ireland on a large scale. Irritate needlessly, exert your authority wantonly, impress the people with a conviction that they are the victims of a re lentless conqueror, and puny Spain might defy the republic with impunity. Of course, the mere politicians will be dissatisfied under any scheme which the North may impose. 3ut it is possible to separate the great body of the Southern people from the small body of Southern politicians; and the accomplishment f this object should be borne in mind when applying the reconstruction policy. If we are mot nrenared to foresro our pretensions as a leading power, and to modify our foreign policy to suit the purposes of others, we must not neeleot the ouoortunitv of winning back the respect and attachment of the millions whom " we have forcibly brought under the authority Of tlie union Something to Eat. fYow the Tribune. , We extend our sincerest sympathies to Mr. President Johnson. A number of hungry men Iiave gone to Washington and laid siege to his rre'sidential pantries. Such ;a Crowd of cada. Verous mortals has notbeensoenin Peunsylva. jiia avenue since our soldiers returned from the Southern prlcons. The tavern-keeper liave doubled guards, and thrifty people are purchasing dogs for the protection of their Jiou-roosta. We knew that there Lad Wu THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH. PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, much complaint and real Buffering, but not that actual want had set in. l'roud men will fast; but when it comes to starvation, pride is silent. If Lucifer had been deprived of proper nour ishment, he would scarcely have fullen. A proper amount of nutriment is necessary to well-regulated Democracy. Manhattan Club is reduced to one meal per day bacon and greens. Tammany Hall has been sold, out of sheer inanition, and, it is rumored, is to be turned into a tavern or a second-hand clothes shop, and the hleek and well-ted editor of the World subsists upon the kindness of the honored head of the Department of Charities and Correction. Others are not so happy. Mr. Oakey Hall, a huge fee ler, and Mr. Re corder Hackett, who lias scarcely found the fishing abundant, have gone to Washington as a delegation to represent the frightful con dition of "the faithful to the 1 'resident. Mr. Morrissoy, Mr. Wood, and thHr colleagues, have also had a meeting and an interview with the I'resident. The meeting was at Willard's. It was painfully interesting, and the truth was spoken that there were eighty thousand Democrats in New York dying from hunger lecause no offices wero to be had. Then it was determined to see the President; and straightway those gentlemen called upon that illustrious man. With much wisdom he had provided a lunch, which was devoured iu the most ravenous manner. Then time was called by Mr. Morrissey, who said business was business, and the President was told tho harrowing story. Here were eighty thousand Democrats in New York about to die, and thus increase largely the Republican majority. All from sheer hunger, while Abolitionists were growing fat and sleek in post offices and cus toms places. "They wereespecially tenacious," says our correspondent, "against the policy of giving the offices to Thurluw Weed, Samuel Tilden, General Slocum, and otltir outsitler." We are afraid the italicised words are ironical, and wo dispute them, insisting that Mr. Weed is as good a Democrat as Oakey Hall or Johnny Morrissey. The President was told that since Mr. Weed had come into the party there was no satisfying him. His rapacity was enormous. He could absorb more offices than any six Sachems in Tammany Hall, and yet crave for more. Mr. Wood had had experiences in this way; but Mr. Weed surpassed them all. Mr. Morrissey hail known fellows who gouged and grabbed; but when it came to Mr. Weed he threw up the sj'onge. Mr. Hall's experience with thieves and burglars had enlarged his ideas of human nature, and especially of what might be called its absorbing power; but such a capacity as Mr. Weed possessed had never been known in his practice. The Recorder remarked that if Mr. Weed could only make an indictable offense, he would give him the full extent of the law; but the Legislature was in the hands of the Abolitionists. As for himself, he needed little a ham sandwich now and then would do but Ik wanted Oakey taken care of, for his necessities were greater, and it was a pity that such a genius, a man with such a head, should be reduced to writing libels and jokes in the Sunday papers. After which Mr. James lirooks arose and made a very long speech, detailing tho horrors of the faithful in such a soul-stirring manner that not a dry eye was seen in the room. We are afraid the President was not as con siderate as he might have been. In the lan guage of a llcruld reporter, "the President seemed more guarded and cautious than ever." A delegate "asked if the President would undertake to remove certain officers. To both inquiries the President simply answered mum." We pity his Excellency. He must bo dreadfully embarrassed. To pro vide for a party is bad enough but there is the Senate which worries him, and when he doles out his loaves they are snatched away; and above all, there is Mr. Thurlow Weed taken into the party out of charity taken out of the cold, and not to starve, and yet with such au appetite 1 With the Senate on one side, and Mr. Weed on another, no wonder the President was "mum." We extend to him our sincere sympathy. He has no doubt emptied his pantries and sliced his hams, and what more can he do 1 To see eighty thousand Democrats on tho point of death to see starvation wasting the manly forms of Morrissey and Wood, llackett and Oakey Hall, Chauler and Brooks to hoo Tammany Hall actually sold, paint, feathers, and tomahawks, for bread to eat above all things, to think of the elegant Mauhattaners eating a scanty meal from their gold plates to think of this, and feel that we live in a Christian age, is distressing. We want to increase the Republican party, but by con verting our enemies, and not starving them. There are twenty morals to be drawn, but one will do the moral of the fairy story, which all men know, how upon a time a sailor called Sinbad put an old man upon his back, and undertook to carry him. We remember the unfortunate consequences. These, perhaps, were what tho President was thinking about when he "simply answered mum." Mum's tbe Word, IVom the Herald. The Congressional delegation from this city John Morrissey, Fox, Brook3 and Fernando Wood paid a visit to President Johnson a day or two ago, and made a formal demaud on behalf of their constituents for a share in the Federal offices. They claimed that, as tho especial friends of the President, they aro entitled to enjoy some of the good things within his gift, and complained that they had not been consulted in regard to the appoint ments, but had been treated as of no account. They do not seem to have impressed the 1 re sident with a very high sense of the value of their support. We are told that he preserved a provoking taciturnity mat in repiyio ques tions as to whether he would make certain removals and would honor the recommenda tions Of the New 101K uemocrauc oiigies- meu for the office of Collector and Assessor ot internal Revenue iu this city, now vacaut, lie imply answered mum." Hie only remark he did make was signillcent, and not without a spice of sly mischief. He wanted to know oi the disinterested delegation if they supposed that the Senate would be likely to confirm the nominees recommended by Morrissey, Brooks, Wood and Fox ? There is something refreshing in the cool impudence of these sturdy beggars for office. Without & party at their backs, elected by the lowest element of the grog-shop and tho gambling hell, beaten in every Northern State in tho Union, and too insignificant even to be thought of in Congress, they inarch up to the White House, and demand to be made the brokers of the Federal patronage, generously offering as a sort of compromise to be con tented with half the appointments. We have no doubt that they would make very good use of the offices if the President should accede to their demands. Fernando Wood is well versed in the science of making patronage pay, and would realise handsomely on perquisites and shares. Fox has a number of deserving candidates in the First Ward who are really suffering since nuch arbitrary re strictions have been plaoed oa emigrant trout- ing, baggnge-Hinashing, and other popular call ings. Jirooks has rt largo family of hungry Kiiow-Nofhings out of place, who have been looking about with their dark lanterns for employment for the last ten or twelve years. John Monissey, who loves to do a generous action for his friends, would be pleased to push the claims of Izzy Lazarus, "Dublin Jinks Joe Coburn, Harney Aaron, Rill Jovee, Kit Burns, and other deserving cham pions. Upon the whole, we think it might be well for Andy Johnson to consider the de mands of the New York delegation. Then if be should ever run for i'resident of the United Mr.tes. lie may make sure of a larger majority in this city than llofi'mau obtained at the las't November election. Tho Three Baruumi, From the Jlrra'd. There are three Barnums running iu the Fourth District of Connecticut for Congress. William H. Barnum, the iron dealer; P. T. Barnuni, the small swindling showman; and Lewis Barnum, who claims to be a cousin of the small swindling showman. The latter is self-nominated, and stumps the State in the wake of the showman, in order to show him up in his true colors. Lewis Barnum makes some terribly severe attacks upon Barnum, the humbug, and is doing him serious in jury. It is said that showman Barnum is so alarmed at the progress made by his cousin that ho is about to have him arrested lor libel. This will only be done to get him off the ground for the present; but if Lewis Barnum is shrewd lie will defeat the plot of the small swindling showman to got him out of the way. No man can be arrested or held to bail for libel under the Constitution and tho laws of the United States, and the third Barnum can easily obtain his liberty if ho should be arrested on tho complaint of a self-convicted humbug. It is of course very annoying for Barnum, the showman, to be held up before the Bridgeport people in a state of nature He cannot afford to stand examination and expo sure any more than any of his fellow-humbugs could, including tho Woolly Horse, the Feejee Mermaid, the Bearded Lady, the Petrified Horse and Rider, etc.; but lie will not find it so easy to get rid of tho annoyance. The people are called upon to "pav their money" at the show, and they insist upon knowing "the true nature ot the beast. The Proto-Mnitjr of the Pautaloous. lYomthc World. " A cruel net of injustice has just been done to a most indu.-trious public servant. Mr. Sanford, our Minister Resident at Brussels, very properly asked, some time ago, to be absolved from bearing a title which could only make him ridiculous in the eyes of his col leagues, since it is a notorious fact that neither at Brussels nor anywhere else has he ever been "resident." Such is the gay elasti city of his temper that life with him, means locomotion, and he long since earned tho sobri quet of the "diplomatic ilea" by the suddenness and vivacity of his leaps from one capital of Europe to another. To have conferred upon him the title of "Minister Resilient" would have been both a pretty and a proper way of recognizing his disposition as well as his ser vices; but that title being unknown to our diplomatic hierarchy, Mr. Sanford was com pelled to put his plea for accuracy in the form of a prayer for promotion. He asked to be appointed "Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary." This appointment would only have authorized him to be as queer as nature made him, and as much of a busy body as circumstances and other people's good nature would permit. But the Senate would not give it to him. After their lavish breveting of everybody who ever wore a sword or pocketed a bounty in the national army, this treatment of a diplomat as meri torious in his way as Neal Dow in battle, or Dick Busteed on the bench, was certainly very scurvy. And its meanness has been made ttill worse by the Chairman of the Senate Com mittee on Foreign Relations, Mr. Sumner, who on Thursday got up in the Senato.aud announc j ing that there was "a habit among our Minis- teis abroad of wearing court costume on cer tain occasions, reported a joint resolution, which was passed, to the following effect: "JUsolved, That all persons in the diplomatic serviced" the United tSlntea are prohibited from wearing any uniform or olllclal costume not previously prescribed by Congress." This has a fine republican look of protesta tion against the "liveried flunkeys" of tho effete European monarchies. But it is only Mr. Sanford's thunder which Mr. Sumner has stolen. For twenty years Mr. Sanford has lived upon tho renown of his lofty moral cour age in appearing at tho Tuileries in a pair of black pantaloons. He will go down into his tory as the proto-martyr of Mr. Marcy's famous order rescinding the whole embroidery business from our diplomatic schedules. And now, at the very moment when his sacrifice is erected by Mr. Sumner into a statute, he is snubbed and made little of, refused his promo tion, and told to bo a "Minister Resident," or, in other words "to keep still!" That Sena tor Sumner should occupy his grave and mighty mind with a question of pantaloons, would, of itself, be surprising. But that he should plagiarize from Mr. San ford on such a question, and, as one may say, take the bread out of the mouth of the very flea he has just caught between his thumb and his forefinger, is really deplorable. So far as concerns tho abstract question itself, we have no quarrel to muke either with Mr. Sanford or Mr. Sumner. When Mr. Marcy told Mr. Sanford to take the stripes off the legs of his pantaloons and the golden oak leaves from his coat, Mr. Sanford did right in obeying. And Mr. Sumner is right when he insits that there shall be as much uniformity in the uniforms of our diplomats as of our soldiers and our sailors. The sort of people whom Mr. Sumner and Mr. Seward have been sending abroad for six years past to represent us may not, for the most part, have been beautiful to behold, even in uniform; but it is dreadful to think that "guys" they would have seemed had they been left to their own devices in the matter of dross. We have had Ministers who were perfectly oapable of going to court in a second-hand costume of the "Conte di Luna," from the Trovatore, or in the dress of a police sergeant, or in the black frock-coat and satin waistooat pf a West ern Methodist misiionary, or, as really hap pened in one lamentable case, in the castotf coat of a Senator of the French empire. By all means let ub have a diplomatic uniform, "neat but not gaudy," and let our envoys be compelled to wear it at all times when anybody is likely to be obliged to look at them. But what a wretohed thing it is for Senator Sum ner to have cribbed even so small and prac tical a thought; and what a sinful thing for him to have snubbed its prote-uiartyr iu the very act of cribbing it 1 , ; The ni'lnutl Reconstruction Hill. Vom the Aafion. The bill providing the machinery for carry ing out tho Reconstruction bill of the last Con gress has just passed the House, with an amendment touching the proportion of the registered electors which shall be necessary to elect the conventions, and, unless tho Senate should agree, the final passage of the bill will be delayed by a conference. Its provisions are Hindi as wo descrilwid in our last number, and no debate of importance took place on any of them in either the House or Senate. Mr. Howard made a strong effort to make improve ments on the oath to be administered to per sons voting for the delegates to the constitu tional conventions, by requiring them to swear that they were "sincerely attached to the Constitution of the United States" a pro vision which of course would simply have fur nished one more temptation to commit per jury, without making the least addition to the security of the Constitution. As a general and sound rule, no man should ever be legally required to swear or affirm anything as a test of fitness for any office, or tor the exercise of any franchise, unless there exists some means of proving him guilty of perjury iu case ho breaks his oath, or rather of knowing whether he ever breaks his oath or not. It a man promises, on oath, to sup port the Constitution of the United States, lie fulfils his promise by being a decent citizen and letting the Constitution alone. "Support ing" a constitution consists in living quietly under it, and refusing to join in or actively opposing attempts to overthrow it. There fore, when a man has sworn true allegiance to one, all his neighbors have the means of de tecting him at once in case ho breaks his oath. But when, as Mr. Sumner proposed the other day, you make a man swear to "support the diffusion of knowledge," you have no means of knowing whether he has kept his oath or not, because no definition of "support to tho diffusion of knowledge" could possibly be fixed upon that would be satisfactory. A person may "support" the diffusion of knowledge by giving a small boy a primer, or by saying occasionally in his tauiily circle that education improves the mind, and that know ledge is power; but it would always be impos sible to una out whether he had even done this or not. So also, when you ask a man to swear that he Ls "sincerely attached" to the Constitution, you exact an affirmation of which you cannot either detect or nunish the falsehood. If he is a loyal man. he may take the oath as often as fie chooses, and cannot be punished for taking it falsely. In tho Middle Ages oaths were administered very lavishly, because it was generally believed that some thing dreadful would happen by a special act of Piovideuce to people who swore falsely. We do not expect auythiug of tho kind. We rely, it is true, for the sanctity of an oath on the dread of future punishment on the part of the person taKing it, but only in a very small degree, because we know, as a luatter ot fact, that men s conduct is luliuenced only very slightly, as regards tho grosser offenses against morality, by the tear ot penalties to be in llicted in the next world. Our main reliance is on the penalties inllicted by the Courts iu this world, and we owe it to the cause of pub lic morality not to administer oaths, on a great scale, in cases in which those who take them know that they are, if they commit per jury, safe from human justice at least. It may be suggested that we are wasting words on this matter, inasmuch as the amend ment was not adopted ; but nobody who sees the extent to which some of our radical friends in Congress are disposed to rely on test oaths for the safety of this Government at the South, can help leeling that attention ought to be called by somebody to tho teach ings of experience and of common sense on this point. Many attempts have been made in the Old World to bolster up institutions of all kinds, political, ecclesiastical, and social, by oaths, and they have all failed. In all countries in which this plan of securing sta bility or safety has been resorted to, it is being abandoned in despair, after having caused an enormous amount of perjury, and made tho offense seem a mere peccadillo in the eyes of the public. For us to resort to it at this day is w orse than ridiculous. As we have said before, it may be, and we believe it is, proper to exclude at present from participation in the Government all those who have, during the last live years, homo a pro minent part in me attempt to overthrow it; but it is not desirable to exclude those who are not "sincerely attached to it." Our duty and interest are to make them sincerely at tached to it by every means in our power, to convince them of its benefits, to interest them in its preservation. Oaths will not do this; but oaths wantonly and unnecessarily imposed may make men hate it and want to get rid of it. The oath is a capital instrument for tho exclusion from a share in the Government at present, or always, of persons who have taken a certain part in the Rebellion, but as a guar antee for anybody's future good behavior, or for the present state of anybody's heart, it is worse than worthless. Mr. Sumner moved one amendment, towards the close of the debate in the Senate, which was lost by a tie vote, " that the Constitution of each State shall require tho establishment and maintenance of a system of common schools, open to all without regard to color." No debate appears to have taken place on this, so that wo are left in ignorance of tho objec tions of those who voted against it, But, whatever they were, we cannot but regard its failure as a great misfortune. No other op portunity may ever offer itself of overcoming that dislike or want of appreciation of popular education which has all along been the curse of the South, and which, like other Southern delects, will not, in our opinion, disappear for many a day, without some pressure or inter ference from without. There may be objections to insisting that the publio sc hools shall admit children of both colors indiscriminately, for this would proba bly result either in the forcible exclusion of the colored children from all schools, or the non-attendance of the white children. In try ing to elevate or improve ignorant or preju diced men and women, we have to take them as they are, with all their imperfections on their heads; and if they will not start on our road, we must be content to go a little way with them on theirs. We should prefer see ing separate schools for each color established at the South, to seeing schools for both colors which only one attended, or seeing none for either. The great object to be attained is edu cation; the color prejudice will only be extir pated by the spread of knowledge and of Christianity. But of the vast and overwhelming import ance of starting some general system of edu cation at the South now, and of making it an essential feature of any reconstruction plan, there can be no doubt. We have no hesitation in pronouncing the question of excluding Rebels from the polls to be of a very inferior degree of importance, though it is the only laug to which most of the majority in CouT MAR0I23,J867. gress seem to givo much attention. We do not hesitate to coniess, once more, mai we aro of the number of those who think tho doctrine 41. r.n,iiiT Imt the common sense of an lenornnt man is needed to enable him to nse ... .... 1 .1 A 11.. i. 1 .. the ballot rightly, ana uiai i" nui is in itself a sufficient educator or enlightener of that it may not and does not prove very frequently in their hands an instrument ot their own pponutum n o- crndation, to be a dangerous ana pernicious ...t.i:il in the whole theory of demo- cratic government, and to the principles on . . . v. ... -i . , f 4lia fr.m Sl.ntes has Which 1110 KOC1U1 njeieiu " - ------ - been based ever since the settlement or the country. It is a doctrine imported by Southern slaveholders from English Tory manor-houses, and preached at the South througu long yeais in the interest of slavery; and w e consider lU .i..4i.. i.xr X'nMlii.rn Dreachers and pohtl- cinns, under the influence of the present poli tical excitement, as a reaay meuim oi i'n -ing a political triumph, to be something which all intelligent and patriotic men ought to deplore and fight against. Nevei ..4i...i..ua ..von if Concress will exact no nh.,iiT frnni the South on this point, although it is exacting so many others, all is not lost. As long as the Uovernmeni supplies pi ; tion, both Southern whites and Southern be educated. The volunteer or ganizations of the North are doing a great work in this field already, ana u vue peopio will only sustain the Freeikuen's Associations r mi,! diffusion of their schools. we think we can promise that test oaths will, in n T-.irv fuw vnnrs. he OI 111110 consoil ufiic, and that the National Government will be surrounded by other and bettor bulwarks. The Nutmeg State. Editorial Corrcmwndmre of the N. Y. Independent, After looking at strange regions in the West, I have been looking once more at the familiar face of Connecticut. It is best to bo on good torms with one's neighbors; so I refrain from calling Connecti cut a mean State. Nevertheless, at a period when every New England heart ought to have lent its sympathy to the negro, Connecticut dealt him one of the foulest of blows. The first Northern bayonets to enter the fallen city of Ric hmond were carried by a black regiment from Connecticut; but on the very day of the victorious entranco of these troops, and while the air over their heads was resounding with their cheers, Connecticut white men at homo were filling their ballot-boxes with votes acainst necro suffrage 1 If any single day's record of the war is more thoroughly clouded with disgrace than this, I know not where to look for it. The blame of the ill deed belongs to the Re publican party of that State whose leaders, after having submitted the question of negro suffrage to the people, refused to advocate it during the campaign, and conspired to defeat it at the polls. A New England Senator at the time told me that he had offered to canvass Connecticut on the issue of impartial suffrage, promising to pay out of his own pocket the expenses of hiring the halls in which he should speak; but the Republican managers warned linn off the ground. Moreover, we all dis tinctly remember how every high-minded man who hailed from Connecticut, wore i look of chagrin and mortification at any men tion of that vote even six months after the election. That one day's cowardice in a Yankee State delayed the reconstruction of tho South per haps five years 1 Now, on the first of April next a new struggle of parties is to take place in Connec ticut. Both the giants are busy, harnessing for the battle. By common consent the two sides are nearly equally divided. Out of per haps seventy thousand votes likely to be cast, the majority, bo it one way or the other, will probably not be more than five hundred. And yet, if three years ago the Connecticut Republicans had generously and justly enfranchised their two thousand co lored fellow-citizens at tho lit and beautiful moment when those citizens, in the garb of soldiers, were heroically capturing Richmond the coming victory of the first of April might be already written down as achieved while yet the battle itself is waiting to be fought. Thus, again, it is seen that cowardice never is (statesmanship. But the Union party of Connecticut seeks now honestly to undo the past, to efface the old record of shame, and to bear an unequivo cal testimony in favor of justice and equality. The prospectus of the campaign demands the equal rights of all American citizens without distinction of race. Governor Hawloy at whose re-election I shall toss my hat high is a man in whose veins runs no drop of blood not loyal to the lowly. I have seen him stand strong where other men quailed. He was one of the few Northern Governors at the Southern Loyalist Convention in Philadelphia, who did not turn pale at the sight of Frederick Doug lass walking arm-in-arm with a white man in a Republican procession. He is every inch a niiin. Let him be reseated iu his honored chair. If Connecticut shall vote the wrong way on the 1st of April, she will reincite Andrew Johnson to further usurpation, and reanimate the Rebellion to further defiance. A vote cast with tho Democratic party of Connecticut is a plaudit to Jefferson Davis and a laurel to General Lee. There is not a Rebel iu the South who does not desire to see Connecticut captured by tho Copperheads. A blow against the Democracy is a blow against the Rebel lion. Let it be struck as from a gauntlet of iron ! But whoso rebukes Connecticut, let him honor Windham county. It was here that Putnam went into the wolfs den. It is here that Liberty rekindles her ancient fires at every successive election. It must be here that a doubtful State, always in peril, rests its hope of salvation. Let old Windham once more gird on her ancient strength, and once more win a double victory for Connecticut anil for the nation ! Meanwhile, I point to the contrast between Connecticut and Iowa.- One State struggles, hard for a Republican majority of five hun dred ; the other gives lavishly a Republican majority of fifty thousand ! These contrast ing figures contain a lesson which ought to be heeded by the politicians of tho Nutmeg State. The lesson is this : The leading Republicans of Iowa are bold and uncompromising men, who, not being willing to surrender principle to party, have at last carried the party up to principle. On the other hand, the leading Republicans of Connecticut (with a few illus-. trious exceptions) are timid and time-serving men, who have never maintained a bold alle giance to moral ideas. Connecticut will never begin to be safe till her Republican managers cense to be cowardly. . ,,:.. This, perhaps, is not the pleasantest kind! of remark to make of a score of one's own personal acquaintances. "Am I therefore your enemy because I tell you the truth t" ! Robert McKnight, of Cahaba, 'Alabama, aged 84, is said to be the oldest printer in tua United States. I WATCHfc3, JtWELPY, ETC. j4 Ok C J EWELERS. S. E. Corner TENTH and CHESNl'T. OltF.AT KrDlt'TIOS IN riUt'EN. UIAMOKDft, WATC'IIEM, JCWEMtY, NILVDtt WARF,, IIRONZKM. ALL GOODS MARKED IN TLAIN FICIURKH. WATCHES AND JEWELRY CAREFULLY RE- PAIRED. rarilculnr attention paid to Manufacturing all arti cles In our Hue. n. ni i.os navln enRAgcd with Kitchen A Co., will be mnoh jili'kaert to see his friends and customers. S21 thsm 'itWlS'LADOMUS&co.'' 'DIAMOND DKAI.KRS & JEWELERS.! WATCHES, JSrtKLBY S1LVKH WAKE. v "WA1CHE3 and JEWELRY. REPAIRED, . J02 Chestnut St., Phvbv, Have on band alargeand splendid assortment PIAHONDN, WATCH r.s. JEWELRY, AND , HILVEB.WAB1 OF ALI, KINDS AN1 FBICEM. Fartlcnlar attention Is reqmwited to onr lartra stock Of DIAMONDS, and the extremely low prices. BRIDAL PRESENTS made ot SterllnK and Stan dard Silver. A large awiortment to select from. WATCHES repaired in the beat manner, and war ranted. (5 lJ4p Diamonds and all precious stones bonght for cash. joh:n bowman. No. 704. AIIOH Street. PHILADELPHIA, MANUFACTURES AND DEALER IN SILVER AND PLATEDWAEE. Our bOODSare decidedly the cheapest in the city for TKIPLK PLATE, A NO, 1, 5 Large and small sires, playing from S to 12 airs, and costing from (o to tuu. Our assortment comprise such choice melodies as "Coming Thro' the Rye." "Robin Adair." "Rock me to Sleep. Mother." "The Last Roseot hummer." "Monastery Bells," etc etc, Besides beautiful selections from the rarlous Operas. 1 Imported direct, and for sale at moderate prices, by FARR & BROTHER, Importers of Watches, eta, II llsmthjrp No. 824 CHESNUT St., below FonrtH HATCHES, JEWELUI. W. W. CASSIDY, NO. 1 SOUTH MECOND STREET, Offers an entirely new and most carefully select d stock of AMERICAN AND GENEVA WATCHES, JEWELRY, SILVER-WARE, AND FANCY ARTICLES OP EVERY DESCRIPTION, suitable for BBID It OH HtlUDAT PRESENTS. An examination will show my stock to be unsur. panned In quality and cheapness. Particular attention paid to repairing. g i C. RUSSELL it CO.. NO. S3 N OKI II SIXTH STREET, BHave Just received an invoice ot I'RENCll 9IANTEI. CLOCKS, Manufactured to their order In Paris. Also, a few INFERNAL ORCHESTRA CLOCKS, with side pieces; which they offer lower than the same goods can be purchased In the cltv. g 26 HENRY HARPER, No. 520 ARCH Street. w Manufacturer and Dealer la WATCHES, FINE JEWE1BT, MIL.VKU-11,ATEI WARE, AND 811 SOLID SILVER-W ARK, AWNINGS, ETC. WNINGSl AWNINGS! IMILDEW-PROOF AWNINGS. W. F. SUEISLE, No. 49 Scmth THIHD Streetl AND No. 31 South SIXTH Street, Manufacturer cf MILDEW-PKOOF AWN INGS, VERANDAHS, FLAGS, BAGS, TENITS, and WAGON COVERS. Btencll Cutting and Canvaa Printing. 273mrp WRINGS, WAGON COVERS, BAGS, ETC. If yon want an EXTRA AWNING VERY CHEAP, let our Awning Makers take the meuaure. and mitka it from a lot oflliou llospllal Tenta Jnlely purohoHed by us; many of which are new, and the bentll-oa. duck. Also, Goverumeut baddies and Harness of all kiuda, etc etc PITKINS & CO., 1 13 lm Nos. S37 and U9 N. FRONT Street. REMOVAL. DKEEB A PEAKS REMOVED TO NO. PRUNE Btreel, DKKER & BEARS, formerl oi Goldunilth's Hall, Library street, have removed t No. 412 PRUNE utreet, betwen Fourth and Flit streets, where they will continue their Manufactory of Uolil Chain. Bracelet!!, etc. In every variety. Also the sale ot liu Gold, bilver, aud Copper. OldOold and feilver bouKtil. , ,, , J an uarjr hJoT. 1 It lm JT1 JL. O It I S T ' AND i . i I Preserver qf Natural ' Flowerf, ' , a. m; p0vbu;!..-;:,:v:; No. 725 "AECH 'Street, Below Eighth onquets,WresUi.Biets!,Pyriniidie(Cotr1ow tunned to rdw talt.'ou&. , , , , ,.ipurp
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers