THE NEW YORK PRESS.
lOMTOKIAL OHNIOKS OP TUB I.KADINO JOrjrtXAL3
PIVN OIBKFJiT TOriCS COMl'ILKD KVKUt
DAT FOB TIIK KVEMNO TKI.KOKArU.
Foreign
CoinHrtlou Are We Keady
for 'I'll cm 1
From the Timet.
.Apart from the merits ami demur-it of Venl
jnisui, the Fe;!ch with which "rcpreaonta
Jives of tho Irinh rt'vuibliV in America" intro
duced themselves the other day to President
Johnson is in a certain sense suggestive. It
jdiows with what exceeding ease this country
jniglit involve itself in formidable foreign
complications. A single' step, recklessly
taken, might plunge us into war. We have
liut to recognize the "Irish Republic" as a
Jndligorent and the Fenians as lawful bellige
rents to insure hot work with England. Nay,
Vithout venturing upon a formal declaration,
Ve have only to doze a littlo while one batch
tf Fenians institute au organized invasion of
Canada, or while another batch fit out a pri
vateer to prey on ocean commerce, and forth
with we shall be at issue with England's
jiower
Nothing could be easier, simpler,
Burer. . . . .
Or, without meddling with l eniamsm, is is
competent to this country to kindle tho big
pest of big blazes. It would not be difficult to
provoke trouble with the same power by
pressing sharply the Alabama claims, or by
jn otestiug vigorously and practically against
the objects and agencies which characterize
the coming confederation of the neighboring
provinces. A party intent upon an aggressive
foreign policy might readily seize either of
these questions as a ground of quarrel, liven
a party not positively aggressive, but simply
friu in the maintenance of the national honor,
may feel itself bound to so act in regard to
these questions that international unpleasant
ness, not to say embarrassment, may bo pro
duced. Again, the fishery question, which
lias been temporarily patched up, will reap
pear by-and-by in all its ugliness. How
Shall it be dealt with f Shall we permit the
young confederation to dictate the terms upon
Which American fishermen may pursue their
Vocation, or shall we discard the doctrine of
Jtova Scotia pettifoggers and assert the right
cf our men to lish within the prohibited line ?
On one hand, our people will not tolerate
terms which they consider both arrogant and
Unjust ; and on the other, it were folly to talk
cf our rights unless we are prepared at all
Jiazardi to enforce them.
Supposititious eases of this nature might bo
Sliultiplied indefinitely. Reference might be
3nade to Mexico, to prove by what a slender
thread our amicable relations with France
Jiave hung since the commencement of the
Maximilian invasion. But it is not necessary
to particularize. The fact is patent that this
country may without much ado be called upon
to assert its claims, to vindicate its rights, to
defend its honor, as against European Gov
ernments. Of this contingency, this responsi
bility, we cannot divest ourselves, save at
the cost of national humiliation. However
earnestly we cultivate peace, however sin
cerely we strive to prevent foreign eomplica
lions, we may at any time find ourselves em
lroiled. This is the penalty we must bo con
tent to pay as the price of national greatness.
Now, the query arises, Are we iu a position
that enables us to contemplate these contin
gencies with composure f Suppose that com
plications with England or France were forced
upon us, are we as ready as we ought to be to
encounter them ? Are we putting the ques
tion plainly prepared for war, as the arbiter
of international dill'erences, probable or re
jnoto ?
The prime element of national strength in
relation to other countries is the assuranco of
peace among our own people. Feniauism, bo
its frauds and follies what they may, at least
indicates England's most sensitive spot. Just
3iow, Ireland is England's peril. The Irish
difficulty is her bond for the maintenance of
peace with every first-class power. It weakens
and endangers her, and it will continue to do
f?o until her legislators remove the causes of
Irish disaffection. In the same way, for rea
sons in their nature identical, this country is
an no condition to meet external difficulties.
"Ve cannot hope to maintain a vigorous
foreign policy so long as wo are atllicted with
domestic discontent; and from this we shall
jiot be free, not only until tho Union be re
constructed, but until it bo bo reconstructed
fthat the peoples of the two sections shall onco
juore feel themselves identified in interest and
ambition. That result attained, wo may be
ijold and even defiant on questions of foreign
policy. Meanwhile England is not more crip
pled by Ireland's alienation and hostility than
as this country by the condition of the Southern
states. In tho case of either, war would be
waged at a disadvantage.
These considerations are not adduced as
yeasons for complying with tho demands of
Southern politicians. So far as they are con
cerned, we can neither parley nor concede.
Situated as we are, the first duty is to recon
struct on a basis that will be enduring, and
Congress has decided what that basis shall be.
On the plan laid down, however, the work
Should be pushed forward, care being taken
that it shall be thoroughly done, and done
promptly. Hut if we would prevent futura
disaffection if we would so reorgauize the
Government, and so readjust the relations of
the States, that there shall be unity and last
ing domestic peace it behooves us to iutliot
300 superlluous penalty, and to exercise no
greater severity than is absolutely necessary.
Confiscate sweepingly, and the United
States will be burdened with au Ireland on a
large scale. Irritate needlessly, exert your
authority wantonly, impress the people with
a conviction that they are the victims of a re
lentless conqueror, and puny Spain might
defy the republic with impunity. Of course,
the mere politicians will be dissatisfied under
any scheme which the North may impose.
3ut it is possible to separate the great body of
the Southern people from the small body of
Southern politicians; and the accomplishment
f this object should be borne in mind when
applying the reconstruction policy. If we are
mot nrenared to foresro our pretensions as a
leading power, and to modify our foreign policy
to suit the purposes of others, we must not
neeleot the ouoortunitv of winning back the
respect and attachment of the millions whom
" we have forcibly brought under the authority
Of tlie union
Something to Eat.
fYow the Tribune.
, We extend our sincerest sympathies to Mr.
President Johnson. A number of hungry men
Iiave gone to Washington and laid siege to his
rre'sidential pantries. Such ;a Crowd of cada.
Verous mortals has notbeensoenin Peunsylva.
jiia avenue since our soldiers returned from
the Southern prlcons. The tavern-keeper
liave doubled guards, and thrifty people are
purchasing dogs for the protection of their
Jiou-roosta. We knew that there Lad Wu
THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH. PHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY,
much complaint and real Buffering, but not that
actual want had set in. l'roud men will fast;
but when it comes to starvation, pride is silent.
If Lucifer had been deprived of proper nour
ishment, he would scarcely have fullen. A
proper amount of nutriment is necessary to
well-regulated Democracy. Manhattan Club
is reduced to one meal per day bacon and
greens. Tammany Hall has been sold, out
of sheer inanition, and, it is rumored, is to be
turned into a tavern or a second-hand clothes
shop, and the hleek and well-ted editor of the
World subsists upon the kindness of the
honored head of the Department of Charities
and Correction. Others are not so happy.
Mr. Oakey Hall, a huge fee ler, and Mr. Re
corder Hackett, who lias scarcely found the
fishing abundant, have gone to Washington
as a delegation to represent the frightful con
dition of "the faithful to the 1 'resident. Mr.
Morrissoy, Mr. Wood, and thHr colleagues,
have also had a meeting and an interview
with the I'resident. The meeting was at
Willard's. It was painfully interesting, and
the truth was spoken that there were eighty
thousand Democrats in New York dying from
hunger lecause no offices wero to be had.
Then it was determined to see the President;
and straightway those gentlemen called upon
that illustrious man. With much wisdom he
had provided a lunch, which was devoured iu
the most ravenous manner. Then time was
called by Mr. Morrissey, who said business
was business, and the President was told tho
harrowing story. Here were eighty thousand
Democrats in New York about to die, and thus
increase largely the Republican majority. All
from sheer hunger, while Abolitionists were
growing fat and sleek in post offices and cus
toms places. "They wereespecially tenacious,"
says our correspondent, "against the policy of
giving the offices to Thurluw Weed, Samuel
Tilden, General Slocum, and otltir outsitler."
We are afraid the italicised words are ironical,
and wo dispute them, insisting that Mr. Weed
is as good a Democrat as Oakey Hall or Johnny
Morrissey. The President was told that since
Mr. Weed had come into the party there
was no satisfying him. His rapacity was
enormous. He could absorb more offices
than any six Sachems in Tammany
Hall, and yet crave for more. Mr. Wood
had had experiences in this way; but Mr.
Weed surpassed them all. Mr. Morrissey hail
known fellows who gouged and grabbed; but
when it came to Mr. Weed he threw up the
sj'onge. Mr. Hall's experience with thieves
and burglars had enlarged his ideas of human
nature, and especially of what might be called
its absorbing power; but such a capacity as
Mr. Weed possessed had never been known
in his practice. The Recorder remarked that
if Mr. Weed could only make an indictable
offense, he would give him the full extent of
the law; but the Legislature was in the hands
of the Abolitionists. As for himself, he needed
little a ham sandwich now and then would
do but Ik wanted Oakey taken care of, for
his necessities were greater, and it was a pity
that such a genius, a man with such a head,
should be reduced to writing libels and jokes
in the Sunday papers. After which Mr. James
lirooks arose and made a very long speech,
detailing tho horrors of the faithful in such a
soul-stirring manner that not a dry eye was
seen in the room.
We are afraid the President was not as con
siderate as he might have been. In the lan
guage of a llcruld reporter, "the President
seemed more guarded and cautious than
ever." A delegate "asked if the President
would undertake to remove certain officers.
To both inquiries the President simply
answered mum." We pity his Excellency.
He must bo dreadfully embarrassed. To pro
vide for a party is bad enough but there is
the Senate which worries him, and when he
doles out his loaves they are snatched away;
and above all, there is Mr. Thurlow Weed
taken into the party out of charity taken out
of the cold, and not to starve, and yet with
such au appetite 1 With the Senate on one
side, and Mr. Weed on another, no wonder
the President was "mum." We extend to
him our sincere sympathy. He has no doubt
emptied his pantries and sliced his
hams, and what more can he do 1 To see
eighty thousand Democrats on tho point of
death to see starvation wasting the manly
forms of Morrissey and Wood, llackett and
Oakey Hall, Chauler and Brooks to hoo
Tammany Hall actually sold, paint, feathers,
and tomahawks, for bread to eat above all
things, to think of the elegant Mauhattaners
eating a scanty meal from their gold plates
to think of this, and feel that we live in a
Christian age, is distressing. We want to
increase the Republican party, but by con
verting our enemies, and not starving them.
There are twenty morals to be drawn, but one
will do the moral of the fairy story, which
all men know, how upon a time a sailor called
Sinbad put an old man upon his back, and
undertook to carry him. We remember the
unfortunate consequences. These, perhaps,
were what tho President was thinking about
when he "simply answered mum."
Mum's tbe Word,
IVom the Herald.
The Congressional delegation from this city
John Morrissey, Fox, Brook3 and Fernando
Wood paid a visit to President Johnson a
day or two ago, and made a formal demaud on
behalf of their constituents for a share in the
Federal offices. They claimed that, as tho
especial friends of the President, they aro
entitled to enjoy some of the good things
within his gift, and complained that they had
not been consulted in regard to the appoint
ments, but had been treated as of no account.
They do not seem to have impressed the 1 re
sident with a very high sense of the value of
their support. We are told that he preserved
a provoking taciturnity mat in repiyio ques
tions as to whether he would make certain
removals and would honor the recommenda
tions Of the New 101K uemocrauc oiigies-
meu for the office of Collector and Assessor ot
internal Revenue iu this city, now vacaut, lie
imply answered mum." Hie only remark
he did make was signillcent, and not without a
spice of sly mischief. He wanted to know oi
the disinterested delegation if they supposed
that the Senate would be likely to confirm the
nominees recommended by Morrissey, Brooks,
Wood and Fox ?
There is something refreshing in the cool
impudence of these sturdy beggars for office.
Without & party at their backs, elected by the
lowest element of the grog-shop and tho
gambling hell, beaten in every Northern State
in tho Union, and too insignificant even to be
thought of in Congress, they inarch up to the
White House, and demand to be made the
brokers of the Federal patronage, generously
offering as a sort of compromise to be con
tented with half the appointments.
We have no doubt that they would make
very good use of the offices if the President
should accede to their demands. Fernando
Wood is well versed in the science of making
patronage pay, and would realise handsomely
on perquisites and shares. Fox has a number
of deserving candidates in the First Ward who
are really suffering since nuch arbitrary re
strictions have been plaoed oa emigrant trout-
ing, baggnge-Hinashing, and other popular call
ings. Jirooks has rt largo family of hungry
Kiiow-Nofhings out of place, who have been
looking about with their dark lanterns for
employment for the last ten or twelve years.
John Monissey, who loves to do a generous
action for his friends, would be pleased to
push the claims of Izzy Lazarus, "Dublin
Jinks Joe Coburn, Harney Aaron, Rill
Jovee, Kit Burns, and other deserving cham
pions. Upon the whole, we think it might
be well for Andy Johnson to consider the de
mands of the New York delegation. Then if
be should ever run for i'resident of the United
Mr.tes. lie may make sure of a larger majority
in this city than llofi'mau obtained at the las't
November election.
Tho Three Baruumi,
From the Jlrra'd.
There are three Barnums running iu the
Fourth District of Connecticut for Congress.
William H. Barnum, the iron dealer; P. T.
Barnuni, the small swindling showman; and
Lewis Barnum, who claims to be a cousin of
the small swindling showman. The latter is
self-nominated, and stumps the State in the
wake of the showman, in order to show him
up in his true colors. Lewis Barnum makes
some terribly severe attacks upon Barnum,
the humbug, and is doing him serious in
jury. It is said that showman Barnum is so
alarmed at the progress made by his cousin
that ho is about to have him arrested lor libel.
This will only be done to get him off the
ground for the present; but if Lewis Barnum is
shrewd lie will defeat the plot of the small
swindling showman to got him out of the way.
No man can be arrested or held to bail for
libel under the Constitution and tho laws of
the United States, and the third Barnum can
easily obtain his liberty if ho should be
arrested on tho complaint of a self-convicted
humbug. It is of course very annoying for
Barnum, the showman, to be held up before
the Bridgeport people in a state of nature He
cannot afford to stand examination and expo
sure any more than any of his fellow-humbugs
could, including tho Woolly Horse, the Feejee
Mermaid, the Bearded Lady, the Petrified
Horse and Rider, etc.; but lie will not find it
so easy to get rid of tho annoyance. The
people are called upon to "pav their money"
at the show, and they insist upon knowing
"the true nature ot the beast.
The Proto-Mnitjr of the Pautaloous.
lYomthc World. "
A cruel net of injustice has just been done
to a most indu.-trious public servant. Mr.
Sanford, our Minister Resident at Brussels,
very properly asked, some time ago, to be
absolved from bearing a title which could only
make him ridiculous in the eyes of his col
leagues, since it is a notorious fact that
neither at Brussels nor anywhere else has he
ever been "resident." Such is the gay elasti
city of his temper that life with him, means
locomotion, and he long since earned tho sobri
quet of the "diplomatic ilea" by the suddenness
and vivacity of his leaps from one capital of
Europe to another. To have conferred upon
him the title of "Minister Resilient" would
have been both a pretty and a proper way of
recognizing his disposition as well as his ser
vices; but that title being unknown to our
diplomatic hierarchy, Mr. Sanford was com
pelled to put his plea for accuracy in the form
of a prayer for promotion. He asked to be
appointed "Minister Plenipotentiary and
Envoy Extraordinary." This appointment
would only have authorized him to be as queer
as nature made him, and as much of a busy
body as circumstances and other people's
good nature would permit. But the Senate
would not give it to him. After their lavish
breveting of everybody who ever wore a
sword or pocketed a bounty in the national
army, this treatment of a diplomat as meri
torious in his way as Neal Dow in battle, or
Dick Busteed on the bench, was certainly very
scurvy. And its meanness has been made
ttill worse by the Chairman of the Senate Com
mittee on Foreign Relations, Mr. Sumner, who
on Thursday got up in the Senato.aud announc
j ing that there was "a habit among our Minis-
teis abroad of wearing court costume on cer
tain occasions, reported a joint resolution,
which was passed, to the following effect:
"JUsolved, That all persons in the diplomatic
serviced" the United tSlntea are prohibited from
wearing any uniform or olllclal costume not
previously prescribed by Congress."
This has a fine republican look of protesta
tion against the "liveried flunkeys" of tho
effete European monarchies. But it is only
Mr. Sanford's thunder which Mr. Sumner has
stolen. For twenty years Mr. Sanford has
lived upon tho renown of his lofty moral cour
age in appearing at tho Tuileries in a pair of
black pantaloons. He will go down into his
tory as the proto-martyr of Mr. Marcy's
famous order rescinding the whole embroidery
business from our diplomatic schedules. And
now, at the very moment when his sacrifice is
erected by Mr. Sumner into a statute, he is
snubbed and made little of, refused his promo
tion, and told to bo a "Minister Resident," or,
in other words "to keep still!" That Sena
tor Sumner should occupy his grave
and mighty mind with a question of
pantaloons, would, of itself, be surprising.
But that he should plagiarize from Mr. San
ford on such a question, and, as one may say,
take the bread out of the mouth of the very
flea he has just caught between his thumb
and his forefinger, is really deplorable. So
far as concerns tho abstract question itself,
we have no quarrel to muke either with Mr.
Sanford or Mr. Sumner. When Mr. Marcy
told Mr. Sanford to take the stripes off the
legs of his pantaloons and the golden oak
leaves from his coat, Mr. Sanford did right in
obeying. And Mr. Sumner is right when he
insits that there shall be as much uniformity
in the uniforms of our diplomats as of our
soldiers and our sailors. The sort of people
whom Mr. Sumner and Mr. Seward have
been sending abroad for six years past to
represent us may not, for the most part, have
been beautiful to behold, even in uniform;
but it is dreadful to think that "guys" they
would have seemed had they been left to their
own devices in the matter of dross. We have
had Ministers who were perfectly oapable of
going to court in a second-hand costume of
the "Conte di Luna," from the Trovatore, or
in the dress of a police sergeant, or in the
black frock-coat and satin waistooat pf a West
ern Methodist misiionary, or, as really hap
pened in one lamentable case, in the castotf
coat of a Senator of the French empire. By
all means let ub have a diplomatic uniform,
"neat but not gaudy," and let our envoys be
compelled to wear it at all times when anybody
is likely to be obliged to look at them. But
what a wretohed thing it is for Senator Sum
ner to have cribbed even so small and prac
tical a thought; and what a sinful thing for
him to have snubbed its prote-uiartyr iu the
very act of cribbing it 1 , ;
The ni'lnutl Reconstruction Hill.
Vom the Aafion.
The bill providing the machinery for carry
ing out tho Reconstruction bill of the last Con
gress has just passed the House, with an
amendment touching the proportion of the
registered electors which shall be necessary to
elect the conventions, and, unless tho Senate
should agree, the final passage of the bill will
be delayed by a conference. Its provisions are
Hindi as wo descrilwid in our last number, and
no debate of importance took place on any of
them in either the House or Senate. Mr.
Howard made a strong effort to make improve
ments on the oath to be administered to per
sons voting for the delegates to the constitu
tional conventions, by requiring them to
swear that they were "sincerely attached to
the Constitution of the United States" a pro
vision which of course would simply have fur
nished one more temptation to commit per
jury, without making the least addition to the
security of the Constitution.
As a general and sound rule, no man should
ever be legally required to swear or affirm
anything as a test of fitness for any office, or
tor the exercise of any franchise, unless there
exists some means of proving him guilty of
perjury iu case ho breaks his oath, or rather
of knowing whether he ever breaks his oath
or not. It a man promises, on oath, to sup
port the Constitution of the United States, lie
fulfils his promise by being a decent citizen
and letting the Constitution alone. "Support
ing" a constitution consists in living quietly
under it, and refusing to join in or actively
opposing attempts to overthrow it. There
fore, when a man has sworn true allegiance to
one, all his neighbors have the means of de
tecting him at once in case ho breaks his oath.
But when, as Mr. Sumner proposed the other
day, you make a man swear to "support the
diffusion of knowledge," you have no means
of knowing whether he has kept his oath or
not, because no definition of "support to tho
diffusion of knowledge" could possibly be
fixed upon that would be satisfactory.
A person may "support" the diffusion of
knowledge by giving a small boy a primer, or
by saying occasionally in his tauiily circle that
education improves the mind, and that know
ledge is power; but it would always be impos
sible to una out whether he had even done
this or not. So also, when you ask a man to
swear that he Ls "sincerely attached" to the
Constitution, you exact an affirmation of
which you cannot either detect or nunish the
falsehood. If he is a loyal man. he may take
the oath as often as fie chooses, and cannot be
punished for taking it falsely. In tho Middle
Ages oaths were administered very lavishly,
because it was generally believed that some
thing dreadful would happen by a special act
of Piovideuce to people who swore falsely.
We do not expect auythiug of tho kind. We
rely, it is true, for the sanctity of an oath on
the dread of future punishment on the part of
the person taKing it, but only in a very small
degree, because we know, as a luatter ot fact,
that men s conduct is luliuenced only very
slightly, as regards tho grosser offenses against
morality, by the tear ot penalties to be in
llicted in the next world. Our main reliance
is on the penalties inllicted by the Courts iu
this world, and we owe it to the cause of pub
lic morality not to administer oaths, on a
great scale, in cases in which those who take
them know that they are, if they commit per
jury, safe from human justice at least.
It may be suggested that we are wasting
words on this matter, inasmuch as the amend
ment was not adopted ; but nobody who sees
the extent to which some of our radical
friends in Congress are disposed to rely on
test oaths for the safety of this Government
at the South, can help leeling that attention
ought to be called by somebody to tho teach
ings of experience and of common sense on
this point. Many attempts have been made
in the Old World to bolster up institutions of
all kinds, political, ecclesiastical, and social,
by oaths, and they have all failed. In all
countries in which this plan of securing sta
bility or safety has been resorted to, it is being
abandoned in despair, after having caused an
enormous amount of perjury, and made tho
offense seem a mere peccadillo in the eyes of
the public. For us to resort to it at this day is
w orse than ridiculous.
As we have said before, it may be, and we
believe it is, proper to exclude at present from
participation in the Government all those who
have, during the last live years, homo a pro
minent part in me attempt to overthrow it;
but it is not desirable to exclude those who
are not "sincerely attached to it." Our duty
and interest are to make them sincerely at
tached to it by every means in our power, to
convince them of its benefits, to interest them
in its preservation. Oaths will not do this; but
oaths wantonly and unnecessarily imposed
may make men hate it and want to get rid of
it. The oath is a capital instrument for tho
exclusion from a share in the Government at
present, or always, of persons who have taken
a certain part in the Rebellion, but as a guar
antee for anybody's future good behavior, or
for the present state of anybody's heart, it is
worse than worthless.
Mr. Sumner moved one amendment, towards
the close of the debate in the Senate, which
was lost by a tie vote, " that the Constitution
of each State shall require tho establishment
and maintenance of a system of common
schools, open to all without regard to color."
No debate appears to have taken place on this,
so that wo are left in ignorance of tho objec
tions of those who voted against it, But,
whatever they were, we cannot but regard its
failure as a great misfortune. No other op
portunity may ever offer itself of overcoming
that dislike or want of appreciation of popular
education which has all along been the curse
of the South, and which, like other Southern
delects, will not, in our opinion, disappear for
many a day, without some pressure or inter
ference from without.
There may be objections to insisting that
the publio sc hools shall admit children of both
colors indiscriminately, for this would proba
bly result either in the forcible exclusion of
the colored children from all schools, or the
non-attendance of the white children. In try
ing to elevate or improve ignorant or preju
diced men and women, we have to take them
as they are, with all their imperfections on
their heads; and if they will not start on our
road, we must be content to go a little way
with them on theirs. We should prefer see
ing separate schools for each color established
at the South, to seeing schools for both colors
which only one attended, or seeing none for
either. The great object to be attained is edu
cation; the color prejudice will only be extir
pated by the spread of knowledge and of
Christianity.
But of the vast and overwhelming import
ance of starting some general system of edu
cation at the South now, and of making it an
essential feature of any reconstruction plan,
there can be no doubt. We have no hesitation
in pronouncing the question of excluding
Rebels from the polls to be of a very inferior
degree of importance, though it is the only
laug to which most of the majority in CouT
MAR0I23,J867.
gress seem to givo much attention. We do
not hesitate to coniess, once more, mai we aro
of the number of those who think tho doctrine
41. r.n,iiiT Imt the common sense of an
lenornnt man is needed to enable him to nse
... .... 1 .1 A 11.. i. 1 ..
the ballot rightly, ana uiai i" nui is in
itself a sufficient educator or enlightener of
that it may not and
does not prove very frequently in their hands
an instrument ot their own pponutum n o-
crndation, to be a dangerous ana pernicious
...t.i:il in the whole theory of demo-
cratic government, and to the principles on
. . . v. ... -i . , f 4lia fr.m Sl.ntes has
Which 1110 KOC1U1 njeieiu " - ------ -
been based ever since the settlement or the
country. It is a doctrine imported by Southern
slaveholders from English Tory manor-houses,
and preached at the South througu long yeais
in the interest of slavery; and w e consider lU
.i..4i.. i.xr X'nMlii.rn Dreachers and pohtl-
cinns, under the influence of the present poli
tical excitement, as a reaay meuim oi i'n -ing
a political triumph, to be something which
all intelligent and patriotic men ought to
deplore and fight against.
Nevei
..4i...i..ua ..von if Concress will exact no
nh.,iiT frnni the South on this point, although
it is exacting so many others, all is not lost.
As long as the Uovernmeni supplies pi ;
tion, both Southern whites and Southern
be educated. The volunteer or
ganizations of the North are doing a great
work in this field already, ana u vue peopio
will only sustain the Freeikuen's Associations
r mi,! diffusion of their schools.
we think we can promise that test oaths will,
in n T-.irv fuw vnnrs. he OI 111110 consoil ufiic,
and that the National Government will be
surrounded by other and bettor bulwarks.
The Nutmeg State.
Editorial Corrcmwndmre of the N. Y. Independent,
After looking at strange regions in the West,
I have been looking once more at the familiar
face of Connecticut.
It is best to bo on good torms with one's
neighbors; so I refrain from calling Connecti
cut a mean State. Nevertheless, at a period
when every New England heart ought to have
lent its sympathy to the negro, Connecticut
dealt him one of the foulest of blows. The
first Northern bayonets to enter the fallen city
of Ric hmond were carried by a black regiment
from Connecticut; but on the very day of the
victorious entranco of these troops, and while
the air over their heads was resounding with
their cheers, Connecticut white men at homo
were filling their ballot-boxes with votes
acainst necro suffrage 1 If any single day's
record of the war is more thoroughly clouded
with disgrace than this, I know not where to
look for it.
The blame of the ill deed belongs to the Re
publican party of that State whose leaders,
after having submitted the question of negro
suffrage to the people, refused to advocate it
during the campaign, and conspired to defeat
it at the polls. A New England Senator at
the time told me that he had offered to canvass
Connecticut on the issue of impartial suffrage,
promising to pay out of his own pocket the
expenses of hiring the halls in which he should
speak; but the Republican managers warned
linn off the ground. Moreover, we all dis
tinctly remember how every high-minded
man who hailed from Connecticut, wore i
look of chagrin and mortification at any men
tion of that vote even six months after the
election.
That one day's cowardice in a Yankee State
delayed the reconstruction of tho South per
haps five years 1
Now, on the first of April next a new
struggle of parties is to take place in Connec
ticut. Both the giants are busy, harnessing
for the battle. By common consent the two
sides are nearly equally divided. Out of per
haps seventy thousand votes likely to be
cast, the majority, bo it one way or the
other, will probably not be more than five
hundred. And yet, if three years ago the
Connecticut Republicans had generously and
justly enfranchised their two thousand co
lored fellow-citizens at tho lit and beautiful
moment when those citizens, in the garb of
soldiers, were heroically capturing Richmond
the coming victory of the first of April
might be already written down as achieved
while yet the battle itself is waiting to be
fought.
Thus, again, it is seen that cowardice never
is (statesmanship.
But the Union party of Connecticut seeks
now honestly to undo the past, to efface the
old record of shame, and to bear an unequivo
cal testimony in favor of justice and equality.
The prospectus of the campaign demands the
equal rights of all American citizens without
distinction of race. Governor Hawloy at
whose re-election I shall toss my hat high is
a man in whose veins runs no drop of blood
not loyal to the lowly. I have seen him stand
strong where other men quailed. He was one
of the few Northern Governors at the Southern
Loyalist Convention in Philadelphia, who did
not turn pale at the sight of Frederick Doug
lass walking arm-in-arm with a white man in
a Republican procession. He is every inch a
niiin. Let him be reseated iu his honored
chair.
If Connecticut shall vote the wrong way on
the 1st of April, she will reincite Andrew
Johnson to further usurpation, and reanimate
the Rebellion to further defiance. A vote
cast with tho Democratic party of Connecticut
is a plaudit to Jefferson Davis and a laurel to
General Lee. There is not a Rebel iu the
South who does not desire to see Connecticut
captured by tho Copperheads. A blow against
the Democracy is a blow against the Rebel
lion. Let it be struck as from a gauntlet of
iron !
But whoso rebukes Connecticut, let him
honor Windham county. It was here that
Putnam went into the wolfs den. It is here
that Liberty rekindles her ancient fires at
every successive election. It must be here
that a doubtful State, always in peril, rests
its hope of salvation. Let old Windham once
more gird on her ancient strength, and once
more win a double victory for Connecticut
anil for the nation !
Meanwhile, I point to the contrast between
Connecticut and Iowa.- One State struggles,
hard for a Republican majority of five hun
dred ; the other gives lavishly a Republican
majority of fifty thousand ! These contrast
ing figures contain a lesson which ought to be
heeded by the politicians of tho Nutmeg State.
The lesson is this : The leading Republicans
of Iowa are bold and uncompromising men,
who, not being willing to surrender principle
to party, have at last carried the party up to
principle. On the other hand, the leading
Republicans of Connecticut (with a few illus-.
trious exceptions) are timid and time-serving
men, who have never maintained a bold alle
giance to moral ideas. Connecticut will never
begin to be safe till her Republican managers
cense to be cowardly. . ,,:..
This, perhaps, is not the pleasantest kind!
of remark to make of a score of one's own
personal acquaintances. "Am I therefore
your enemy because I tell you the truth t" !
Robert McKnight, of Cahaba, 'Alabama,
aged 84, is said to be the oldest printer in tua
United States. I
WATCHfc3, JtWELPY, ETC.
j4 Ok C
J EWELERS.
S. E. Corner TENTH and CHESNl'T.
OltF.AT KrDlt'TIOS IN riUt'EN.
UIAMOKDft, WATC'IIEM,
JCWEMtY, NILVDtt WARF,,
IIRONZKM.
ALL GOODS MARKED IN TLAIN FICIURKH.
WATCHES AND JEWELRY CAREFULLY RE-
PAIRED.
rarilculnr attention paid to Manufacturing all arti
cles In our Hue.
n. ni i.os
navln enRAgcd with Kitchen A Co., will be mnoh
jili'kaert to see his friends and customers. S21 thsm
'itWlS'LADOMUS&co.''
'DIAMOND DKAI.KRS & JEWELERS.!
WATCHES, JSrtKLBY S1LVKH WAKE.
v "WA1CHE3 and JEWELRY. REPAIRED, .
J02 Chestnut St., Phvbv,
Have on band alargeand splendid assortment
PIAHONDN,
WATCH r.s.
JEWELRY, AND ,
HILVEB.WAB1
OF ALI, KINDS AN1 FBICEM.
Fartlcnlar attention Is reqmwited to onr lartra stock
Of DIAMONDS, and the extremely low prices.
BRIDAL PRESENTS made ot SterllnK and Stan
dard Silver. A large awiortment to select from.
WATCHES repaired in the beat manner, and war
ranted. (5 lJ4p
Diamonds and all precious stones bonght for cash.
joh:n bowman.
No. 704. AIIOH Street.
PHILADELPHIA,
MANUFACTURES AND DEALER IN
SILVER AND PLATEDWAEE.
Our bOODSare decidedly the cheapest in the city
for
TKIPLK PLATE, A NO, 1, 5
Large and small sires, playing from S to 12 airs, and
costing from (o to tuu. Our assortment comprise
such choice melodies as
"Coming Thro' the Rye."
"Robin Adair."
"Rock me to Sleep. Mother."
"The Last Roseot hummer."
"Monastery Bells," etc etc,
Besides beautiful selections from the rarlous Operas. 1
Imported direct, and for sale at moderate prices, by
FARR & BROTHER,
Importers of Watches, eta,
II llsmthjrp No. 824 CHESNUT St., below FonrtH
HATCHES, JEWELUI.
W. W. CASSIDY,
NO. 1 SOUTH MECOND STREET,
Offers an entirely new and most carefully select d
stock of
AMERICAN AND GENEVA WATCHES,
JEWELRY,
SILVER-WARE, AND FANCY ARTICLES OP
EVERY DESCRIPTION, suitable for
BBID It OH HtlUDAT PRESENTS.
An examination will show my stock to be unsur.
panned In quality and cheapness.
Particular attention paid to repairing. g i
C. RUSSELL it CO..
NO. S3 N OKI II SIXTH STREET,
BHave Just received an invoice ot
I'RENCll 9IANTEI. CLOCKS,
Manufactured to their order In Paris.
Also, a few INFERNAL ORCHESTRA CLOCKS,
with side pieces; which they offer lower than the same
goods can be purchased In the cltv. g 26
HENRY HARPER,
No. 520 ARCH Street.
w
Manufacturer and Dealer la
WATCHES,
FINE JEWE1BT,
MIL.VKU-11,ATEI WARE, AND
811 SOLID SILVER-W ARK,
AWNINGS, ETC.
WNINGSl AWNINGS!
IMILDEW-PROOF AWNINGS.
W. F. SUEISLE,
No. 49 Scmth THIHD Streetl
AND
No. 31 South SIXTH Street,
Manufacturer cf MILDEW-PKOOF AWN
INGS, VERANDAHS, FLAGS, BAGS, TENITS,
and WAGON COVERS.
Btencll Cutting and Canvaa Printing. 273mrp
WRINGS, WAGON COVERS, BAGS, ETC.
If yon want an EXTRA AWNING VERY CHEAP,
let our Awning Makers take the meuaure. and mitka
it from a lot oflliou llospllal Tenta Jnlely purohoHed
by us; many of which are new, and the bentll-oa.
duck. Also, Goverumeut baddies and Harness of all
kiuda, etc etc
PITKINS & CO.,
1 13 lm Nos. S37 and U9 N. FRONT Street.
REMOVAL.
DKEEB A PEAKS REMOVED TO NO.
PRUNE Btreel, DKKER & BEARS, formerl
oi Goldunilth's Hall, Library street, have removed t
No. 412 PRUNE utreet, betwen Fourth and Flit
streets, where they will continue their Manufactory
of Uolil Chain. Bracelet!!, etc. In every variety. Also
the sale ot liu Gold, bilver, aud Copper. OldOold
and feilver bouKtil. , ,, ,
J an uarjr hJoT. 1 It lm
JT1 JL. O It I S T
' AND i . i I
Preserver qf Natural ' Flowerf, '
, a. m; p0vbu;!..-;:,:v:;
No. 725 "AECH 'Street, Below Eighth
onquets,WresUi.Biets!,Pyriniidie(Cotr1ow
tunned to rdw talt.'ou&. , , , , ,.ipurp