THE NEW YORK PrtESS. KMT05UAL OPINIONS OF THE LEADING JOURNALS CrON CURRENT TOPICS COMPILED EVK11T DAY FOR THE EVENING TKLEORYPU. Til Expected Veto. fYotn the Timet. Opinion at Washington accepts as a eer :ainty the veto of the Reconstruction bill. The frcsident's recorded opinions are so widely at variance with its principles and provisions that any other course could hardly be expectod. He could not sign it without either distinotly Surrendering his views of constitutional right Or convicting himself of flagrant inconsistency. A veto will in this instance be tho legitimate result of his position, and will occasion, no surprise. tut though Mr. Johnson finds himself un able to concur with the Congressional ma jority, it does not follow that his veto of a bill which will nevertheless become law should aggravate the quarrel to which lie is a party. It is in this connection that the forthcoming message will bo looked for with anxiety. Much depends upon its tone. For it is com petent to the President, while vetoing the bill, to mitigate hostility and impart faith in his purines, or by an ill-judged display of temper to widen the broach that separated him from Congress. We trust that a journal which is Bometirnes eupposed to speak for the President does not reflect his mind in its comments on the moa Bure now before him. "It sets aside the Con ctitnfinn nnd Simreiiie Court of the United States," declares the journal referred to, "dis- I regards all civil authorities and laws, and con fers absolute power, unlimited and uncon trolled by men, upon the President." A veto inpHsngo might be written in this strain very easily, we admit. The reproduction of parts of lormer messages, and of arguments em lodied in many speeches, would cover the. ground completely. But what good could a document thus conceived by any possibility eflVct ? What benelit would follow the pre sentation of a view with which the country is familiar, and the tenor of which it has em phatically repudiated I If the aim were to prove that Mr. Johnson can be tenacious unto obstinacy, and unyielding to a degree that might be construed into defiance, well, a veto message of this sort would be just the thing. Unt the effect of it would inevitably be mis chievous. It would afford plausible ground lor the belief th.it the President cares more for the predilections of the excluded States than for the earnest, controlling convictions of the States that compose the Uovernment. And it Would strengthen the hands of the extremists, who assail the integrity of Mr. Johnson as an administrator of laws enacted as will be this recontructkm measure over his veto. The time calls for a message of quite a dif ferent nature, and recent reports, attributing to the President a desire to come to terms, encourage the hope that the task will be per formed in a conciliatory mood. If he cannot approve the method of reconstruction which the lull provides, at least he may recognize it as the method under which alone the Southern States may now be reconstructed. If he must regret the conditions it imposes, the penalties it enforces, and the delay it entails, at any rate he may withhold indignation in the pre sence of the large majorities whose votes will place it on the statute-book despite his dissent. In other words, we submit that Mr. Johnson not jnly may, but should, so shape tho expression of his non-concurrence that it shall neither reveal anger in his own mind nor arouse anew anger in Con gress or the country. lie may not bo able to come up to the point reached by Mr. Re verily Johnson, but he may advantageously follow that Senator in his acceptance of the situation. Not a change of opinion, but a frank, convinc ing and conciliatory acknowledgment of the great facts of tho case, is what tho country is entitled to expect from its President. Nothing was ever gained by a persistent "kicking against the pricks," and certainly Mr. Johnson can gain nothing now. His worst enemies are they who would have him renew his contro versy with Congress when vetoing this bill. Besides, it is important that lie should in spire confidence in his efforts to make the Reconstruction law effective. His assailants have imputed to him neglect if not criminality in the execution of laws of a cognate charac ter passed over his veto. These imputations have lmen to some extent disproved by late official statements on the subject. For our part, we have always considered them the result of partisan malignity. The President, however, now has an opportunity of counter acting them yet further, by coupling his dis sent from the Reconstruction bill with an ex plicit promise that its provisions shall be ap plied to the best of his ability. Such a promise will be decisive as against those who seek to prejudge his action by a general allegation of had faith, i Hit Opportunity and the Way to Sal vation for President Johution. From the Herald. The Southern Reconstruction bill which is now before Mr. Johnson may be considered as the death-blow to his peculiar policy, veto or 110 veto. But he has still an opportunity of recovering his lost popularity in a great mea sure, and perhaps altogether, by taking a com prehensive and statesmanlike course with re gard to the tariff, our national finances, and the currency and bank questions. Any one of these questions, taken separately, affords ample scope for tliis purpose if handled in a masterly manner; but if a statesman equal to the task would take up the whole in accord ante with popular sentiment and sound prin ciples, he would mako himself tho foremost man of the dav. and aciiuire lasting fame. No one is in bo favorable a position to do this as the President. Here he may have an oppor tunity of using the veto power most xisefully and effectively; but lie can, also, in his mes sages to Congress, and particularly in his mes sage to the new Congress in March, lay down such a policy as the mass of the people will cordially approve aud Congress will not ven ture to defeat. The great political question of the time, the reconstruction and restoration of the South, has passed out of his hands. Congress, which is all-powerful in the matter, has rejected his work. His auarrel with that body upon this political issue has brought him to the verge of ruin, with the sword of impeachment aup-jH-nded over his head. Making a virtue of Tiw. eKsitv. he may save himself Ironi impeach nient and removal by bowing to the will of Congress; but he would make no capital by it alone the merit of Ids acquiescence in what he could not prevent would be regarded as of a very negative character, and he would b rather considered as .continuing in office only by sufferance. The day has gone by When lie might have hoped to regain his posi tion on the Southern question. Congress la THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPII. PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1867. Conscious of possessing the power, with or without him, to carry through its own polioy. Tho only thing ho can do and ought to do, in to make no useless resistance, anil faithfully execute the laws which Congress may pass for the reconstruction of the South. In this way he will not bo responsible for what a superior power may ordain, and will be doing his duty simply and constitutionally in executing the laws. Thus ho may remain in office to take tip and recommend other great measures. Within the two years of his unexpired term he may do much good and acquire a solid repu tation. ...... Tho main questions to which ho ahould turn his attention, as we have said before, are those of the tariff, our national finances and the national banks. As to the new Tariff bill, we do not use too strong a term by calling it positively infamous. It is made by and for the interest of a few manufacturers. Tho mass of tho peoplo are to be more heavily taxed than ever for the sake of an insignificant portion of the population, livery laboring man, the great body of trades people, and tho vast agricultural interests of tho whole country, have to pay from thirty to fifty per cent, more on'almost everything they use or consume than they used or ought to pay. The revenue is much too large, and an average reduction of thirty per cent, might bo made. With tho increased consumption, diminished cost of collecting duties, especially if the revenue were to be raised chiefly on a few articles of luxury in general use, and with the consequent increase of exportation of our own products, tho present burdens could be reduced fully the amount named. The re venue would be ample with such a change in the tariff. The changes made in the present bill, com pared with the existing tariff, are not in favor of the consumer, except in a very small way, while nearly all the modifications are greatly in favor of a few manufacturers. Tho burdens are increased on the whole instead of being reduced. The measure is very unpopular, par ticularly throughout the great West. The press, of all shades of opinion, in that mighty section of the country denounce it in the severest terms. The radical newspapers are as denunciatory as the Democratic. However much cohesion there may be in the dominant Republican party on reconstruction or other purely political questions, the Republicans of the liast and West are widely divided on this one. Should Mr. Johnson adopt a determined anti-high tariff policy ho will not find the party united against him. The New England Repub licans may be very bitter; but those of the West, as well as the bulk of the people every where, will be with him. Here, then, is a golden opportunity which he ought to seize at once. The President has also a fine field for the exercise of statesmanship in tho national finances. Economy and retrenchment are im peratively demanded. Congress and the' de partments have been and are recklessly extravagant with the people's money. Hun dreds of millions are looked upon and squan dered with less concern than a few millions were live or six years ago. Washington is the hot-bed of corrupt schemes and jobs. Let the President expose these, and point out the way of safety from them. The revenue should be brought down to the lowest point, and strict economy should be recommended in explicit terms. Tho national debt should be consolidated, and be of a uniform character, with a reduced rate of interest, all in lawful money. A jinking fund, perpetual and in violable, should be established with a view to liquidate the entire debt in thirty or forty years. Such are the chief features in our finances to which Mr. Johnson might devote his attention with credit to himself and great good to the country. There is already a large party in Congress, and a much larger one pro portionately in the country, ready to aid him in tho work. Last, but not least, let him take decided ground against the abominable system of national banks. The old Bank of the United States, which Jackson squelched, was a pigmy compared with tliis gigantic monopoly and dangerous political machine. There never was in the history of any country before such a dangerous system. Tho so-called national banks take directly from the Government over twenty millions of dollars a year; that is, the Government lias granted them the profits of a circulation worth that, all of which could be saved to the Treasury. The banks give nothing whatever in return for this; it is an absolute gratuity to a few capitalists. So far from the national bank circulation being a benefit, the public would much prefer and.be far better off with a uniform currency of Government lawful money. Why, then, should we squander upwards of twenty mil lions a year upon these institutions? But this is not the only evil. The banks are fast absorbing and soon will absorb all the profits of industry throughout the country. The industrious classes will become merely the hewers of wood and draw ers of water for the bank capitalists and monopolists. Thit enormous dividends of the banks show how rapidly we are tending to such a state of things. Besides, these asso ciations will in a . short time become the supreme power in the republic. Through their wealth and influence they will bo able to make Presidents and Congresses and control the legislation of the country. Now is the time, before they consolidate their power, to break them up. Here, again, is a fine oppor tunity for Mr. Johnson to restore his popu larity. If he does not find himself equal to handling these questions in a large and com prehensive manner, he should call to his aid the first talent in tho nation. There is ability enough among us. Let it be sought and used. Let us have such a message from him on these important matters as will arouse the country and rally the people to support his new, grand, and statesmanlike policy, and his administra tion may still he a greatsuccess. Our Financial Dangers. From the Tribune. A very proper complement of the late pro ceedings in Congress on the currency question, is the proposition of Mr. Davis of tho House, a member from New York, to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to issue legal tenders, not bearing interest, to redeem the 7'30 loans duo this year and the next. This propo sition was offered by Mr. Davis after the pas sage of the bill for the issue of $100,000,000 of greenbacks, but a single objection was sum cient to arrest the consideration of , his resolu tion. Proposing to pay the 6 per cent, com pounds in this way, naturally suggest paying off the remainder of our national liabilities in the same manner. It certainly would be a great saving of interest to adopt Mr. Davis' scheme., We are paying. $50,000,000 & year interest on oar 7-3Us. . Why shouldn't wo save it by paying tliemoff, bodily, in legai-tenuorsr Thev are . payable in currency, and - are not greenbacks currency, and legal-render currency? We are , told on all sides ' that nothing can he ' better, as a basis of banking, as an instrument of trade, as a currency for the people, than Uncle Sum's promises I to payv. .. '.',',. They are claimed to be just as good as gold i dollars, or silver dollars, for all the purposes forwhioh money Is required for our internal trade. And we are sometimes told it by men who are not positive, fools on, the subject. We have been complained of for styling our national bank system "a rotten system," lecause it is based on. lying promises to pay. Now, here is a proposition which tests the soundness of our criticism. If the legal-tender notes are as good as . is alleged, why not pay off the 730 loan in them, as proposed by Mr. Davis T Why pay r0,(XK),O(M) a year interest on this loan when we can easily get rid of such a burdensome tax f , If the legal-tender notes of the United States are just as good as coin for our internal trade and business, as we are told if they are in fact money then we cannot have too many of them, for no people under heaven can have too much money. The argu ment is irresistible that not only is it a good thing to have the 7"30s paid in greenbacks, but it is the very best thing for everybody to have them so paid. And when we shall have paid the 7"30s, we have only to pass one more legal-tendor act, and under it pay off our 5-20s by tho same process. When wo have done this, wo shall have realized tho logical results of tho inflation policy, supported by the thirty majority of the House in its vote of Thursday last. If this policy is sound for ono single step, it is sound for every similar step in the same direc tion, until you fetch up by paying your whole loan, the entire national indebtedness, in irre deemable promises to pay. And we say to the holders of the national loan, and of every form and description of the national obligations drawing interest, that the logical result of the notion of the inflationists in the House of Representatives is the utter destruction of those securities by their conversion into worthless paper money. There is no end to the mischief which can be wrought by the vicious principle of the inflationist that the irredeemable legal-tender note of the Govern ment is money, or is as good as money for any purpose under heaven. We say that in its irredeemable state it is a worthless rag, a transparent swindle, a glaring lie ; and the whole fabric, of trade, commerce, industry, speculation, banking, based on it, is a rotten fabric, resting on rotten supports, and liable to crumble and go down in one universal crash. Tho more especially, we say, is this true when the whole superstructure and foundation rest on a reckless majority of spoiliators in Congress. The inflationists need not tell us they do not mean this and they do not mean that. They do not know what they mean. Their error and their vice is that they trust themselves to the guidance of an unsound principle which loads them, nolms vttUnit, willing or unwilling, straight down the preci pice of individual and national bankruptcy. They hold that to le security which is not security. They hold that to be money which is not money. They bedevil themselves and liedevil the country with the idea that the irredeemable paper money of the Government is a blessing. Following the lead of these false and pernicious ideas, they reason and they act accordingly. Adopting the vicious principle that a small inflation is a good thing, they pave the way for a large inflation as a better. If the holders of tho Government securities do not wish to see these securities substan tially repudiated, and themselves stripped, they have got to send someixxly to Congress besides inflationists, whoso ideas and whose measures lead directly to this result. The country must be made to realize that irre deemable paper money is a bold swindle, by whomsoever issued, and is a disgrace to its utterer; and that they who would increase its volume, or prolong its existence a day, except under the pressure of a dire national necessity- a necessity which has long since ceased to exist in this country are as much public enemies as they who would conspire for the national ruin in any other manner. The people have suffered enough from the evils of a depreciated currency to insist on the demand for its extinction. The vast body of consumers have been long subjected to inordi nate prices through the powerful combinations of gigantio speculators dealing in and control ling all articles of consumption, and especially the necessaries of life. These speculative com binations are supported by the banks, who earn their exorbitant profits by issuing endless promises to pay, which they are never called upon to redeem; and thus tliey become co conspirators with these plunderers upon the public. The banks are no longer adminis tered for tho purpose of facilitating commer cial operations by legitimate loans. Released from all obligation to pay, except in paper promises, they issue their notes, they afford their credit, they grant their aid to bloated speculations on stocks and on. commodities of every kind and description, i And Still, not content with the enormous and ruinous agen cies of inflation now controlled by them, they, and the operators they sustain, besiege .Con gress for such additional means of prosecuting tlieir illegitimate, oppressive, , and dangerous courses, as is afforded by tlie additional grant oi the one hundred million! ot greenbacks voted by the House on Thursday. We warn all concerned that the, way of the transgressor is hard. This sdrt of thins cannot long go on. The banks and the speculators may have their way for a time, but the day win come wnen the loose principles now avowed by their representatives, and the lying pretenses on which they operate, namely, that a promise may be disregarded without shame, and that the shadow is "as good as the sub stance, will work their own disgrace and de struction. Kvery solvent man and every sol vent institution in the coivntry is deeply inte rested in maintaining the idea'that there is and can be no mercantile honor and no national financial credit inseparable from strict fidelity to pecuniary engagements. How far we have wandered and are. wandeririir from this inflexible standard we forget to remember, in the midst of this rolling, inun dating sea of lying promises to pay which the country has consented for these past few years to dignify with the name of money. The peo ple have become debauched with its demora lizing influences, and both Individual and national credit is in danger of going down ln-fore the influences and ideas it lias created in tho great crisis upon which the country is now entering in its financial and industrial concerns. The cloud on the horizon may be yet no bigger than a man's hand. We have intimated what shape it may take, and indeed is likely to take, unless by common consent we are all willing to unit(J in tUe , j,,,...,,,,. that all irredeemable promises to pay, whether bank promises or Government promises, are alike audacious swindles and glaring lies, dis-1 gracing their utterers, and which must be re lentlessly pursued and proclaimed as such, till they are driven out of existence. , ', What Will the South Pol ', Fromthe World. , . ,. , , ' From all that we know of the temper and viewB of the Southern people, there. is Uttla risk of error in predicting that, they will takq no steps towards reorganizing their1 6tate Governments under the Military Ueconstruo tiou bill. It is needless to recapitulate the grounds of this opinion, for they are sufficiently well known. It Is for those whoso local posk tionund habitual intercourse with tho Soother mind give them bettor opportunities of judging, ilia whether the present attitude ot the South Is so fixed that no lapse of time nor conjuncture of events can shako or change it. If so, the polioy of the South is simple and clear, and their advantages for parrying the intended coeroion not inconsiderable, i But unless this immovable and indivisible fixity of purpose can be counted on with a degree of ass uranco amounting o certainty, the ; sooner a new line of action is chalked out the better for all. In other words, if the South has any reason to distrust its own firmness, it had better yield in 18(17 than at some future time. This point is of such fundamental concern that we trust wo shall be pardoned for bring ing it clearly into the foreground. The in terests involved are of such momentous mag nitude, that it would be a fatal blunder for the Southern people to mistake transient wilful ness for immovable determination. If the South is ever to accept of negro suffrage; if it is pro- to reorganize its State Governments under Federal dictation; if it iscwto ratify tho pend ing Constitutional amondment as a condition of restoration, there are manifest advantages in not postponing till another year what they maybe brought to Ho at last. .We are far enough from advising that tho South should voluntarily submit to flagrant injustice and humiliating subjugation. On the question whether they will give in or stand out, we will at present say nothing. But as between sub mission now and submission at some future time (supposing future submission to be pos sible), our views are so clear, and rest upon grounds that seem to us so solid, that we should fail in our duty if we withheld them. Whatever may be the ultimate basis on which this great controversy is settled, there must be advantages in the early adoption of that basis. The crippled business inte rests of tho South ought to bo lifted out of the stagnation caused by the existing uncer tainty. To postpone reconstruction under Sherman's bill for the sake of restoration under the simple, unamended Constitu tion, would be wise and reasonable delay. But to postpone reconstruction on the new plan to adopt the same or some similar plan three or live years hence, would bo short sighted, passionate folly. livery year of military government puts back the recupera tion oi the ooutii, ana (what is worse) accus toms the Federal Government and the North ern people to the dangerous practice of domi nation. Tho losses and dangers thus entailed may be reasonably accepted in the persistent pursuit of compensating ends; but not gratui tously not as a halting place at which the South only loses time, property, and quiet, to enter at last on the same repudiated path. As between the Sherman bill pure and simple, and the Sherman bill plus several years of additional distraction, a reasonable people should not hesitate. If the Southern States are ever to reor ganize under the Sherman bill, they should do so this year, and thereby gam the advan tage of participating in the Presidential elec tion. If they form new State Constitutions during the summer and autumn, and present them to Congress for acceptance at next win ter's session, their sixty or seventy votes may determine the result. But postponement till next year would shut them out completely. and might be the means of subjecting them to lour years more ot radical tyranny. If they should reorganize next year, their Constitu tions could not be submitted to Congress for approval until alter the Presidential election is past. The South has a far deeper stake than any ot us at. the JNorth m reselling the Government from radical control, and their electoral votes would in all probability turn the scale. We do not advise the Southern people to seize this advantage if they feel sure of an ultimate triumph by other means; but unless they are unchangeably confident and united, they had better not let go a bird in the hand to try what luck they will have in beating the bush. , .. ". ' ,' . As to negro suffrage, which we suppose to be the most odious feature of the new scheme, the same mode of reasoning is applicable. If negro suffrage can be permanently prevented, there is sense in fighting it; but if the South is to concede it at last, it would be better to accept it at once., Whatever may be the ulti mate decision, it seems tolerably certain that dining the provisional period, while the South is held under martial law, there will be no negro suffrage anyway. In every State except South Carolina the whites outnumber the blacks, and if they are united they can elect all the officers. It is the purpose of the radicals to create a schism in the white vote, and, by reinforcing their own part of it with the negroes, to control the elections. .'If the Southern people promptly accept jthe situa tion, they can frustrate this design. . If there must be negro suffrage (as there will be at least during the period Of military rule), it is preferable to make the best of what can not be helped. It is better to welcome the negro vote uud control it, than by ineffectual resistance to sour and exasperate the negro mind, and thus surrender it as a political tool into the hands of the radicals. The interest of the negroes is the interest of their section, and they can easily be made to perceive it. A tax of throe cents a pound on cotton is as bad for the black cotton-grower as for the white. A protective tariff raising the price of goods for the benefit of Yankee manufacturers, tends to clothe negroes in rags as well as to impoverish their white neighbors. The skill of the South ern politicians will enable them to control the negro vote as easily as they have always con trolled the white vote, provided they begin in season, before ' the ; radicals manipulate the negro mind; into subserviency, and inoculate it with hatred of the white majority. This con sideration loses its force if negro suffrage is to be, but temporary; but if it is to be finally acquiesced in, by the Southern people, the sooner the better. . . . We do not doubt that, in the end, ' the Southern people .could baffle the radicals by simple, steady persistence. But for this policy to prevail, they must be substantially unanimous. Mere perseverance without unity will profit nothing. . If the Southern peoplo split on this question, the dissenting minority will unite with the negroes and, with them, soon become a majority, reorganize the State, and get admitted to Congress. Whether this can be permanently prevented we are no judges, and our Southern fellow-citizens are. It all depends upon whether the whole Southern lieople are sound 'to the core and inflexibly resolute. ' If enough of them finally yield to make with the negroes a majority, all the in termediate opposition, will be a loss of time, temier, quiet, and material prosperity, with out any compensating advantage. .They ought i.- ... A a 1 o,.l 4rt. ...tit,. either io mium unu . HigQiiiu, ui else take time by the forelock and make the ..f wl.ftt cannot be helped. ' ' If they are U"1 v . . . I I - going to bluster now and yield by-aud-by, they t ill draw upon themselves tho evils of both lines' of policy, and .'secure, the advantages of uelyier... . , . , "V-Tho Company known as the North German1 Lloyd propose to open a regular steam commu nication peiweeu Duuimore auu women, can lug t ttouUiaiBptun, . - : . DRY GOODS. J.i C STMVi BRIBG15 "G CO. CLOTHS AND CASSIMERES. Prices Very Low. Great Depression in the Woollen Trade. Fine Mixed Coating, half price. Buper French Black Cloths, Biolleyand Zamboni Caasimere. All-wool Cassimere for Boys, 75 cents. Good Stout All-wool Caraimerea, 90 cents. Very Heavy All-wool Caaatmerea, SI 00. Xlegant Mixed Caiaimerea, $1-24. Mixed Caseimerea, for Bpring Wear, f 1-25. Extra Weight, for B mines Suit, SI 60. Double Twist Heavy Caaaimerea, $175. Very Elegant Caaaimerea, $2 00. FLANNELS. WIDEtPOJIET IXANNELS, SI CENTS. ALL-WOOL FLAHKELS, 83 CENTS. ALL-WOOL WIDE FLANNELS, 87 CENTS, HEAVY iOO! WIDE SIIAKEK. 68 CENTS. UALLAHDVALE FLANNELS, ALL WIDTHS. I It ALE fclltEY TWILLED FLANNELS, 81 CENTS. LINEN GOODS. LINEN TOWELS. $1-50 PER DOZEN. LAKCiE DINNER NAPKINS, 8''00 PER DOZEN. SOO DOZEN TOWELS, AT VERT LOW PRICES. 800 DOZEN NAPKINS, AT VERT LOW PRICES. IIAND-LOOU TABLE LINENS, 63 CENTS. CALICOES. 18 CENT CALICOES FOR SPRINO, BEAU TIFUL STYLES. SPItINU STILE CALICOES, NOW OPEN. WIUK MItlW44 CJilNI'ZfK. COTTON GOODS. Still Further Reductions in WIDE SHEETINGS, PILLOW MUSLINS,! NEW YORK MILLS, . WAMSUTTA, WILLIAMS VILLE, BE CAREFUL TO GET OCR PRICES BE FORE PURCHASING ELSEWHERE. J, C. STRAWBRLDCE & CO. H0HTHWKS1 CORNER EIGHTH AND MARKET STS. ' llltsmrp LINENS AND WHITE GOODS, FOR LADIES' WEAR AT IMPORTERS PRICE 8. Some specla lota containing Bono yards of celebrated makes of FRENCH. AND 11USU. LINENS, light. medium, and heavy. LINEN LAWKS, Bird-eye Diapers. 5-8, M, 7-8, 4-4. riimCU LINEN LAWNS, for Surplices. X1NKN CAilBlUCa aud SHEAR LINEN LAWKS NEW WHITE GOODS, Both Plain and Check, i , . . , -., OP ENGLISH, FRENCH AND SWISS MAKERS. CAMBRICS, JACONETS. NAINSOOKS, bVVlhrt BOOK AND MULL MUSLIMS. CAMBRIC DlMl'l'lkM, UAIK COIU) MUSLINS. ! INDIA TWILL, striped and plain. bOiT flNIwU CAMBKIO.all widths. ! OHO AN DIES AND TABLET AN 8, for Evening , VICTORIA AND BISHOPS LAWN. FKKCALEH, W ADAPOLAME8, COTTEIL15S. I BENCH DIMITY. CAMBKIO LONG CLOTH. HUURED IMUUET AND CURDED LIQUET, ' Goods on band from previous purchases are marked down HI currwuuuuiKiy tow price. ' ', ALfcO, A SPECIAL LOT OP , 1000 Nottingham Lac Curtainj and Fringed Lac Tieuti, at very reduced pricw. SHEPPARD.VAN HARLIRQEK&ARBIIOfl. IMPOBTKUa or , HOUSE-FURNISHING DRY GO0D3 14tmrp NO. 1008 CHUN NUT STREET, 628 HOOP SKIRTS. 628 LaTEHT 8TTUS, JUST OITT l.i fETIT Ttt 1L, f-.r tb IToroenade.a yardsfoiind, THE CHAMPIOM TKA1I liir tba nr.wluu-n.o... i aids round. . . ! . Thee gkirts are In eerv way the most desirable tkal we have hereto ore ofleied to tlie pnhilct, auo, complete line of l.adion', M !', and C Million's fUln and Trail Hoop Bklrt iron) iH to 4 yards in clronmierence ol every leniiin. all or "oar own make," wbulatuiia and tetail. and warranted to We satlt faction. ' " Constantly on hand low-prlved hew York made Bklrts, Plato and Trail, W sprlnns, W centoj U spunus. tl iW prnK. 1-lOiandMsprluHS. aim. " Hklrt made to oii)r;Bercd, and repaired. ' Call or nitd lor Circular ol style, sl. and prleef. , tktauu'HUlorr sort ftaJarooins, , , ,. . , I Jin WILLIAM T. HOFKIX8. DRY GOOD3. DRICC & WOOD, N. W. Cor. EICIITII and FILBERT, HAVE JUBT OPENED , HF.TEBAL I.OTH OF WHITE DOOM, ; r-1 ! White Brilliants, 12K, tO.U.M. 8S, ff?v, and 84 cent. , Handsome Plaid Muslins. , Boft Flnlnh Camlirlcs, Jaconets, and Nainsooks. 1 VlfftArl T mn,t Q l Xfiilta ' ' White Piques and Marseilles. - -Marseilles Qullu at reduced prices. LI Si EST ttOOIMVt Best makes Blurting Linens, : '' Bleached and Unbleached Table Linens. I A large assortment ol Napkins and Towels. (Scotch Diaper and Blid-eye LI nena. ' A cheap lot of Linen Huckaback, I cents a yard. Bargains In All-wool and Domet Flannels, beat makes. .; Bleached and Unbleached Muslins. Pillow-case and bheetlug M usllus, at the very lowest market prices. PRICE & WOOD. N. W. Corner EIO QTH and FILBERT Streets. N. B. Bargains In Ladies' and Gents' Linen Cam bric Handkerchiefs. It2 229 VARIES & WARNER, 229 No. 229 North NINTH Street, Above Race, Have Just received 1300 yards Tlnld Voll de Chevre, Spring colors at '2bc. per yard; onni 40 to Import, Helect styles HprlriK Delaines. Large asuortmeut Wew-Htyle Calicoes, Lancaster Glnnlmius, 2.K3. jAnen Khlrt Frouts, our own make. 87, 45, 50, 66, H2l2, 65, and 75c.; large assortment, nil alze plitits. , Three-ply Linen Cuffs, 13c. Hoys' Colored Bordered Linen Hdltfs., 12Uo. Huckaback Llueu Towels, ih, 20, 2o, Si, and 35c. Bleached, Unbleached, aud Loom Table Linens. Nursery Diaper by the piece, all prices. Ladles' and Geuls' Linen lldkfs., cheap, tients' lui'Ke size Milk lldkfs., bargaiu. New (spring Huliuoruls, $rii5. Balmorals, $175; over 00 dozen Bold. FLANNELS! FLANNELS! One bale Cotton and Wool Shaker Flannel, 23a One bale Domet Flannel, 81o. One bale 4-4 Domet Flannel, aVJo. All-wool Flannels, from 81c. to tl. Best styles, best quality Shirting Flannels. Canton Flannels at reduced prices. MUSLINS! MUSLINS Bleached Muslins at lowest market prices, WiUlamsvllle, Wamsutia, Semper Idem. Foresldale, Anioskeiig, etc. etc. Bleached Muslin at lio. Unbleached Muslins, ail widths, all prices. Pillow Case and Hheetlng Muslins. Pillow Case Muslin, 25o.; best In the city. BARGAINS FROM AUCTION EVERY DAY. FARIES & WARNER, No. gao North NINTH Street. Mo, lu-4 cliJSUT btreet. E. IY1. NEEDLES WILL OFF EE HIS STOCK ' OF WHITE GOODS, BLDKF3 VEILS, EMBROIDERIES, ETC.. UNTIL UAR.CU 1, At (great sacrifice, to Insure its being closed I oat prior to removal to N. W. Corner ELEVENTH and CHESOTT, 183J1S XflM33H3 MM N FURNISHING 600DS. WE WILL OFFER this morning Hie following goods, all of which have been bought at a sacrifice, and will be sold much under regultir prices, v!r.: Good all-linen 10-4 . fclu-etiug. for l-ss per yard; 10 4, 114, stid 11-4 do., ot every iineness, aud extra weight: Pillow Lluens, all qualities and wldtlm; Klchardson's celebrated bulrtuig Linens, Ladles' Linens: Table Linens In ' great variety, at 50, 06, 78, (1, and up to fs per yard: jNupkiiis; Towels, from l'2.t,c. to fa each; Nursery Diapers, Btrd-eye Diapers, Star Linen, Floor Linens. Bureau Covers; Marseilles Quilts, from ft to f each: Bridal Quilts. Colored Uullts, Woollen Quilts; Heavy Comfortables, ot uur own make. tioQ each, for sale by the hundred or single one; A 1 Wool Blankets, that cost fs-80 per pair, for 4-&u per pair; Blankets that were f:i5 per pair, for flS per pair; Blankets lor 2'6" per pair; Muslin HheetliiKt ot all kinds; Musliu by the piece at wholeeale prices, aud a good assortment ol White Hoods. R. J. i)i W. H. TKNUKLL. tln ' No. MARKUT Street. , NEW PUBLICATIONS. "And ther the Leellns', wld burstln' leellns', Btudjon the stepes In the peltln' rain, - And bowd as grand as, and smiled as bland as If Mick el Booney wor the King ol Spane." LDEEMAN ROONEY AT THB CABLE BANQUET. AN IMPROVISED EPIO BY HIMSELF. Llie Altln', and Iihrluklu and Bpaykln'and Toast PRICE. 60 DENTS, j, , I Address all cash orders, retail or wholesale, to T. B. PETERSON k. BROTHERS, , No, 80( CBESNUT Street, Philadelphia, Pa. ; Bend for our Mammoth Descriptive Catalogue. I Books sent postage paid, on receipt of retail prle, ' ALL NEW BOOK8 are at PETERttONS'. 1 7 j STOVES, RANGES, ETC. QULVER'S NEW PATENT DEKP SASID'JOIXT HOT-AIR FURNACE. . BAN OEM OF All SIZES. Also, Phllegar's New Low Pressure Steam Heating Apparatus. For sale by i'. . '; iwitaiAMs, , ! 10i , ' ' No. 1 lgj MARKET Street. THOMPSON'S LONDON TCITPTtit:vir OH EUROPEAN RANUE, for Families. Mo tels, or Puiilio Institutions. In TWENTY Dlfc. f 1. ilENT WZEa, Also, Philadelphia UaJa, U 17 stulhtiui No, SMI . bEUUND btreet. I'lreboard Wiovea, Balb liollws, biewhole Plates Boilers. Cooking htoves, etc., wholesale and retail, by the nianulaeturem. , hllARt'K efe THOMSON.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers