THE NEW YORK PrtESS.
KMT05UAL OPINIONS OF THE LEADING JOURNALS
CrON CURRENT TOPICS COMPILED EVK11T
DAY FOR THE EVENING TKLEORYPU.
Til Expected Veto.
fYotn the Timet.
Opinion at Washington accepts as a eer
:ainty the veto of the Reconstruction bill. The
frcsident's recorded opinions are so widely at
variance with its principles and provisions that
any other course could hardly be expectod.
He could not sign it without either distinotly
Surrendering his views of constitutional right
Or convicting himself of flagrant inconsistency.
A veto will in this instance be tho legitimate
result of his position, and will occasion, no
surprise.
tut though Mr. Johnson finds himself un
able to concur with the Congressional ma
jority, it does not follow that his veto of a bill
which will nevertheless become law should
aggravate the quarrel to which lie is a party.
It is in this connection that the forthcoming
message will bo looked for with anxiety.
Much depends upon its tone. For it is com
petent to the President, while vetoing the bill,
to mitigate hostility and impart faith in his
purines, or by an ill-judged display of temper
to widen the broach that separated him from
Congress.
We trust that a journal which is Bometirnes
eupposed to speak for the President does not
reflect his mind in its comments on the moa
Bure now before him. "It sets aside the Con
ctitnfinn nnd Simreiiie Court of the United
States," declares the journal referred to, "dis- I
regards all civil authorities and laws, and con
fers absolute power, unlimited and uncon
trolled by men, upon the President." A veto
inpHsngo might be written in this strain very
easily, we admit. The reproduction of parts
of lormer messages, and of arguments em
lodied in many speeches, would cover the.
ground completely. But what good could a
document thus conceived by any possibility
eflVct ? What benelit would follow the pre
sentation of a view with which the country is
familiar, and the tenor of which it has em
phatically repudiated I If the aim were to
prove that Mr. Johnson can be tenacious unto
obstinacy, and unyielding to a degree that
might be construed into defiance, well, a veto
message of this sort would be just the thing.
Unt the effect of it would inevitably be mis
chievous. It would afford plausible ground
lor the belief th.it the President cares more for
the predilections of the excluded States than
for the earnest, controlling convictions of the
States that compose the Uovernment. And it
Would strengthen the hands of the extremists,
who assail the integrity of Mr. Johnson as an
administrator of laws enacted as will be this
recontructkm measure over his veto.
The time calls for a message of quite a dif
ferent nature, and recent reports, attributing
to the President a desire to come to terms,
encourage the hope that the task will be per
formed in a conciliatory mood. If he cannot
approve the method of reconstruction which the
lull provides, at least he may recognize it as
the method under which alone the Southern
States may now be reconstructed. If he must
regret the conditions it imposes, the penalties
it enforces, and the delay it entails, at any
rate he may withhold indignation in the pre
sence of the large majorities whose
votes will place it on the statute-book
despite his dissent. In other words, we
submit that Mr. Johnson not jnly may, but
should, so shape tho expression of his non-concurrence
that it shall neither reveal anger in
his own mind nor arouse anew anger in Con
gress or the country. lie may not bo able to
come up to the point reached by Mr. Re verily
Johnson, but he may advantageously follow
that Senator in his acceptance of the situation.
Not a change of opinion, but a frank, convinc
ing and conciliatory acknowledgment of the
great facts of tho case, is what tho country is
entitled to expect from its President. Nothing
was ever gained by a persistent "kicking
against the pricks," and certainly Mr. Johnson
can gain nothing now. His worst enemies are
they who would have him renew his contro
versy with Congress when vetoing this bill.
Besides, it is important that lie should in
spire confidence in his efforts to make the
Reconstruction law effective. His assailants
have imputed to him neglect if not criminality
in the execution of laws of a cognate charac
ter passed over his veto. These imputations
have lmen to some extent disproved by late
official statements on the subject. For our
part, we have always considered them the
result of partisan malignity. The President,
however, now has an opportunity of counter
acting them yet further, by coupling his dis
sent from the Reconstruction bill with an ex
plicit promise that its provisions shall be ap
plied to the best of his ability. Such a promise
will be decisive as against those who seek to
prejudge his action by a general allegation of
had faith, i
Hit Opportunity and the Way to Sal
vation for President Johution.
From the Herald.
The Southern Reconstruction bill which is
now before Mr. Johnson may be considered as
the death-blow to his peculiar policy, veto or
110 veto. But he has still an opportunity of
recovering his lost popularity in a great mea
sure, and perhaps altogether, by taking a com
prehensive and statesmanlike course with re
gard to the tariff, our national finances, and
the currency and bank questions. Any one of
these questions, taken separately, affords
ample scope for tliis purpose if handled in a
masterly manner; but if a statesman equal to
the task would take up the whole in accord
ante with popular sentiment and sound prin
ciples, he would mako himself tho foremost
man of the dav. and aciiuire lasting fame. No
one is in bo favorable a position to do this as
the President. Here he may have an oppor
tunity of using the veto power most xisefully
and effectively; but lie can, also, in his mes
sages to Congress, and particularly in his mes
sage to the new Congress in March, lay down
such a policy as the mass of the people will
cordially approve aud Congress will not ven
ture to defeat.
The great political question of the time, the
reconstruction and restoration of the South,
has passed out of his hands. Congress, which
is all-powerful in the matter, has rejected his
work. His auarrel with that body upon this
political issue has brought him to the verge of
ruin, with the sword of impeachment aup-jH-nded
over his head. Making a virtue of
Tiw. eKsitv. he may save himself Ironi impeach
nient and removal by bowing to the will of
Congress; but he would make no capital by
it alone the merit of Ids acquiescence in
what he could not prevent would be regarded
as of a very negative character, and he would
b rather considered as .continuing in office
only by sufferance. The day has gone by
When lie might have hoped to regain his posi
tion on the Southern question. Congress la
THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPII. PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1867.
Conscious of possessing the power, with or
without him, to carry through its own polioy.
Tho only thing ho can do and ought to do, in
to make no useless resistance, anil faithfully
execute the laws which Congress may pass for
the reconstruction of the South. In this way
he will not bo responsible for what a superior
power may ordain, and will be doing his duty
simply and constitutionally in executing the
laws. Thus ho may remain in office to take
tip and recommend other great measures.
Within the two years of his unexpired term
he may do much good and acquire a solid repu
tation. ......
Tho main questions to which ho ahould turn
his attention, as we have said before, are those
of the tariff, our national finances and the
national banks.
As to the new Tariff bill, we do not use too
strong a term by calling it positively infamous.
It is made by and for the interest of a few
manufacturers. Tho mass of tho peoplo are to
be more heavily taxed than ever for the sake
of an insignificant portion of the population,
livery laboring man, the great body of trades
people, and tho vast agricultural interests of
tho whole country, have to pay from thirty to
fifty per cent, more on'almost everything they
use or consume than they used or ought to
pay. The revenue is much too large, and an
average reduction of thirty per cent, might
bo made. With tho increased consumption,
diminished cost of collecting duties, especially
if the revenue were to be raised chiefly on a
few articles of luxury in general use, and
with the consequent increase of exportation of
our own products, tho present burdens could
be reduced fully the amount named. The re
venue would be ample with such a change in
the tariff.
The changes made in the present bill, com
pared with the existing tariff, are not in favor
of the consumer, except in a very small way,
while nearly all the modifications are greatly
in favor of a few manufacturers. Tho burdens
are increased on the whole instead of being
reduced. The measure is very unpopular, par
ticularly throughout the great West. The
press, of all shades of opinion, in that mighty
section of the country denounce it in the
severest terms. The radical newspapers are
as denunciatory as the Democratic. However
much cohesion there may be in the dominant
Republican party on reconstruction or other
purely political questions, the Republicans of
the liast and West are widely divided on this
one. Should Mr. Johnson adopt a determined
anti-high tariff policy ho will not find the party
united against him. The New England Repub
licans may be very bitter; but those of the
West, as well as the bulk of the people every
where, will be with him. Here, then, is a
golden opportunity which he ought to seize at
once.
The President has also a fine field for the
exercise of statesmanship in tho national
finances. Economy and retrenchment are im
peratively demanded. Congress and the' de
partments have been and are recklessly
extravagant with the people's money. Hun
dreds of millions are looked upon and squan
dered with less concern than a few millions
were live or six years ago. Washington is
the hot-bed of corrupt schemes and jobs.
Let the President expose these, and point out
the way of safety from them. The revenue
should be brought down to the lowest point,
and strict economy should be recommended
in explicit terms. Tho national debt should
be consolidated, and be of a uniform character,
with a reduced rate of interest, all in lawful
money. A jinking fund, perpetual and in
violable, should be established with a view to
liquidate the entire debt in thirty or forty
years. Such are the chief features in our
finances to which Mr. Johnson might devote
his attention with credit to himself and great
good to the country. There is already a large
party in Congress, and a much larger one pro
portionately in the country, ready to aid him
in tho work.
Last, but not least, let him take decided
ground against the abominable system of
national banks. The old Bank of the United
States, which Jackson squelched, was a pigmy
compared with tliis gigantic monopoly and
dangerous political machine. There never
was in the history of any country before such
a dangerous system. Tho so-called national
banks take directly from the Government
over twenty millions of dollars a year; that is,
the Government lias granted them the profits
of a circulation worth that, all of which could
be saved to the Treasury. The banks give
nothing whatever in return for this; it is an
absolute gratuity to a few capitalists. So far
from the national bank circulation being a
benefit, the public would much prefer and.be
far better off with a uniform currency of
Government lawful money. Why, then,
should we squander upwards of twenty mil
lions a year upon these institutions? But
this is not the only evil. The banks
are fast absorbing and soon will absorb
all the profits of industry throughout
the country. The industrious classes will
become merely the hewers of wood and draw
ers of water for the bank capitalists and
monopolists. Thit enormous dividends of the
banks show how rapidly we are tending to
such a state of things. Besides, these asso
ciations will in a . short time become the
supreme power in the republic. Through
their wealth and influence they will bo able to
make Presidents and Congresses and control
the legislation of the country. Now is the
time, before they consolidate their power, to
break them up. Here, again, is a fine oppor
tunity for Mr. Johnson to restore his popu
larity. If he does not find himself equal to
handling these questions in a large and com
prehensive manner, he should call to his aid
the first talent in tho nation. There is ability
enough among us. Let it be sought and used.
Let us have such a message from him on these
important matters as will arouse the country
and rally the people to support his new, grand,
and statesmanlike policy, and his administra
tion may still he a greatsuccess.
Our Financial Dangers.
From the Tribune.
A very proper complement of the late pro
ceedings in Congress on the currency question,
is the proposition of Mr. Davis of tho House, a
member from New York, to authorize the
Secretary of the Treasury to issue legal
tenders, not bearing interest, to redeem the 7'30
loans duo this year and the next. This propo
sition was offered by Mr. Davis after the pas
sage of the bill for the issue of $100,000,000 of
greenbacks, but a single objection was sum
cient to arrest the consideration of , his resolu
tion. Proposing to pay the 6 per cent, com
pounds in this way, naturally suggest paying
off the remainder of our national liabilities in
the same manner. It certainly would be a
great saving of interest to adopt Mr. Davis'
scheme., We are paying. $50,000,000 & year
interest on oar 7-3Us. . Why shouldn't wo save
it by paying tliemoff, bodily, in legai-tenuorsr
Thev are . payable in currency, and - are
not greenbacks currency, and legal-render
currency? We are , told on all sides ' that
nothing can he ' better, as a basis of banking,
as an instrument of trade, as a currency
for the people, than Uncle Sum's promises
I to payv. .. '.',',.
They are claimed to be just as good as gold i
dollars, or silver dollars, for all the purposes
forwhioh money Is required for our internal
trade. And we are sometimes told it by men
who are not positive, fools on, the subject. We
have been complained of for styling our
national bank system "a rotten system,"
lecause it is based on. lying promises to pay.
Now, here is a proposition which tests the
soundness of our criticism. If the legal-tender
notes are as good as . is alleged, why not pay
off the 730 loan in them, as proposed by Mr.
Davis T Why pay r0,(XK),O(M) a year interest
on this loan when we can easily get rid of such a
burdensome tax f , If the legal-tender notes of
the United States are just as good as coin for
our internal trade and business, as we are told
if they are in fact money then we cannot
have too many of them, for no people under
heaven can have too much money. The argu
ment is irresistible that not only is it a good
thing to have the 7"30s paid in greenbacks,
but it is the very best thing for everybody to
have them so paid. And when we shall have
paid the 7"30s, we have only to pass one more
legal-tendor act, and under it pay off our 5-20s
by tho same process.
When wo have done this, wo shall have
realized tho logical results of tho inflation
policy, supported by the thirty majority of
the House in its vote of Thursday last. If
this policy is sound for ono single step, it is
sound for every similar step in the same direc
tion, until you fetch up by paying your whole
loan, the entire national indebtedness, in irre
deemable promises to pay. And we say to the
holders of the national loan, and of every form
and description of the national obligations
drawing interest, that the logical result of the
notion of the inflationists in the House of
Representatives is the utter destruction of
those securities by their conversion into
worthless paper money. There is no end to
the mischief which can be wrought by the
vicious principle of the inflationist that the
irredeemable legal-tender note of the Govern
ment is money, or is as good as money for any
purpose under heaven. We say that in its
irredeemable state it is a worthless rag, a
transparent swindle, a glaring lie ; and the
whole fabric, of trade, commerce, industry,
speculation, banking, based on it, is a rotten
fabric, resting on rotten supports, and liable
to crumble and go down in one universal
crash.
Tho more especially, we say, is this true
when the whole superstructure and foundation
rest on a reckless majority of spoiliators in
Congress. The inflationists need not tell us
they do not mean this and they do not mean
that. They do not know what they mean.
Their error and their vice is that they trust
themselves to the guidance of an unsound
principle which loads them, nolms vttUnit,
willing or unwilling, straight down the preci
pice of individual and national bankruptcy.
They hold that to le security which is not
security. They hold that to be money which is
not money. They bedevil themselves and
liedevil the country with the idea that the
irredeemable paper money of the Government
is a blessing. Following the lead of these
false and pernicious ideas, they reason and
they act accordingly. Adopting the vicious
principle that a small inflation is a good thing,
they pave the way for a large inflation as a
better.
If the holders of tho Government securities
do not wish to see these securities substan
tially repudiated, and themselves stripped,
they have got to send someixxly to Congress
besides inflationists, whoso ideas and whose
measures lead directly to this result. The
country must be made to realize that irre
deemable paper money is a bold swindle, by
whomsoever issued, and is a disgrace to its
utterer; and that they who would increase
its volume, or prolong its existence a day,
except under the pressure of a dire national
necessity- a necessity which has long since
ceased to exist in this country are as much
public enemies as they who would conspire for
the national ruin in any other manner.
The people have suffered enough from the
evils of a depreciated currency to insist on the
demand for its extinction. The vast body of
consumers have been long subjected to inordi
nate prices through the powerful combinations
of gigantio speculators dealing in and control
ling all articles of consumption, and especially
the necessaries of life. These speculative com
binations are supported by the banks, who
earn their exorbitant profits by issuing endless
promises to pay, which they are never called
upon to redeem; and thus tliey become co
conspirators with these plunderers upon the
public. The banks are no longer adminis
tered for tho purpose of facilitating commer
cial operations by legitimate loans. Released
from all obligation to pay, except in paper
promises, they issue their notes, they afford
their credit, they grant their aid to bloated
speculations on stocks and on. commodities of
every kind and description, i And Still, not
content with the enormous and ruinous agen
cies of inflation now controlled by them, they,
and the operators they sustain, besiege .Con
gress for such additional means of prosecuting
tlieir illegitimate, oppressive, , and dangerous
courses, as is afforded by tlie additional grant
oi the one hundred million! ot greenbacks
voted by the House on Thursday.
We warn all concerned that the, way of the
transgressor is hard. This sdrt of thins cannot
long go on. The banks and the speculators
may have their way for a time, but the day
win come wnen the loose principles now
avowed by their representatives, and the lying
pretenses on which they operate, namely, that
a promise may be disregarded without shame,
and that the shadow is "as good as the sub
stance, will work their own disgrace and de
struction. Kvery solvent man and every sol
vent institution in the coivntry is deeply inte
rested in maintaining the idea'that there is and
can be no mercantile honor and no national
financial credit inseparable from strict
fidelity to pecuniary engagements. How
far we have wandered and are. wandeririir
from this inflexible standard we forget to
remember, in the midst of this rolling, inun
dating sea of lying promises to pay which the
country has consented for these past few years
to dignify with the name of money. The peo
ple have become debauched with its demora
lizing influences, and both Individual and
national credit is in danger of going down
ln-fore the influences and ideas it lias created
in tho great crisis upon which the country is
now entering in its financial and industrial
concerns. The cloud on the horizon may be
yet no bigger than a man's hand. We have
intimated what shape it may take, and indeed
is likely to take, unless by common consent
we are all willing to unit(J in tUe , j,,,...,,,,.
that all irredeemable promises to pay, whether
bank promises or Government promises, are
alike audacious swindles and glaring lies, dis-1
gracing their utterers, and which must be re
lentlessly pursued and proclaimed as such,
till they are driven out of existence. , ',
What Will the South Pol ',
Fromthe World. , . ,. , ,
' From all that we know of the temper and
viewB of the Southern people, there. is Uttla
risk of error in predicting that, they will takq
no steps towards reorganizing their1 6tate
Governments under the Military Ueconstruo
tiou bill. It is needless to recapitulate the
grounds of this opinion, for they are sufficiently
well known. It Is for those whoso local posk
tionund habitual intercourse with tho Soother
mind give them bettor opportunities of judging,
ilia whether the present attitude ot the
South Is so fixed that no lapse of time nor
conjuncture of events can shako or change
it. If so, the polioy of the South is simple
and clear, and their advantages for parrying
the intended coeroion not inconsiderable, i But
unless this immovable and indivisible fixity of
purpose can be counted on with a degree of
ass uranco amounting o certainty, the ; sooner
a new line of action is chalked out the better
for all. In other words, if the South has any
reason to distrust its own firmness, it had
better yield in 18(17 than at some future time.
This point is of such fundamental concern
that we trust wo shall be pardoned for bring
ing it clearly into the foreground. The in
terests involved are of such momentous mag
nitude, that it would be a fatal blunder for the
Southern people to mistake transient wilful
ness for immovable determination. If the
South is ever to accept of negro suffrage; if it is
pro- to reorganize its State Governments under
Federal dictation; if it iscwto ratify tho pend
ing Constitutional amondment as a condition
of restoration, there are manifest advantages
in not postponing till another year what they
maybe brought to Ho at last. .We are far
enough from advising that tho South should
voluntarily submit to flagrant injustice and
humiliating subjugation. On the question
whether they will give in or stand out, we will
at present say nothing. But as between sub
mission now and submission at some future
time (supposing future submission to be pos
sible), our views are so clear, and rest upon
grounds that seem to us so solid, that we
should fail in our duty if we withheld them.
Whatever may be the ultimate basis on
which this great controversy is settled, there
must be advantages in the early adoption
of that basis. The crippled business inte
rests of tho South ought to bo lifted out of
the stagnation caused by the existing uncer
tainty. To postpone reconstruction under
Sherman's bill for the sake of restoration
under the simple, unamended Constitu
tion, would be wise and reasonable delay.
But to postpone reconstruction on the new
plan to adopt the same or some similar plan
three or live years hence, would bo short
sighted, passionate folly. livery year of
military government puts back the recupera
tion oi the ooutii, ana (what is worse) accus
toms the Federal Government and the North
ern people to the dangerous practice of domi
nation. Tho losses and dangers thus entailed
may be reasonably accepted in the persistent
pursuit of compensating ends; but not gratui
tously not as a halting place at which the
South only loses time, property, and quiet, to
enter at last on the same repudiated path. As
between the Sherman bill pure and simple,
and the Sherman bill plus several years of
additional distraction, a reasonable people
should not hesitate.
If the Southern States are ever to reor
ganize under the Sherman bill, they should
do so this year, and thereby gam the advan
tage of participating in the Presidential elec
tion. If they form new State Constitutions
during the summer and autumn, and present
them to Congress for acceptance at next win
ter's session, their sixty or seventy votes may
determine the result. But postponement till
next year would shut them out completely.
and might be the means of subjecting them to
lour years more ot radical tyranny. If they
should reorganize next year, their Constitu
tions could not be submitted to Congress for
approval until alter the Presidential election
is past. The South has a far deeper stake
than any ot us at. the JNorth m reselling the
Government from radical control, and their
electoral votes would in all probability turn the
scale. We do not advise the Southern people
to seize this advantage if they feel sure of an
ultimate triumph by other means; but unless
they are unchangeably confident and united,
they had better not let go a bird in the hand
to try what luck they will have in beating the
bush. , .. ". ' ,' .
As to negro suffrage, which we suppose to
be the most odious feature of the new scheme,
the same mode of reasoning is applicable. If
negro suffrage can be permanently prevented,
there is sense in fighting it; but if the South is
to concede it at last, it would be better to
accept it at once., Whatever may be the ulti
mate decision, it seems tolerably certain that
dining the provisional period, while the South
is held under martial law, there will be no
negro suffrage anyway. In every State except
South Carolina the whites outnumber the
blacks, and if they are united they can elect all
the officers. It is the purpose of the radicals
to create a schism in the white vote, and, by
reinforcing their own part of it with the
negroes, to control the elections. .'If the
Southern people promptly accept jthe situa
tion, they can frustrate this design. . If
there must be negro suffrage (as there will be
at least during the period Of military rule), it
is preferable to make the best of what can
not be helped. It is better to welcome the
negro vote uud control it, than by ineffectual
resistance to sour and exasperate the negro
mind, and thus surrender it as a political tool
into the hands of the radicals. The interest of
the negroes is the interest of their section, and
they can easily be made to perceive it. A tax
of throe cents a pound on cotton is as bad for
the black cotton-grower as for the white. A
protective tariff raising the price of goods for
the benefit of Yankee manufacturers, tends to
clothe negroes in rags as well as to impoverish
their white neighbors. The skill of the South
ern politicians will enable them to control the
negro vote as easily as they have always con
trolled the white vote, provided they begin in
season, before ' the ; radicals manipulate the
negro mind; into subserviency, and inoculate
it with hatred of the white majority. This con
sideration loses its force if negro suffrage is to
be, but temporary; but if it is to be finally
acquiesced in, by the Southern people, the
sooner the better. . . .
We do not doubt that, in the end, ' the
Southern people .could baffle the radicals by
simple, steady persistence. But for this
policy to prevail, they must be substantially
unanimous. Mere perseverance without unity
will profit nothing. . If the Southern peoplo
split on this question, the dissenting minority
will unite with the negroes and, with them,
soon become a majority, reorganize the State,
and get admitted to Congress. Whether this
can be permanently prevented we are no judges,
and our Southern fellow-citizens are. It all
depends upon whether the whole Southern
lieople are sound 'to the core and inflexibly
resolute. ' If enough of them finally yield to
make with the negroes a majority, all the in
termediate opposition, will be a loss of time,
temier, quiet, and material prosperity, with
out any compensating advantage. .They ought
i.- ... A a 1 o,.l 4rt. ...tit,.
either io mium unu . HigQiiiu, ui
else take time by the forelock and make the
..f wl.ftt cannot be helped. ' ' If they are
U"1 v . . . I I -
going to bluster now and yield by-aud-by, they
t ill draw upon themselves tho evils of both
lines' of policy, and .'secure, the advantages of
uelyier... . , . ,
"V-Tho Company known as the North German1
Lloyd propose to open a regular steam commu
nication peiweeu Duuimore auu women, can
lug t ttouUiaiBptun, . - : .
DRY GOODS.
J.i C STMVi BRIBG15 "G CO.
CLOTHS AND CASSIMERES.
Prices Very Low.
Great Depression in the Woollen
Trade.
Fine Mixed Coating, half price.
Buper French Black Cloths,
Biolleyand Zamboni Caasimere.
All-wool Cassimere for Boys, 75 cents.
Good Stout All-wool Caraimerea, 90 cents.
Very Heavy All-wool Caaatmerea, SI 00.
Xlegant Mixed Caiaimerea, $1-24.
Mixed Caseimerea, for Bpring Wear, f 1-25.
Extra Weight, for B mines Suit, SI 60.
Double Twist Heavy Caaaimerea, $175.
Very Elegant Caaaimerea, $2 00.
FLANNELS.
WIDEtPOJIET IXANNELS, SI CENTS.
ALL-WOOL FLAHKELS, 83 CENTS.
ALL-WOOL WIDE FLANNELS, 87 CENTS,
HEAVY iOO! WIDE SIIAKEK. 68 CENTS.
UALLAHDVALE FLANNELS, ALL
WIDTHS.
I It ALE fclltEY TWILLED FLANNELS, 81
CENTS.
LINEN GOODS.
LINEN TOWELS. $1-50 PER DOZEN.
LAKCiE DINNER NAPKINS, 8''00 PER
DOZEN.
SOO DOZEN TOWELS, AT VERT LOW
PRICES.
800 DOZEN NAPKINS, AT VERT LOW
PRICES.
IIAND-LOOU TABLE LINENS, 63 CENTS.
CALICOES.
18 CENT CALICOES FOR SPRINO, BEAU
TIFUL STYLES.
SPItINU STILE CALICOES, NOW OPEN.
WIUK MItlW44 CJilNI'ZfK.
COTTON GOODS.
Still Further Reductions in
WIDE SHEETINGS,
PILLOW MUSLINS,!
NEW YORK MILLS,
. WAMSUTTA,
WILLIAMS VILLE,
BE CAREFUL TO GET OCR PRICES BE
FORE PURCHASING ELSEWHERE.
J, C. STRAWBRLDCE & CO.
H0HTHWKS1 CORNER
EIGHTH AND MARKET STS.
' llltsmrp
LINENS AND WHITE GOODS,
FOR LADIES' WEAR
AT IMPORTERS PRICE 8.
Some specla lota containing Bono yards of celebrated
makes of FRENCH. AND 11USU. LINENS, light.
medium, and heavy.
LINEN LAWKS, Bird-eye Diapers. 5-8, M, 7-8, 4-4.
riimCU LINEN LAWNS, for Surplices.
X1NKN CAilBlUCa aud SHEAR LINEN LAWKS
NEW WHITE GOODS,
Both Plain and Check,
i , . . , -.,
OP ENGLISH, FRENCH AND SWISS MAKERS.
CAMBRICS, JACONETS. NAINSOOKS,
bVVlhrt BOOK AND MULL MUSLIMS.
CAMBRIC DlMl'l'lkM, UAIK COIU) MUSLINS.
! INDIA TWILL, striped and plain.
bOiT flNIwU CAMBKIO.all widths.
! OHO AN DIES AND TABLET AN 8, for Evening
, VICTORIA AND BISHOPS LAWN.
FKKCALEH, W ADAPOLAME8, COTTEIL15S.
I BENCH DIMITY. CAMBKIO LONG CLOTH.
HUURED IMUUET AND CURDED LIQUET,
' Goods on band from previous purchases are marked
down HI currwuuuuiKiy tow price.
' ', ALfcO, A SPECIAL LOT OP ,
1000 Nottingham Lac Curtainj and Fringed
Lac Tieuti, at very reduced pricw.
SHEPPARD.VAN HARLIRQEK&ARBIIOfl.
IMPOBTKUa or ,
HOUSE-FURNISHING DRY GO0D3
14tmrp NO. 1008 CHUN NUT STREET,
628
HOOP SKIRTS.
628
LaTEHT 8TTUS, JUST OITT
l.i fETIT Ttt 1L, f-.r tb IToroenade.a yardsfoiind,
THE CHAMPIOM TKA1I liir tba nr.wluu-n.o... i
aids round. . . ! .
Thee gkirts are In eerv way the most desirable tkal
we have hereto ore ofleied to tlie pnhilct, auo, complete
line of l.adion', M !', and C Million's fUln and Trail
Hoop Bklrt iron) iH to 4 yards in clronmierence ol
every leniiin. all or "oar own make," wbulatuiia and
tetail. and warranted to We satlt faction. ' "
Constantly on hand low-prlved hew York made Bklrts,
Plato and Trail, W sprlnns, W centoj U spunus. tl iW
prnK. 1-lOiandMsprluHS. aim. "
Hklrt made to oii)r;Bercd, and repaired. '
Call or nitd lor Circular ol style, sl. and prleef. ,
tktauu'HUlorr sort ftaJarooins, , , ,. . ,
I Jin WILLIAM T. HOFKIX8.
DRY GOOD3.
DRICC & WOOD,
N. W. Cor. EICIITII and FILBERT,
HAVE JUBT OPENED
, HF.TEBAL I.OTH OF WHITE DOOM,
; r-1
! White Brilliants, 12K, tO.U.M. 8S, ff?v, and 84 cent.
, Handsome Plaid Muslins.
, Boft Flnlnh Camlirlcs, Jaconets, and Nainsooks.
1 VlfftArl T mn,t Q l Xfiilta ' '
White Piques and Marseilles. - -Marseilles
Qullu at reduced prices.
LI Si EST ttOOIMVt
Best makes Blurting Linens, : ''
Bleached and Unbleached Table Linens.
I A large assortment ol Napkins and Towels.
(Scotch Diaper and Blid-eye LI nena. '
A cheap lot of Linen Huckaback, I cents a yard.
Bargains In All-wool and Domet Flannels, beat
makes. .;
Bleached and Unbleached Muslins.
Pillow-case and bheetlug M usllus, at the very lowest
market prices.
PRICE & WOOD.
N. W. Corner EIO QTH and FILBERT Streets.
N. B. Bargains In Ladies' and Gents' Linen Cam
bric Handkerchiefs. It2
229 VARIES & WARNER, 229
No. 229 North NINTH Street,
Above Race,
Have Just received
1300 yards Tlnld Voll de Chevre, Spring colors
at '2bc. per yard; onni 40 to Import,
Helect styles HprlriK Delaines.
Large asuortmeut Wew-Htyle Calicoes,
Lancaster Glnnlmius, 2.K3.
jAnen Khlrt Frouts, our own make. 87, 45, 50,
66, H2l2, 65, and 75c.; large assortment, nil alze
plitits. ,
Three-ply Linen Cuffs, 13c.
Hoys' Colored Bordered Linen Hdltfs., 12Uo.
Huckaback Llueu Towels, ih, 20, 2o, Si, and
35c.
Bleached, Unbleached, aud Loom Table
Linens.
Nursery Diaper by the piece, all prices.
Ladles' and Geuls' Linen lldkfs., cheap,
tients' lui'Ke size Milk lldkfs., bargaiu.
New (spring Huliuoruls, $rii5.
Balmorals, $175; over 00 dozen Bold.
FLANNELS! FLANNELS!
One bale Cotton and Wool Shaker Flannel, 23a
One bale Domet Flannel, 81o.
One bale 4-4 Domet Flannel, aVJo.
All-wool Flannels, from 81c. to tl.
Best styles, best quality Shirting Flannels.
Canton Flannels at reduced prices.
MUSLINS! MUSLINS
Bleached Muslins at lowest market prices,
WiUlamsvllle, Wamsutia, Semper Idem.
Foresldale, Anioskeiig, etc. etc.
Bleached Muslin at lio.
Unbleached Muslins, ail widths, all prices.
Pillow Case and Hheetlng Muslins.
Pillow Case Muslin, 25o.; best In the city.
BARGAINS FROM AUCTION EVERY DAY.
FARIES & WARNER,
No. gao North NINTH Street.
Mo, lu-4 cliJSUT btreet.
E. IY1. NEEDLES
WILL OFF EE HIS STOCK
' OF
WHITE GOODS,
BLDKF3
VEILS,
EMBROIDERIES, ETC..
UNTIL UAR.CU 1,
At (great sacrifice, to Insure its being closed
I oat prior to removal to
N. W. Corner ELEVENTH and CHESOTT,
183J1S XflM33H3 MM N
FURNISHING 600DS. WE WILL OFFER
this morning Hie following goods, all of which
have been bought at a sacrifice, and will be sold
much under regultir prices, v!r.: Good all-linen 10-4 .
fclu-etiug. for l-ss per yard; 10 4, 114, stid 11-4 do., ot
every iineness, aud extra weight: Pillow Lluens,
all qualities and wldtlm; Klchardson's celebrated
bulrtuig Linens, Ladles' Linens: Table Linens In '
great variety, at 50, 06, 78, (1, and up to fs per yard:
jNupkiiis; Towels, from l'2.t,c. to fa each; Nursery
Diapers, Btrd-eye Diapers, Star Linen, Floor Linens.
Bureau Covers; Marseilles Quilts, from ft to f
each: Bridal Quilts. Colored Uullts, Woollen Quilts;
Heavy Comfortables, ot uur own make. tioQ each,
for sale by the hundred or single one; A 1 Wool
Blankets, that cost fs-80 per pair, for 4-&u per pair;
Blankets that were f:i5 per pair, for flS per pair;
Blankets lor 2'6" per pair; Muslin HheetliiKt ot all
kinds; Musliu by the piece at wholeeale prices, aud a
good assortment ol White Hoods.
R. J. i)i W. H. TKNUKLL.
tln ' No. MARKUT Street. ,
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
"And ther the Leellns', wld burstln' leellns',
Btudjon the stepes In the peltln' rain,
- And bowd as grand as, and smiled as bland as
If Mick el Booney wor the King ol Spane."
LDEEMAN ROONEY
AT THB
CABLE BANQUET.
AN IMPROVISED EPIO BY HIMSELF.
Llie Altln', and Iihrluklu and Bpaykln'and Toast
PRICE. 60 DENTS, j, ,
I Address all cash orders, retail or wholesale, to
T. B. PETERSON k. BROTHERS, ,
No, 80( CBESNUT Street, Philadelphia, Pa.
; Bend for our Mammoth Descriptive Catalogue.
I Books sent postage paid, on receipt of retail prle,
' ALL NEW BOOK8 are at PETERttONS'. 1 7
j STOVES, RANGES, ETC.
QULVER'S NEW PATENT
DEKP SASID'JOIXT
HOT-AIR FURNACE.
. BAN OEM OF All SIZES.
Also, Phllegar's New Low Pressure Steam Heating
Apparatus. For sale by
i'. . '; iwitaiAMs, , !
10i , ' ' No. 1 lgj MARKET Street.
THOMPSON'S LONDON TCITPTtit:vir
OH EUROPEAN RANUE, for Families. Mo
tels, or Puiilio Institutions. In TWENTY Dlfc.
f 1. ilENT WZEa, Also, Philadelphia UaJa,
U 17 stulhtiui
No, SMI . bEUUND btreet.
I'lreboard Wiovea, Balb liollws, biewhole Plates
Boilers. Cooking htoves, etc., wholesale and retail, by
the nianulaeturem. , hllARt'K efe THOMSON.