TITi: KLK ADVOOATK, A I0CAL1AND,0EKT:baL "NEWSPAPER, is I'uhllshed Fvery Thursday. UY JOHN V. MOOKl-i 1'cr Year in advance , SI C0 B-'UAU Fubscriptions lo lie pnid in ad vance. Orders for Job Work respectfully solicited. , BgL.Offlcc on Main Street, in the second story of Houk & Gillis Store. Address JOHN O. HALL, KDITOll & l'ROPUlETOK. A r 13 it E s s TO TUB 1 topic of the tailed Stales. Having met in Convention, at the city ot Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, this ICth Jay of August, 18((5, as the representatives of the pen plo in all section?, ami all the States auJ Territories of the Union, to consult up on the condition and the wants of our common country, we addicss to you this declaration of our principles, and of the political purposes wc seek to promote. Since the meeting of the last Nation. 1 Convention, in the year 1830, events have occui red which have changed the character of our internal politics, and given the United States a new place among the nations of the earth. Our government has passed through the vicissitudes and the perils of civil war a war which, though mainly sectional in its character, has nevertheless deci ded political differences, that from the very beginning of the govcinmcnt had threatened the unity of our national ex. istence, and has left its impress deep and ineffaceable upon all the interests, the sentiments, and the destiny of the licpublic. Whilo it has inflicted upon the whole country severe losses in life and in property, and has imposed bur. dens which must weigh on its resources for generations to come, it has developed a degree of national courage in the pro. sence of national danger? a capacity for military organization and achieve meat,' and a devotion on the part of the people to the form of government which they have ordained, and to the princi ples of liberty which that government was designed to promote, which must confirm the confidence of the nation in tho perpetuity of its republican institu tions, and command the respect of the civilized world. Like all groat contests which rouse the passions and test the endurance of nations, this war has given new scope to tho ambition of political parties, and fresh impulse to plans of innovation and reform. Amidst the chaos of conflict ing sentiments inseparable from such an era, while the public heart is keenly alive to all the passions that can sway the public judgment and uffeet the pub. lie action ; whilo the wounds of war are still fresh and bleeding on cither side, and fears for the futuro take unjust pro portions from the memories and resent ments of the past, it is difficult but an imperative duty which on your behalf we, who are here assembled, have un dertaken to perform. For the first time after six long years of alienation and of conflict, we have come together from every State and every section or our land, as citizens of a common country, under that flag, the Ryinbol again of a common) glory, to consult together how best to cement and perpetuate that Union which is again the object of our common love, and thus eccure the blessings of liberty to our. selves and our posterity. In the first place, wo invoke you to remember, always and everywhere, that tho war is ended, and the nation is again at peace. The shock of contending arms no longer assails tho shuddering heart of the republic. The insurrcciion against the supreme authority of the nation has been suppressed, and that authority has been again acknowledged by word and act, In every State and by every citizen within its jurisdiction. We are no longer required or permitted to treat each other as enemies. Not only have the acts of war been discon tinued, and the weapons of war laid aside, but the state of war no longer ex. ists, and the sentiments, the passions, the relations ot war have no longer law. lul or rightful place anywhere through, out our broad domain. We are again people of tho United States, fellow, citizens of one couutry, bound by the duties and obligations, of a common pa triotism, and having neither rights nor interests apart lrom a common destiny. Tho duties that devolve upon us now are again the duties of peace, and uo longer tho duties of war Wc havo as. Ecmblcd hero to take counsel concerning the interests ot peace ; to decide how we may most wisely and effectually heal the wounds the war has made, and perfect and perpetuate tho benefits it has secured, and the blessings which, under a wise and benign Providence, have sprung up in its fiery track. This is the work, not of passion, but of calm and sober judgment; not of resentment for past offences, prolonged beyond the limits which justice and reason pre. hcribe, but of a liberal statesmanship which tolerates what it cannot prevent, mid builds its plans and its hopes for the futuie rather upon a community of in. teresu and ambition, thau upon distrust unci the weapons of force. In the next place, wo call npon you to recognize in their full significance, und to accept with all their legitimate con wqueuccg, the political results of the war just closed. In two most important V-irticulars the victory achieved by the Wiutml gofernmcDt has been final aud ''"fcWivc. i'irbt it has cs'ahlibhcd be. JOHN a. II ALL,, Editor. I'o.r.Tii; t jrtmitEit as yond all future controversy, and by the highest of all human sanctions, tho ab. solute supremacy of the national gov. eminent, as defined and limited by the Constitution of the United States, and the permanent integrity and indissolu bility of the Federal Union as a neces sary consequence ; and second, it has put an end finally nnd forever to thfc existence of slavery upon the soil or within tho jurisdiction of the United States. l?oth these points became di rectly involved in the contest, and con troversy upon both was cuded absolutely and finally by the result. In the third place, wo deem it of tho utmost importance that the real charac ter of the war and the victory by which it was closed should be accurately un derstood. The war was carried on by the government of the United States in maintenance of its own authority and in defense of its own existence, both of which were menaced by tho insurrec tion which it sought to suppress. The suppression of that insurrection accom plished that result. The government of the Uuitcd States maintained by force of arms tho supreme authority over all the territory, and over all tho States and people within its jurisdi :tion which the Constitution confer upon it ; but it acquired thereby uo new power, no en larged jurisdiction, no rights cither of territorial possession or of civil authority which it did not possess before tho ro bcllion broke out. All the rightful power it can ever possess is that which is conferred upou it, either in express terms or by fair and neccosary implica tion, by the Constitution ot the United State?. It was that power and that au. thority which the rebellion sought to overthrow, and the victory of the Fed. eral arms was simply tho defeat of that attempt. The government of tho Uni ted States acted throughout the war on tho defensive. It sought only to hold possession of what was already its own. Neither the war, nor the victory by which it was closed, changed in any way the Constitution of the United States. The war was carried on by virtue of its provisions, and under the limitations which they prescribe, and the result of the war did not cither en large, abridge, or in any way change or effect the powers it confers upon tho Federal government, or release that gov ernment from tho restrictions which it has imposed. The Constitution of the United States is to-day precisely as it was before the war, the " supremo law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstand ing," and to-day, also, precisely as be fore the war, all the powers not confer red by tho Constitution upon the gen eral government, nor prohibited by it to the States, aro " reserved to tho several States, or to the people thereof." This position is vindicated not only by the essential nature of our govern ment, and the language and spirit ot the Constitution, but by all the acts and the language of our government, in all its departments, and at all times from the outbreak ot tho rebellion to its final overthrow. In every message and pro. clamation of the Executive it was ex plicitly declared, that tLe sole object and purpose of the war was to maintain the authority of the Constitution and to preserve tho integrity of the Union ; and Congress more than onco reiterated this solemn declaration, and added the assurance that whenever this object should be attained, tho warshould cease, and all tho States should retain their equal rights and dignity unimpaired. It is only sinco tho war was closed that other rights have boon asset ted on be half of ono department of the general government. It has been proclaimed by Ceugress that, in addition to the powers conferred upon it by the Con stitution, the Federal government may now claim over the States, the territory, and the people involved in the insur rection, tho rights of war, the right of conquest and confiscation, tho right to abrogato all existing governments, in stitutions aud laws, and to subject tho territory conquered and its inhabitants to such laws, regulations and depriva. tions as the legislative departments of the government may sco fit to imposo. Uuder this broad aud sweeping claim, that clause of the Constitution which provides that uo State shall without its consent bo deprived of its equal suf frage in tho Senate of tho United States," has been annulled, and ten States have been refused, and aro still refused, representation altogether in both blanches cf the Federal Congress. And the Congress iu which only a part of the States aud of tho people of tho Union aro represented, has asserted tho right thus to exclude the rest from rep. resentation, aud from all hhare iu ma king their own laws or chosiug their owu rulers until they shall comply with such conditions aud perform such acts as this Congress thus composed may itself prescribe. That right has uot only been asserted, but it has teen ex ercised, and is practically cufoiccd at tho present tiuio.' Nor does it Cud any support iu the theory, that the States Miinair.ir, ir.ivv., .1 vg. .iof, iscg. thus excluded are in rebellion against tho government, and aro therefore pre cluded from sharing its authority. They aro not thus in rebellion. They are one and all in an attitudo of loyalty toward the government, and of sworn allegiance to the Constitution of the United States. In no one of them is there the slightest indication of resistance to this authori ty, or the slightest protest agaiust its just and binding obligation. This con dition of renewed loyalty has been offi cially recognized by solemn proclama tion of tho Executive department. The laws of tho United States have been extended by Congress over all these States and the people thereof. Feder al Courts have been reopened, and Fed eral taxes imposed nnd levied, aud iu every respect, except that they aro de nied representation in Congress and the Electoral College, the States once in re bellion are recognized as holding the same position, as owing tho same obli. gations, and subject to the same duties as tho other States of our common Union. y. seems to us in the exercise of tho calmest and most candid judgment we can bring to the subject, that such a claim, so enforced, involves as latal an overthrow of ,the authority of tho Cou. stitution, and as complete a destruction of the government and Uuion, as that which was sought to be effected by the States and people in armed insurrection against them both. It cannot escape observation that the power thus asserted to exclude certain States and from rep. lesentation, is made to rest wholly in tho will and discretion of the Congress that asserts it. It is not made to do pend upon any specified conditions or circumstances, nor to be subject to any rules or regulations whatever. The right asserted and exercised is absoluto, without qualification or restriction, Dot confined to States in rebellion, uor to States that have rebelled; it is the right cf any Congress in formal posses sion of legislative authority, to exclude any State or States, and any portion of the people thereof, at any time, from representation in Congress and in the Electoral College, at its own discretion and until they shall perform such acts and comply with such conditions as it may dictate. Obviously, tho reasons for such exclusion being wholly within the discretion of Congress, may change as tho Congress itself shall chango. Ono Congress may exclude a State from all share iu the government for one reason ; and, that reasou removed, the next Con gress may exclude it for another. Ono State may be excluded on one ground to.day, and another may be excluded on tho opposite ground to-morrow. North, em asceudaucy may exclude Southern States from one Congress the ascen dency of Western or of Southern inter ests, or of both combined, may exclude the Northern or the Eastern States from the next. Improbable as such usurpa. tions may seem, the establishment of the principle now asserted and acted upon by Congress will remember them by no means impossible Tho character, in deed the very existence, of Congress and tho Union is thus mado dependent sole ly and entirely upon tho party and sco. tional exigencies or forbearances of the hour. We need not stop to show that such action not ouly finds no warrant in the Constitution, but is at war with every principle of our government, and with the very existence of free institutions. It is, indeed, the identical practico which has rendered fruitless all. attempts hith. erto to establish and uiaiutain frco gov ernments iu Mexico and the States of South America. Party necessities as. sort themselves as superior to the fun damental law, which is set aside in reck less obedience to their behests. Stabil ity, whether in tho exercise of power, in the administration of government, or in the enjoyment ot rights, becomes impossible ; and tho conflicts of party, which, under constitutional govern ments, are the conditions and means of political progress, are merged in the conflicts of onus to which they directly and inevitably tend. It was against this peril so coospicu. ous and so fatal to all frco governments that our Constitution was intended es pecially to provide. Not only tho sta bility but the very existenco of the government is made by its provisions to depend upon the right and the faot of representation. Tho Congress, upon which is confened all the legislative power of the national government, con. sists of two branches, tho Senate aud IIouso of Representatives, wnose joint concurrence or assent is essential to tho validity of any law. Of these the House of Representatives, says the Constilu. tion, (article 1, section 2), " shall be composed of members chosen every sec ond year by the people of tho several Slates." Not ouly is the right of rep resentation thus recognized as possessed by all the States aud every Stato with, out restriction, qualification, or condi. tion of any kind, but the duty of choos. ing representatives is imposed upon the people of each and every State alike, without distinction, or the authority to make distinctions among thcin, fir any reason or upou any grounds whatever. And in tho Senate, so careful is the Constitution to secure to every State this right of representation, it is ex pressly provided that " no Stato shall, without its consent, ho deprived of its equal suffrage " in that body, even by an amendment of the Constitution itself. When, therefore, any State is excluded fiom such representation, not only is a right of tho State denied, but tho constitutional integrity of tho Sen. ate is impaired, and the validity of the government itself is brought in qucs. tion. Hut Congress at the present mo ment thus excludes from representation iu both branches of Congrcs?, ten States of tho Union, denying them all share in the enactment of laws by which they are to be governed, and all participation iu the election of the rules by which thoso laws are to be enforced. In oth er words, a Congress iu which ouly tweuty six States aro represented, as serts the right to govern, absolutely and in its own discretion, all the thirty-six States which compose the Uuion to make their laws nnd choose their rulers, and to exclude tho other ten from all share in their own government until it sees fit to admit them thereto. What is there to distinguish the power thus asserted aud exercised from the most absoluto and intolerable tyranny ? Nor do these extravagant und un. just claims on the port of Congress to powers aud authority never conferred upon the government by tho Constitu. tion fiud any warrant in the arguments or excuses urged on their behalf. It is alleged. First That these States, by tho act of rebellion and by voluntarily with drawing their members from Congress, forfeited their right of representation, and that they can only receive it agaiu at the hands of the supremo legislative authority of the government, on ita own terms and at its own discretion. If representation in Congress and partici pation in the government were simply privileges -jonferred and held by favor, this statement might have the meiit of plausibility. But representation is un. der the Constitution not only expressly recognized as a right, but it is imposed as a duty ; and it is essential in both as pects to the existence of tho government and to tho maintenance of its authority. In free governments fundamental and essential rights cannot bo lorfeitcd, ex cept against individuals by due process of law; nor can Constitutional duties and obligations be discarded or laid aside. The enjoyment of rights may be for n time suspended by tho failure to claim them, and duties may be eva. ded by tho refusal to perform them. Tho withdrawal of all their members from Congress by the States which re. bisted the- general government was among their acts of insurrection was one of the means and agencies by which they sought to impair their authority and defeat the action of the government ; and that act was annulled aud rendered void when tho insurrection itself was suppressed. Neither the right of rep resentation nor the duty to be represen ted was iu the least impaired by tho fact of insurrection ; but it may h.ive been that by reason of the insurrection the conditions on which the enjoyment of that right aud tho performance of that duty for the time depended could not be fulfilled. This was, iu fact, the case. An insurgent power, in the exer cise of usurped and uulawful authority in the territory under its control, had prohibited that allegian ce to tho Consti. tution and tho laws of the Uuitcd States which is made by that fundamental law the essential condition of representation in its government. No man within the insurgent States was allowed to tako the oath to support the Constitution of the United States, aud as a necessary conse. quence, no man could law fully represent those States in the councils of the Union. But this was only an obstacle to the en joyment of the right and to tho discharge of a duty it did not annul the ono nor abrogate the other ; aud it ceased to ex ist when the usurpation by which it was created had becu overthrown, and tho states had again resumed their allegi ance to tho Constitution aud laws of the United States. Second. But it id asserted iu support of tho authority claimed by the Congress now in tho possession of power, that it flows directly from the laws of war; that it is among the rights which victo rious war always confers upou the con querors, aud which the conqueror may exercise or waive iu his own discretion. To this we reply, that the laws ia ques. tiou relato solely, so far as the rights they coufer are concerned, to w:.rs wag ed between alien and independent ua. tions, and can hare do place or force, in this regard, iu a war waged by a gov. erumcut to suppress an insurrection of its own people, upon its own soil against its authority. If we had carried on successful war against any foreign na. tioD, we might thereby have acquired possession aud jurisdiction of their soil, with the right to enforce our laws upou their people, and to impose upou them J. 1 MOOItE, Publisher. TKit.liS-1 50 Per War in. Idea net. such laws and pitch obligations as ro might choose. But we had before the war commenced complete jurisdiction over tho soil of the Southern States, limited only by our own Constitution. our laws were the only national laws in force upon it. The government of the United States Was the only government throUL'll which those nml llw-ir nnnn If. hail relations with foreign nations, mid its flag was the only flair I y which ihcy were recognized or ktiuwu un where on tho face of the earth. In all "these re. spects, nnd in all other respects invo'tv. ing national interests I rights, mir possession was perfect ami complete! It did not need to be acquired, but only to be maintained ; and victorious war against the rebellion could do nothing more than maintain it. It could onlv vindicate and reestablish the disputed supremacy ot the Constitution. It cnttld neither enlarge nor diminish the author ity which that Constitution confers up on the government by which it wis achieved. A'ueh nn enlargement or abridgement of constitutional power can be effected only by amendment of the Constitution itself, and such amendment can be made only iu tho modes which the Constitutian itself prescribes. The claim that the suppression c-f an insur. rcetion against the government gives ad ditional authority and power to that gov. eminent, especially that it enlarges the jurisdiction of Congress and gives that body the right to exclude States from representation in national councils, with out which the nation itself can have no authority aud no existence, seems to us at variance alike with the principles of the Constitution aud with public safety Third. But it is alleged that iu cer tain particulars the Constitution of the United States fails to secure that abso lute justice nnd . impartial equality which tho principles of our government requiro; that it was in these respects the result ot compromises and concess ions to which, however necessary when the Constitution was formed, we arc no longer compelled to submit, and that now, having the power through success ful war aud just warrant for its exercise in tho hostile couduct of the insurgent section, the actual government of "the United States may impose its owu con. ditions, and make the Constitution con form in nil its provisions to its own ideas of equality and the rights of mau. Congress, at its last session, proposed amendments to the Constitution, enlarg ing in some very important particulars the authority of tho general government over that of the several States, and re ducing, by indirect disfranchisement, the representative power of tho States in which slavery formerly existed ; and it is claimed that these amendments may be made valid as parts of tho original Constitution, without the concurrouce of the States to be most seriously affect ed by them, or may be imposed upon those States by three-fourths of tho re maining States, as conditions of their re-admission to representation in Con gress and in the Electoral College. It is the unquestionable right 0f t Iio poo. pie of ilio United .Suites tn make such chang es in tho Constitution na they, upon due deliberation, may deem expedient, liut we insist that, they shall be mado in the niodo which tho Constitution itself points out in conformity with the letter and spirit of (lint instrument, nnd with the principles of self-government and of equal rights which lie at the basis of our republi can iustiiutions. We deny the right of Con gress to make these changes iu t Iio fuuda uieutal law without the cnneur.cnce of three fourths of nil tho States, including especially those to be most seriously ull'eol" ed by them ; or to imposo them upon .States or people as conditions of representation, or of adiuisjion to any of the lights, duties, or obligations which belong uuder the Coustituc tiou to nil the i'nues alike. And irith still grea;jr emphasis do we deny the right of any poUon of the -States excluding Un rest of the States from any share in their councils, to propose or sanction changes in the Constitution which aro to atfeei penui. nently their political relations, and control or coerce tho legitimate action of the sever, nl members of the common I'niuu. iSiicIs an cxe-ciso of Power is sinmlv n iKnnmii,,,, . .. Justus unwarrantable, when exercised 'bv iiuiuiiiii maies as it wuuiu Do it exercised by Southern, aud uot to be fj. uried or pal. baled by anything iu the past history either of those by whom it is attempted, or of those upon whose rights and liberties it is lo lake ilfect. It tiuds uo warrant in the Constitution. It is ut war with the fuud u mental principles of our form of government If tolerated iu one instance it becomes the precedent for future invasions of liberty and constitutional right depeudent solely upon tho will of tho party iu possession of power, nnd thus 'ends, by direct and necessary, to tho must fatal aud iutoluiablo of all tyran nies the shilling an I irresponsible politi. cul factions. It is against this, the most formidable of all tho daugers which meuace the stability of free government, that the Constitution of tho United States was intern ded most carefully to provide. We demand a strict and sicadt'ast adherence to its proi visions. In this, uud this alone, can wo find a basis of permanent Union and pc.iui. Fourth, liut it is alleged iu justification of tho usurpation which we coudomn, that theooudiliou of the southern .Stales aud people is uot such as renders sale their rei admission to a share iu the government of the country, tUt they aro still disloyal in entiuieut and purpose, and that neither the liouor, the credit 1101 the interests of ihe nation would be sale if they were readum ted to a share in its councils. We ut 'hi reply to this : 1. That wehavenorigh.fjrsu.hrtijons, Uate ol .Advertising. Adni'rs nml Exeolo-'s Notices, encli 0 time." $ 2 i-C iiditnr's Soliies, each, 2 i'. transient ndverlising, per square of tVr pui-li y iihwfi. iifni J .b.h ;..n r.r i,.. ! . , i i itii't-snMlfil ci ll 1 vi-nr i I I Kni.,l :.. (Mutuary and Man inge Noliccs, each I N Yearly Advertising, ono Fqimrc HMMf Yearly Advertising, t wo squares 15 flJ Ycni'y Adver'ing three equarcs 2i) (H Yearly Advertising, J column 25 M Yearly Advertising, I column 35 CO Yeaily Advertising, 1 column......... 70 00 Advertisements displnyed more tlisn ordinarily w ill lie charged for at the rale (pt rrnliunn) of 90 rjr) to di ny any portion uf tho -Slttes or people, lights expressly conferred upon them by the Constitution of tho United States. 1!- That so long as their acts lire nets of loyally so long as they conform in nil their .,,,1,1: i..... . . . fMiuuv uiiiuiit:i. iu uiu requirements ot 1H9 Constitution nnd laws we have no right In exact from them conformity in their senti' me-ls nnd opinions to our own. 3. That we have no right lo distrust tho 'iirpo.se or the abil ty of the people of th I nioit to protect and defend, under all eon tingencirs nnd by whatever means may bo required, its honor and its welfare. Thi se'tonld, in our judgment, bo full and conclusive nuswers to the pleathus advanced f ir the exclusion of these Stales from tho Union, lint we say further, lliat this pleiw rests upon a complete misapprehension or an unjust perversion of existing facts. '.Vc do not hesitate to uHirm, that there is no section if the country where the Constitution and laws of the United States find a more prompt and entire obedience than in those States, nnd am ong those people who were lately itt arms against thcin ; or where there is) less purpose of danger of any future at tempt to overthrow their authority. It would seem to be both natural and inev itable that, in States and sections so re. cently swept by the whirlwind of war, where all the ordinary modes aud meth ods of oriianized industry have been broken up, and the bonds and influenc es that guarantees social order littwc. been destroyed where thousands nnd tens of thousands of turbulent spirits have been suddenly loosed lrom the dis cipline of war, mid thrown without re sources or restraint upon a disorganized and chaotic society, and where the keen sense of defeat is. added to the over throw of ambition and hope, scenes of violence should defy fiir a time the im perfect discipline of law, and cseite anew the fears aud forebodings of tho patriotic and well disposed. It is uu uestiunably true that local disturbances of this kind, accompanied by more or less violence, do still occur, liut they are confined entirely to the cities and larger towns of the Southern States, wheic different races aud interests aro brought more cioscly in contact, and where passions and resentments are al ways most easily fed and fanm- 1 intn outbreak; and even tliere, they aro quite as much the fruit of untimely and hurtlul political agitation, as of any hos lility on tho part of the people to tho authority of the national government. liut the concurrent testimony of thoso best acquainted with the frm.l it ;.- ..r society and the state of public sentiment : . i. . t. .i i iu me oouin liieiujing that or its rep. reseutatives iu this Convention estab lishes tho fact that the great mass of the Southern ticottlo accent, with -. l.,n . . i t i j -' -ii and sincere sulimisMon as do the peonle of tho other States, tho rc established supremacy of the national authority, and are prepared, in the most loyal spirit, uud with a zeal quickened alike by their ..in.no. niiu mm juiuo, io cj operate with other States and w " uaf ever may be necessary to defend tho rigius, maintain inc noiior and promote tho welfare of our common country. History affords no instance where a "peo ple, so powerful in numbers, in mj,,,.,-. ces and in public spirit, alter a war so- long iu its duration, so desti uetivc in its progress-, aud so adverse in its issue have accepted defeat and its consequen ces with so much of good faith ,.s has marked the couduct of tho people lately in insurrection a-aiust the United States, licyond all question, this has been largely due to the wise generosity with which their unforced surieudcr was ac. cepted by the I'rcsident of the Cnitcd States and the generals iu immediate com maud of their armies, and to tho liberal measures which were afterwards) taken to restoro order, tranquility and law to the States where all had for tho time boeu overthrown. No .steps could have been better calculated to command the respect, win tan c.mti li-nnr- n. ,.;... tho patriotism and secure the permanent .....1 ..it.,...: i . n . .. ' iiii-uuimiu uiicginnce ol tiie peoplo of tho South to the Constitution and laws of the Union, than those, which have been so firmly tuketi and so stead, fastly pursued by tho President of tho United States. And if that, nonii. - VUl4iVllVU and loyalty havo been since impaired :e i... i . . - .i . . . ' u uiu peopiu oi uie couth aro to.day less cordial in their alWianen than d.., were immediately upon the close of the; war. wo believe it is dun i cdtomol tt.c.cgL4a-iolpartmonto.'tlie Kuuorai government; towards them; to tho action bv which f! llrllfrOJJ linn . . Ueuvorcd to Mmnlanl and ilMW 1 resident s wise nnd benilic- restoration, to their cxolusion from -11 participation in our common trovern- meut: tj (j10 withdrawal r,.. u... . , - oium ui rigiiis conferred aud guaranteed by tho Constitution and to the evidm.t n.,rr. toagross, in the exercise of a usurp- ea aud unlawlul authority, to rcduca them from tho rank of frej nnd equal ...umucia ui a rupuutio ot States, with rights aud diirnitiea uuiinoalrn.l t . - 1 "J I--1-J coudition of cjuqiured provinces and a conquered people, iu all things subordi nato and subject to tho will of thoir conquerors ; ireo only t iobey UVi j., makuia: which thev are not i . . - J T " ; . L f share. .No peore has ever yet existed who
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers