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Address
JOHN O. HALL,
KDITOll & l'ROPUlETOK.
A r 13 it E s s
TO TUB
1 topic of the tailed Stales.
Having met in Convention, at the
city ot Philadelphia, in the State of
Pennsylvania, this ICth Jay of August,
18((5, as the representatives of the pen
plo in all section?, ami all the States auJ
Territories of the Union, to consult up
on the condition and the wants of our
common country, we addicss to you this
declaration of our principles, and of the
political purposes wc seek to promote.
Since the meeting of the last Nation.
1 Convention, in the year 1830, events
have occui red which have changed the
character of our internal politics, and
given the United States a new place
among the nations of the earth. Our
government has passed through the
vicissitudes and the perils of civil war
a war which, though mainly sectional
in its character, has nevertheless deci
ded political differences, that from the
very beginning of the govcinmcnt had
threatened the unity of our national ex.
istence, and has left its impress deep
and ineffaceable upon all the interests,
the sentiments, and the destiny of the
licpublic. Whilo it has inflicted upon
the whole country severe losses in life
and in property, and has imposed bur.
dens which must weigh on its resources
for generations to come, it has developed
a degree of national courage in the pro.
sence of national danger? a capacity
for military organization and achieve
meat,' and a devotion on the part of the
people to the form of government which
they have ordained, and to the princi
ples of liberty which that government
was designed to promote, which must
confirm the confidence of the nation in
tho perpetuity of its republican institu
tions, and command the respect of the
civilized world.
Like all groat contests which rouse
the passions and test the endurance of
nations, this war has given new scope
to tho ambition of political parties, and
fresh impulse to plans of innovation and
reform. Amidst the chaos of conflict
ing sentiments inseparable from such an
era, while the public heart is keenly
alive to all the passions that can sway
the public judgment and uffeet the pub.
lie action ; whilo the wounds of war are
still fresh and bleeding on cither side,
and fears for the futuro take unjust pro
portions from the memories and resent
ments of the past, it is difficult but an
imperative duty which on your behalf
we, who are here assembled, have un
dertaken to perform.
For the first time after six long years
of alienation and of conflict, we have
come together from every State and
every section or our land, as citizens of
a common country, under that flag, the
Ryinbol again of a common) glory, to
consult together how best to cement and
perpetuate that Union which is again
the object of our common love, and thus
eccure the blessings of liberty to our.
selves and our posterity.
In the first place, wo invoke you to
remember, always and everywhere, that
tho war is ended, and the nation is again
at peace. The shock of contending
arms no longer assails tho shuddering
heart of the republic. The insurrcciion
against the supreme authority of the
nation has been suppressed, and that
authority has been again acknowledged
by word and act, In every State and by
every citizen within its jurisdiction.
We are no longer required or permitted
to treat each other as enemies. Not
only have the acts of war been discon
tinued, and the weapons of war laid
aside, but the state of war no longer ex.
ists, and the sentiments, the passions,
the relations ot war have no longer law.
lul or rightful place anywhere through,
out our broad domain. We are again
people of tho United States, fellow,
citizens of one couutry, bound by the
duties and obligations, of a common pa
triotism, and having neither rights nor
interests apart lrom a common destiny.
Tho duties that devolve upon us now
are again the duties of peace, and uo
longer tho duties of war Wc havo as.
Ecmblcd hero to take counsel concerning
the interests ot peace ; to decide how
we may most wisely and effectually heal
the wounds the war has made, and
perfect and perpetuate tho benefits it
has secured, and the blessings which,
under a wise and benign Providence,
have sprung up in its fiery track. This
is the work, not of passion, but of calm
and sober judgment; not of resentment
for past offences, prolonged beyond the
limits which justice and reason pre.
hcribe, but of a liberal statesmanship
which tolerates what it cannot prevent,
mid builds its plans and its hopes for the
futuie rather upon a community of in.
teresu and ambition, thau upon distrust
unci the weapons of force.
In the next place, wo call npon you to
recognize in their full significance, und
to accept with all their legitimate con
wqueuccg, the political results of the
war just closed. In two most important
V-irticulars the victory achieved by the
Wiutml gofernmcDt has been final aud
''"fcWivc. i'irbt it has cs'ahlibhcd be.
JOHN a. II ALL,, Editor.
I'o.r.Tii; t jrtmitEit as
yond all future controversy, and by the
highest of all human sanctions, tho ab.
solute supremacy of the national gov.
eminent, as defined and limited by the
Constitution of the United States, and
the permanent integrity and indissolu
bility of the Federal Union as a neces
sary consequence ; and second, it has
put an end finally nnd forever to thfc
existence of slavery upon the soil or
within tho jurisdiction of the United
States. l?oth these points became di
rectly involved in the contest, and con
troversy upon both was cuded absolutely
and finally by the result.
In the third place, wo deem it of tho
utmost importance that the real charac
ter of the war and the victory by which
it was closed should be accurately un
derstood. The war was carried on by
the government of the United States in
maintenance of its own authority and
in defense of its own existence, both of
which were menaced by tho insurrec
tion which it sought to suppress. The
suppression of that insurrection accom
plished that result. The government of
the Uuitcd States maintained by force
of arms tho supreme authority over all
the territory, and over all tho States
and people within its jurisdi :tion which
the Constitution confer upon it ; but it
acquired thereby uo new power, no en
larged jurisdiction, no rights cither of
territorial possession or of civil authority
which it did not possess before tho ro
bcllion broke out. All the rightful
power it can ever possess is that which
is conferred upou it, either in express
terms or by fair and neccosary implica
tion, by the Constitution ot the United
State?. It was that power and that au.
thority which the rebellion sought to
overthrow, and the victory of the Fed.
eral arms was simply tho defeat of that
attempt. The government of tho Uni
ted States acted throughout the war on
tho defensive. It sought only to hold
possession of what was already its own.
Neither the war, nor the victory by
which it was closed, changed in any
way the Constitution of the United
States. The war was carried on by
virtue of its provisions, and under the
limitations which they prescribe, and
the result of the war did not cither en
large, abridge, or in any way change or
effect the powers it confers upon tho
Federal government, or release that gov
ernment from tho restrictions which it
has imposed.
The Constitution of the United States
is to-day precisely as it was before the
war, the " supremo law of the land,
anything in the constitution or laws of
any State to the contrary notwithstand
ing," and to-day, also, precisely as be
fore the war, all the powers not confer
red by tho Constitution upon the gen
eral government, nor prohibited by it to
the States, aro " reserved to tho several
States, or to the people thereof."
This position is vindicated not only
by the essential nature of our govern
ment, and the language and spirit ot the
Constitution, but by all the acts and the
language of our government, in all its
departments, and at all times from the
outbreak ot tho rebellion to its final
overthrow. In every message and pro.
clamation of the Executive it was ex
plicitly declared, that tLe sole object
and purpose of the war was to maintain
the authority of the Constitution and to
preserve tho integrity of the Union ;
and Congress more than onco reiterated
this solemn declaration, and added the
assurance that whenever this object
should be attained, tho warshould cease,
and all tho States should retain their
equal rights and dignity unimpaired.
It is only sinco tho war was closed that
other rights have boon asset ted on be
half of ono department of the general
government. It has been proclaimed
by Ceugress that, in addition to the
powers conferred upon it by the Con
stitution, the Federal government may
now claim over the States, the territory,
and the people involved in the insur
rection, tho rights of war, the right of
conquest and confiscation, tho right to
abrogato all existing governments, in
stitutions aud laws, and to subject tho
territory conquered and its inhabitants
to such laws, regulations and depriva.
tions as the legislative departments of
the government may sco fit to imposo.
Uuder this broad aud sweeping claim,
that clause of the Constitution which
provides that uo State shall without
its consent bo deprived of its equal suf
frage in tho Senate of tho United
States," has been annulled, and ten
States have been refused, and aro still
refused, representation altogether in
both blanches cf the Federal Congress.
And the Congress iu which only a part
of the States aud of tho people of tho
Union aro represented, has asserted tho
right thus to exclude the rest from rep.
resentation, aud from all hhare iu ma
king their own laws or chosiug their
owu rulers until they shall comply with
such conditions aud perform such acts
as this Congress thus composed may
itself prescribe. That right has uot
only been asserted, but it has teen ex
ercised, and is practically cufoiccd at
tho present tiuio.' Nor does it Cud any
support iu the theory, that the States
Miinair.ir, ir.ivv., .1 vg. .iof, iscg.
thus excluded are in rebellion against
tho government, and aro therefore pre
cluded from sharing its authority. They
aro not thus in rebellion. They are one
and all in an attitudo of loyalty toward
the government, and of sworn allegiance
to the Constitution of the United States.
In no one of them is there the slightest
indication of resistance to this authori
ty, or the slightest protest agaiust its
just and binding obligation. This con
dition of renewed loyalty has been offi
cially recognized by solemn proclama
tion of tho Executive department. The
laws of tho United States have been
extended by Congress over all these
States and the people thereof. Feder
al Courts have been reopened, and Fed
eral taxes imposed nnd levied, aud iu
every respect, except that they aro de
nied representation in Congress and the
Electoral College, the States once in re
bellion are recognized as holding the
same position, as owing tho same obli.
gations, and subject to the same duties
as tho other States of our common
Union.
y. seems to us in the exercise of tho
calmest and most candid judgment we
can bring to the subject, that such a
claim, so enforced, involves as latal an
overthrow of ,the authority of tho Cou.
stitution, and as complete a destruction
of the government and Uuion, as that
which was sought to be effected by the
States and people in armed insurrection
against them both. It cannot escape
observation that the power thus asserted
to exclude certain States and from rep.
lesentation, is made to rest wholly in
tho will and discretion of the Congress
that asserts it. It is not made to do
pend upon any specified conditions or
circumstances, nor to be subject to any
rules or regulations whatever. The
right asserted and exercised is absoluto,
without qualification or restriction, Dot
confined to States in rebellion, uor to
States that have rebelled; it is the
right cf any Congress in formal posses
sion of legislative authority, to exclude
any State or States, and any portion of
the people thereof, at any time, from
representation in Congress and in the
Electoral College, at its own discretion
and until they shall perform such acts
and comply with such conditions as it
may dictate. Obviously, tho reasons
for such exclusion being wholly within
the discretion of Congress, may change
as tho Congress itself shall chango. Ono
Congress may exclude a State from all
share iu the government for one reason ;
and, that reasou removed, the next Con
gress may exclude it for another. Ono
State may be excluded on one ground
to.day, and another may be excluded on
tho opposite ground to-morrow. North,
em asceudaucy may exclude Southern
States from one Congress the ascen
dency of Western or of Southern inter
ests, or of both combined, may exclude
the Northern or the Eastern States from
the next. Improbable as such usurpa.
tions may seem, the establishment of the
principle now asserted and acted upon
by Congress will remember them by no
means impossible Tho character, in
deed the very existence, of Congress and
tho Union is thus mado dependent sole
ly and entirely upon tho party and sco.
tional exigencies or forbearances of the
hour.
We need not stop to show that such
action not ouly finds no warrant in the
Constitution, but is at war with every
principle of our government, and with
the very existence of free institutions.
It is, indeed, the identical practico which
has rendered fruitless all. attempts hith.
erto to establish and uiaiutain frco gov
ernments iu Mexico and the States of
South America. Party necessities as.
sort themselves as superior to the fun
damental law, which is set aside in reck
less obedience to their behests. Stabil
ity, whether in tho exercise of power,
in the administration of government, or
in the enjoyment ot rights, becomes
impossible ; and tho conflicts of party,
which, under constitutional govern
ments, are the conditions and means of
political progress, are merged in the
conflicts of onus to which they directly
and inevitably tend.
It was against this peril so coospicu.
ous and so fatal to all frco governments
that our Constitution was intended es
pecially to provide. Not only tho sta
bility but the very existenco of the
government is made by its provisions to
depend upon the right and the faot of
representation. Tho Congress, upon
which is confened all the legislative
power of the national government, con.
sists of two branches, tho Senate aud
IIouso of Representatives, wnose joint
concurrence or assent is essential to tho
validity of any law. Of these the House
of Representatives, says the Constilu.
tion, (article 1, section 2), " shall be
composed of members chosen every sec
ond year by the people of tho several
Slates." Not ouly is the right of rep
resentation thus recognized as possessed
by all the States aud every Stato with,
out restriction, qualification, or condi.
tion of any kind, but the duty of choos.
ing representatives is imposed upon the
people of each and every State alike,
without distinction, or the authority to
make distinctions among thcin, fir any
reason or upou any grounds whatever.
And in tho Senate, so careful is the
Constitution to secure to every State
this right of representation, it is ex
pressly provided that " no Stato shall,
without its consent, ho deprived of its
equal suffrage " in that body, even by
an amendment of the Constitution
itself. When, therefore, any State is
excluded fiom such representation, not
only is a right of tho State denied, but
tho constitutional integrity of tho Sen.
ate is impaired, and the validity of the
government itself is brought in qucs.
tion. Hut Congress at the present mo
ment thus excludes from representation
iu both branches of Congrcs?, ten States
of tho Union, denying them all share
in the enactment of laws by which they
are to be governed, and all participation
iu the election of the rules by which
thoso laws are to be enforced. In oth
er words, a Congress iu which ouly
tweuty six States aro represented, as
serts the right to govern, absolutely and
in its own discretion, all the thirty-six
States which compose the Uuion to
make their laws nnd choose their rulers,
and to exclude tho other ten from all
share in their own government until it
sees fit to admit them thereto. What
is there to distinguish the power thus
asserted aud exercised from the most
absoluto and intolerable tyranny ?
Nor do these extravagant und un.
just claims on the port of Congress to
powers aud authority never conferred
upon the government by tho Constitu.
tion fiud any warrant in the arguments
or excuses urged on their behalf. It is
alleged.
First That these States, by tho act
of rebellion and by voluntarily with
drawing their members from Congress,
forfeited their right of representation,
and that they can only receive it agaiu
at the hands of the supremo legislative
authority of the government, on ita own
terms and at its own discretion. If
representation in Congress and partici
pation in the government were simply
privileges -jonferred and held by favor,
this statement might have the meiit of
plausibility. But representation is un.
der the Constitution not only expressly
recognized as a right, but it is imposed
as a duty ; and it is essential in both as
pects to the existence of tho government
and to tho maintenance of its authority.
In free governments fundamental and
essential rights cannot bo lorfeitcd, ex
cept against individuals by due process
of law; nor can Constitutional duties
and obligations be discarded or laid
aside. The enjoyment of rights may
be for n time suspended by tho failure
to claim them, and duties may be eva.
ded by tho refusal to perform them.
Tho withdrawal of all their members
from Congress by the States which re.
bisted the- general government was
among their acts of insurrection was
one of the means and agencies by which
they sought to impair their authority
and defeat the action of the government ;
and that act was annulled aud rendered
void when tho insurrection itself was
suppressed. Neither the right of rep
resentation nor the duty to be represen
ted was iu the least impaired by tho
fact of insurrection ; but it may h.ive
been that by reason of the insurrection
the conditions on which the enjoyment
of that right aud tho performance of
that duty for the time depended could
not be fulfilled. This was, iu fact, the
case. An insurgent power, in the exer
cise of usurped and uulawful authority
in the territory under its control, had
prohibited that allegian ce to tho Consti.
tution and tho laws of the Uuitcd States
which is made by that fundamental law
the essential condition of representation
in its government. No man within the
insurgent States was allowed to tako the
oath to support the Constitution of the
United States, aud as a necessary conse.
quence, no man could law fully represent
those States in the councils of the Union.
But this was only an obstacle to the en
joyment of the right and to tho discharge
of a duty it did not annul the ono nor
abrogate the other ; aud it ceased to ex
ist when the usurpation by which it was
created had becu overthrown, and tho
states had again resumed their allegi
ance to tho Constitution aud laws of the
United States.
Second. But it id asserted iu support
of tho authority claimed by the Congress
now in tho possession of power, that it
flows directly from the laws of war;
that it is among the rights which victo
rious war always confers upou the con
querors, aud which the conqueror may
exercise or waive iu his own discretion.
To this we reply, that the laws ia ques.
tiou relato solely, so far as the rights
they coufer are concerned, to w:.rs wag
ed between alien and independent ua.
tions, and can hare do place or force, in
this regard, iu a war waged by a gov.
erumcut to suppress an insurrection of
its own people, upon its own soil against
its authority. If we had carried on
successful war against any foreign na.
tioD, we might thereby have acquired
possession aud jurisdiction of their soil,
with the right to enforce our laws upou
their people, and to impose upou them
J. 1 MOOItE, Publisher.
TKit.liS-1 50 Per War in. Idea net.
such laws and pitch obligations as ro
might choose. But we had before the
war commenced complete jurisdiction
over tho soil of the Southern States,
limited only by our own Constitution.
our laws were the only national laws in
force upon it. The government of the
United States Was the only government
throUL'll which those nml llw-ir nnnn If.
hail relations with foreign nations, mid
its flag was the only flair I y which ihcy
were recognized or ktiuwu un where on
tho face of the earth. In all "these re.
spects, nnd in all other respects invo'tv.
ing national interests I rights, mir
possession was perfect ami complete!
It did not need to be acquired, but only
to be maintained ; and victorious war
against the rebellion could do nothing
more than maintain it. It could onlv
vindicate and reestablish the disputed
supremacy ot the Constitution. It cnttld
neither enlarge nor diminish the author
ity which that Constitution confers up
on the government by which it wis
achieved. A'ueh nn enlargement or
abridgement of constitutional power can
be effected only by amendment of the
Constitution itself, and such amendment
can be made only iu tho modes which
the Constitutian itself prescribes. The
claim that the suppression c-f an insur.
rcetion against the government gives ad
ditional authority and power to that gov.
eminent, especially that it enlarges the
jurisdiction of Congress and gives that
body the right to exclude States from
representation in national councils, with
out which the nation itself can have no
authority aud no existence, seems to us
at variance alike with the principles of
the Constitution aud with public safety
Third. But it is alleged that iu cer
tain particulars the Constitution of the
United States fails to secure that abso
lute justice nnd . impartial equality
which tho principles of our government
requiro; that it was in these respects
the result ot compromises and concess
ions to which, however necessary when
the Constitution was formed, we arc no
longer compelled to submit, and that
now, having the power through success
ful war aud just warrant for its exercise
in tho hostile couduct of the insurgent
section, the actual government of "the
United States may impose its owu con.
ditions, and make the Constitution con
form in nil its provisions to its own ideas
of equality and the rights of mau.
Congress, at its last session, proposed
amendments to the Constitution, enlarg
ing in some very important particulars
the authority of tho general government
over that of the several States, and re
ducing, by indirect disfranchisement,
the representative power of tho States
in which slavery formerly existed ; and
it is claimed that these amendments may
be made valid as parts of tho original
Constitution, without the concurrouce
of the States to be most seriously affect
ed by them, or may be imposed upon
those States by three-fourths of tho re
maining States, as conditions of their
re-admission to representation in Con
gress and in the Electoral College.
It is the unquestionable right 0f t Iio poo.
pie of ilio United .Suites tn make such chang
es in tho Constitution na they, upon due
deliberation, may deem expedient, liut we
insist that, they shall be mado in the
niodo which tho Constitution itself
points out in conformity with the letter
and spirit of (lint instrument, nnd with the
principles of self-government and of equal
rights which lie at the basis of our republi
can iustiiutions. We deny the right of Con
gress to make these changes iu t Iio fuuda
uieutal law without the cnneur.cnce of
three fourths of nil tho States, including
especially those to be most seriously ull'eol"
ed by them ; or to imposo them upon .States
or people as conditions of representation, or
of adiuisjion to any of the lights, duties, or
obligations which belong uuder the Coustituc
tiou to nil the i'nues alike. And irith still
grea;jr emphasis do we deny the right of
any poUon of the -States excluding Un
rest of the States from any share in their
councils, to propose or sanction changes in
the Constitution which aro to atfeei penui.
nently their political relations, and control
or coerce tho legitimate action of the sever,
nl members of the common I'niuu. iSiicIs an
cxe-ciso of Power is sinmlv n iKnnmii,,,, . ..
Justus unwarrantable, when exercised 'bv
iiuiuiiiii maies as it wuuiu Do it exercised
by Southern, aud uot to be fj. uried or pal.
baled by anything iu the past history either
of those by whom it is attempted, or of
those upon whose rights and liberties it is
lo lake ilfect. It tiuds uo warrant in the
Constitution. It is ut war with the fuud u
mental principles of our form of government
If tolerated iu one instance it becomes the
precedent for future invasions of liberty and
constitutional right depeudent solely upon
tho will of tho party iu possession of power,
nnd thus 'ends, by direct and necessary, to
tho must fatal aud iutoluiablo of all tyran
nies the shilling an I irresponsible politi.
cul factions. It is against this, the most
formidable of all tho daugers which meuace
the stability of free government, that the
Constitution of tho United States was intern
ded most carefully to provide. We demand
a strict and sicadt'ast adherence to its proi
visions. In this, uud this alone, can wo find
a basis of permanent Union and pc.iui.
Fourth, liut it is alleged iu justification
of tho usurpation which we coudomn, that
theooudiliou of the southern .Stales aud
people is uot such as renders sale their rei
admission to a share iu the government of
the country, tUt they aro still disloyal in
entiuieut and purpose, and that neither the
liouor, the credit 1101 the interests of ihe
nation would be sale if they were readum
ted to a share in its councils. We ut 'hi
reply to this :
1. That wehavenorigh.fjrsu.hrtijons,
Uate ol .Advertising.
Adni'rs nml Exeolo-'s Notices, encli
0 time." $ 2 i-C
iiditnr's Soliies, each, 2 i'.
transient ndverlising, per square of
tVr pui-li y iihwfi. iifni J .b.h ;..n r.r
i,.. ! . ,
i i itii't-snMlfil ci ll 1 vi-nr i I I
Kni.,l :..
(Mutuary and Man inge Noliccs, each I N
Yearly Advertising, ono Fqimrc HMMf
Yearly Advertising, t wo squares 15 flJ
Ycni'y Adver'ing three equarcs 2i) (H
Yearly Advertising, J column 25 M
Yearly Advertising, I column 35 CO
Yeaily Advertising, 1 column......... 70 00
Advertisements displnyed more tlisn
ordinarily w ill lie charged for at
the rale (pt rrnliunn) of 90 rjr)
to di ny any portion uf tho -Slttes or people,
lights expressly conferred upon them by
the Constitution of tho United States.
1!- That so long as their acts lire nets of
loyally so long as they conform in nil their
.,,,1,1: i..... . . .
fMiuuv uiiiuiit:i. iu uiu requirements ot 1H9
Constitution nnd laws we have no right In
exact from them conformity in their senti'
me-ls nnd opinions to our own.
3. That we have no right lo distrust tho
'iirpo.se or the abil ty of the people of th
I nioit to protect and defend, under all eon
tingencirs nnd by whatever means may bo
required, its honor and its welfare.
Thi se'tonld, in our judgment, bo full and
conclusive nuswers to the pleathus advanced
f ir the exclusion of these Stales from tho
Union, lint we say further, lliat this pleiw
rests upon a complete misapprehension or
an unjust perversion of existing facts.
'.Vc do not hesitate to uHirm, that
there is no section if the country where
the Constitution and laws of the United
States find a more prompt and entire
obedience than in those States, nnd am
ong those people who were lately itt
arms against thcin ; or where there is)
less purpose of danger of any future at
tempt to overthrow their authority. It
would seem to be both natural and inev
itable that, in States and sections so re.
cently swept by the whirlwind of war,
where all the ordinary modes aud meth
ods of oriianized industry have been
broken up, and the bonds and influenc
es that guarantees social order littwc.
been destroyed where thousands nnd
tens of thousands of turbulent spirits
have been suddenly loosed lrom the dis
cipline of war, mid thrown without re
sources or restraint upon a disorganized
and chaotic society, and where the keen
sense of defeat is. added to the over
throw of ambition and hope, scenes of
violence should defy fiir a time the im
perfect discipline of law, and cseite
anew the fears aud forebodings of tho
patriotic and well disposed. It is uu
uestiunably true that local disturbances
of this kind, accompanied by more or
less violence, do still occur, liut they
are confined entirely to the cities and
larger towns of the Southern States,
wheic different races aud interests aro
brought more cioscly in contact, and
where passions and resentments are al
ways most easily fed and fanm- 1 intn
outbreak; and even tliere, they aro
quite as much the fruit of untimely and
hurtlul political agitation, as of any hos
lility on tho part of the people to tho
authority of the national government.
liut the concurrent testimony of thoso
best acquainted with the frm.l it ;.- ..r
society and the state of public sentiment
: . i. . t. .i i
iu me oouin liieiujing that or its rep.
reseutatives iu this Convention estab
lishes tho fact that the great mass of
the Southern ticottlo accent, with -. l.,n
. . i t i j -' -ii
and sincere sulimisMon as do the peonle
of tho other States, tho rc established
supremacy of the national authority, and
are prepared, in the most loyal spirit,
uud with a zeal quickened alike by their
..in.no. niiu mm juiuo, io cj operate
with other States and
w " uaf
ever may be necessary to defend tho
rigius, maintain inc noiior and promote
tho welfare of our common country.
History affords no instance where a "peo
ple, so powerful in numbers, in mj,,,.,-.
ces and in public spirit, alter a war so-
long iu its duration, so desti uetivc in
its progress-, aud so adverse in its issue
have accepted defeat and its consequen
ces with so much of good faith ,.s has
marked the couduct of tho people lately
in insurrection a-aiust the United States,
licyond all question, this has been
largely due to the wise generosity with
which their unforced surieudcr was ac.
cepted by the I'rcsident of the Cnitcd
States and the generals iu immediate
com maud of their armies, and to tho
liberal measures which were afterwards)
taken to restoro order, tranquility and
law to the States where all had for tho
time boeu overthrown. No .steps could
have been better calculated to command
the respect, win tan c.mti li-nnr- n. ,.;...
tho patriotism and secure the permanent
.....1 ..it.,...: i . n . .. '
iiii-uuimiu uiicginnce ol tiie peoplo
of tho South to the Constitution and
laws of the Union, than those, which
have been so firmly tuketi and so stead,
fastly pursued by tho President of tho
United States. And if that, nonii.
- VUl4iVllVU
and loyalty havo been since impaired
:e i... i . . - .i . . . '
u uiu peopiu oi uie couth aro to.day
less cordial in their alWianen than d..,
were immediately upon the close of the;
war. wo believe it is dun i
cdtomol tt.c.cgL4a-iolpartmonto.'tlie
Kuuorai government; towards them; to
tho action bv which f! llrllfrOJJ linn
. .
Ueuvorcd to Mmnlanl and ilMW
1 resident s wise nnd benilic-
restoration, to their cxolusion from -11
participation in our common trovern-
meut: tj (j10 withdrawal r,.. u...
. , - oium ui
rigiiis conferred aud guaranteed by tho
Constitution and to the evidm.t n.,rr.
toagross, in the exercise of a usurp-
ea aud unlawlul authority, to rcduca
them from tho rank of frej nnd equal
...umucia ui a rupuutio ot States, with
rights aud diirnitiea uuiinoalrn.l t .
- 1 "J I--1-J
coudition of cjuqiured provinces and a
conquered people, iu all things subordi
nato and subject to tho will of thoir
conquerors ; ireo only t iobey UVi j.,
makuia: which thev are not i . .
- J T " ; . L f
share.
.No peore has ever yet existed who